Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
A Paradox of Victory
COSATU and the Democratic
Transformation in South Africa
Sakhela Buhlungu
ii
Contents
Chapter 1
Introduction: Labour, Liberation and Development
in Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Chapter 2
Fighting for Survival: Union Organisational Models
and Strategies after 1973 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
Chapter 3
Fruits of their Labour: Unions and the Democratic
Transformation in South Africa . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
Chapter 4
Union Organising and Global Economic Restructuring. . . . . . . . . . . 79
Chapter 5
A Changing Workforce, a New Generation of Union
Members . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
Chapter 6
Comrades, Entrepreneurs and Career Unionists:
Union Leadership in Transition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
iii
Chapter 7
Many Shades of Black: Intra-black Relations in
Trade Unions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 139
Chapter 8
Gaining Influence and Losing Power: COSATU’s
Contested Future . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
Notes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
iv
Labour, Liberation and Development in Africa 1
Chapter 1
Introduction
Labour, Liberation and Development
in Africa
Introduction
In his classic study of African trade unions published in 1966, Ioan Davies
made a key observation which remains apposite today. He argued that ‘at
every turn African unions find themselves deeply involved in politics – a
fact as true today as it was under the imperial administrations’ (Davies
1966: 11–12). This argument is in stark contrast to one made around the
same time by Berg and Butler (1964), who claimed that unions in Africa
had failed to become politically involved in the colonial era, and that
after independence their role in politics remained negligible. Even in
those cases where unions did become politically involved, argued Berg
and Butler, their political impact was insignificant. The approach taken
in this book challenges the position taken by these latter authors, and
argues that union organising in Africa has been, and continues to be, a
political act whose implications go well beyond the workplace and the
economic sphere. Taking the Congress of South African Trade Unions
(COSATU) as a case study, I am interested in explaining why these unions
maintain a keen interest in politics, specifically the politics of liberation
and development. My central argument is that because of the particular
configuration of social, political and economic structures in colonial and
post-colonial Africa, labour organising is a complex process of mobilisation
which entails the following related dimensions:
• resisting economic exploitation at the level of the workplace;
• fighting to achieve political reform (liberation and democracy); and
• promoting economic development and social reconstruction.
1
2 A Paradox of Victory
and the political was blurred by the fact that capital accumulation was
almost entirely dependent on the continued existence of a despotic political
system. In addition, opposition to the colonial labour regime implied, as
a minimum, the search for an alternative development trajectory.
The second type of labour regime was the statist developmental labour
regime, which also operated in the different arenas such as the workplace
and the national economy. This regime emerged in the immediate post-
independence period and was characterised by an authoritarian state which
played an active role in the economy with a view to achieving social
reconstruction and accelerated economic development. The authoritarian
character of the regime was often masked by the fact that the system was
based on a tacit compromise or trade-off between the state and labour in
a context in which the entrepreneurial class was relatively small. The state
provided a social wage in return for labour quiescence, particularly in
relation to political and macroeconomic issues. In general the compromise
held because of labour’s enduring interest in liberation and development,
which the new state was assumed to champion.
The third and final kind of labour regime, which has become hege-
monic following the collapse of the developmental regime in the 1980s,
is the market or neo-liberal labour regime. This regime is linked to global
forces of economic liberalisation which advocate a shift from social or
state regulation towards market regulation (Standing 1997). An important
change here is the predominance of market despotism and a relative
relaxation of state authoritarianism.
All the societies and countries of Africa have gone through these
different labour regimes. However, each country had its own specificities,
and there are continuities as well as discontinuities. In addition, in some
countries some of these processes took place over a longer period of time
than in others. For example, in Zambia the developmental regime operated
for almost 25 years, while post-apartheid South Africa’s experimentation
with developmentalism was short-lived.1 Below I discuss the implication
of these changes for trade unions in southern Africa.
All union movements in the region, however, have throughout their history
shown an interest in working towards the achievement of a democratic
dispensation. The results of the first experience with political liberalisation
as represented by the achievement of independence were disappointing
for labour and other activists. This prompted one scholar to refer to the
subsumption of workers’ interests under ‘nation building’ as ‘the tragedy
of Africa’s mode of decolonization’ (Cooper 1996: 468–9). Indeed, it was
under the guise of nation building that authoritarianism emerged during
the era of the developmental labour regime. Examples that come to mind
here are Namibia, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.
The crisis of developmentalism in the 1980s and 1990s eroded the
basis of the trade-off between the state and labour, and exposed the
authoritarian character of the post-independence state as it battled to
survive. All the older countries in the region faced this crisis and wit-
nessed the emergence of new movements for political liberalisation or
democratisation. Ironically, it was labour organisations that came forward
to spearhead these new movements. Malawi, Swaziland, Zambia and
Zimbabwe are good examples of this trend. Meanwhile, in the other recent
cases of democratisation, such as Namibia, Mozambique and South Africa,
there has been a trend towards labour movements splitting along the
lines of support for, and in opposition to, governments which are in-
creasingly perceived to be undemocratic and anti-labour.
The new wave of democratic struggles is a global phenomenon that
has coincided with the emergence and increasing hegemony of the neo-
liberal or market labour regime which advocates economic liberalisation.
Economic liberalisation is essentially about the withdrawal of the state
from the economy and the freeing of the markets such that regulation is
left to market forces. If the tragedy of the early post-independence period
was the subsumption of workers’ interests under the rubric of nation
building, the tragedy of the new wave of struggles for democracy is that
democracy is often the Trojan horse which brings the unbridled market
into society. In other words, the stated benefits of democratisation are
often negated or overshadowed by the negative effects of economic liberal-
isation. Under these conditions, labour movements whose leading role in
struggles for democratisation is well known often end up as marginal
players. In the region, Zambia is a classic case of a union movement which
sponsored the formation of a new party but which ended up marginalised
Labour, Liberation and Development in Africa 5
once the new party was in power (Mosoetsa and Vlok 2001; Sachikonye
2001; Webster and Mosoetsa 2001; Rakner 2003).
The fate of union movements after they have successfully mobilised
for the election of labour-friendly parties has been examined in Murillo’s
(2001) study of three Latin American countries (Argentina, Mexico and
Venezuela). Murillo shows that labour-based parties often face more
pressure than other parties to show their commitment to the market in
order to attract investment. In the context of southern Africa, a region
with a majority of extremely fragile economies, this means that these parties
often choose to disown labour and embrace capital in the hope that this
will bring in new investment. However, the examples of Swaziland, Zambia
and Zimbabwe show that this outcome does not always materialise.
Economic liberalisation
The liberalisation of economic relations following the collapse of post-
independence, state-led developmentalism has presented unions in southern
Africa with some of their most intractable challenges. In particular, the
shift from state to private ownership of large sections of the economy has
led to large-scale loss of jobs in these enterprises in the lead-up to the sell-
off of the corporations. As a consequence, many services that were
previously provided or heavily subsidised by the state are now provided by
private corporations or by state institutions on a cost-recovery basis. Given
that in the majority of these economies the state sector, including the
civil service, was the largest employer, privatisation has had an extremely
negative impact on trade union strength.
An important dimension of liberalisation is labour market flexibility.
In a context in which countries in the region are in desperate need of
investment to kick-start their economies, various forms of flexibility have
been implemented, starting at the workplace, where new forms of flexible
work organisation have emerged. Casualisation and outsourcing are some
of the most prevalent forms of flexible labour in the region. In addition,
some countries have established export zones – flexible labour manufac-
turing enclaves that do not create many jobs as they are often small-scale
and capital intensive, but that present all kinds of problems for unions,
including poor working conditions, low wages, and both subtle and overt
restrictions on worker organisation.
Union–party relations
All union federations in southern Africa, like their counterparts in the
rest of the continent, continue to grapple with the way in which they
should relate to political parties, particularly those that are in power.
While some choose to remain aligned with the ruling party even in the
face of splits (for example, the National Union of Namibian Workers and
the Organização Trabalhadores Mozambicanos), others have moved full
circle, from alignment to independence. An example of this latter group
is the Zambian Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU), a federation established
by the state through an Act of Parliament in 1965. For many years the
ZCTU backed the then-ruling United National Independence Party (UNIP)
as the only ‘progressive’ party in Zambia. However, in the face of economic
collapse and the untold misery of its members, it broke away and spear-
headed the formation of the Movement for Multi-party Democracy (MMD)
in 1991. It has since taken a more autonomous stand from the UNIP.
In South Africa the largest union federation, COSATU, has an alliance
with the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Com-
munist Party (SACP) – known as the Tripartite Alliance – and prefers to
contest the ANC from within. The other large federations – the National
Council of Trade Unions (NACTU) and the Federation of Unions of South
Africa (FEDUSA) – are politically non-aligned but also work closely with
the government. In November 2007, NACTU and FEDUSA merged to form
the South African Confederation of Trade Unions (SACOTU).
Loss of union leadership to party, politics, business and the civil service
We have seen the loss of union leadership in the region, particularly in
Malawi, Namibia, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Although this is
often justified on the basis that union leaders move into a party or politics
and other arenas to promote or advance worker and working-class interests,
the outcome is often that these former unionists eventually cut all ties
with unions and, in some cases, become extremely anti-union in their
politics and practice. In South Africa, there has also been a significant
exodus of union leaders and workplace activists into managerial positions,
business and the civil service.
Observers of the labour movement have tended to regard union
responses to these and other dilemmas as irrational ‘non-working-class’
actions or, worse still, as examples of how union leaders have ‘sold workers
out’ (Marais 2001; Ngwane 2003). Union–party alliances in particular
have attracted criticism and even condemnation from many scholars and
other observers. While some of the criticisms are valid, it needs to be
pointed out that many of the critics are often too hasty to judge labour
movements and their leaders without bothering to understand the mo-
tivations and objectives of these movements and leaders.