‘We do fish as women’s groups and individuals’: perspectives

from Lake Victoria1

MODESTA MEDARD Tanzania Fisheries Research Institute, P.O. Box 475, Mwanza, Tanzania. Email:
modesta_medard@yahoo.co.uk
KIM GEHEB Nairobi, Kenya Email: kim_geheb@hotmail.com
Abstract: Because of the pivotal roles that women play in the fishing and farming
communities on Lake Victoria, they are very sensitive to the deteriorating quality of life and
the environment that grips contemporary Tanzania. These conditions will not improve unless
the contributions of Tanzanian women to household and social well-being are recognised and
incorporated in development planning. This paper explains how women’s initiatives in fishing
activities provides the livelihoods to majority of the households and as such, their social
organisations has enhanced cooperation and turned to be the ‘social capital’ found within
social networks and community institution. It is our firm conviction that a critical social
service in the development of low-income groups particularly the women in rural areas is
education and knowledge. This will help to bring employment opportunities and enhance
social contacts.
This paper is based on interviews carried out with 16 members of a women’s group called
‘KIMAWAKA’ group based in Katunguru Village in Tanzania’s western Kagera Region
during repeated field visits between 1999 and 2001. Additional data were obtained from
interviews with both men and women (within and without the group) and village leaders. In-
depth interviews with women fishers were also carried out in Kenya (Obenge), Uganda
(Lwalalo) and Tanzania (Kibuyi). Data were gathered using various Participatory Rural
Appraisals (PRA) and techniques.
Findings from study show that women are the primary household livelihood and family
caregivers and that their contribution to the household economy is substantial. As Lake
Victoria’s fishery declines, supplementary incomes become increasingly more important, and
women are in the front line in identifying and exploiting new income-making opportunities to
maintain their families. This paper concludes that: ‘no women, no sustainable fish-farming
communities’. To ignore their role is to brush aside their potentials to strengthen key
economic and social sectors.
Key words: Lake Victoria, fishing, gender roles, social capital and knowledge.
The Context
Like in many other countries, Tanzanian men had traditionally either owned or controlled the
means of production in the countries society and economy. Despite the enormous importance
of women in the development and maintenance of Tanzania’s households, they are typically
not factored in to programmes that target the very households that they sustain. It is also often
the case that they are ignored when it comes to understanding the production processes that
define Tanzanian rural society and economy.
1
The earlier version of this paper was presented at the workshop in Support of the European Commission’s
International S&T Co-operation with Developing Countries. Brussels, 9-10, Dec. 2002.

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On the surface, men appear to dominate Lake Victoria’s fishing industry. It is certainly the
case that most of those who are actively involved in drawing fish from the water are men
(although, increasingly, women are also involved through the ownership of fishing units or as
part of beach seine teams). The view that men hold way over the fishery is deeply ingrained in
the cultures that surround Lake Victoria. Right from childhood men are socialized an en-
cultured to believe that they are destined to go fishing, that he is to be the family’s
breadwinner, that therefore he should eat high protein value foods, that household chores are
outside of his remit, and that he should be able to relax and drink after a hard day’s work on
the lake. Men are, in sum, perceived as the only legitimate actors within the fishery. If,
however, a fishery is understood as the combined set of activities involved to obtain the fish
from the water through to consumption of the fish by a consumer, women are heavily involved
throughout this process.
In the past, this involvement has in large measure been confined to the subsistence level, in
which costs are very low and typically restricted to only the provision of labour, and where
technology is either non-existent or traditional. With the rapid and intense commercialization
of Lake Victoria’s fishery, however, the role of women within the fishery and their position
vis a vis this valuable resource, has also changed.
There is a need to develop an integrated picture of the fisheries, locating the women within it
and analysing how it is changing. Fishing is a complex task, involving harvesting, processing,
distribution and consumption. Understanding where, how and by whom fish are harvested,
processed, distributed and consumed is important for understanding how the fishery functions.
When we talk about ‘fishing’, therefore, we should not only consider the one who goes out
fishing, but all of those involved in the process between the capture of the fish and the
consumer’s plate. The ‘boom’ economy of Lake Victoria’s fisheries, built around the export of
Nile perch fillets from the region, serves to concentrate considerable income into the hands of
men, directly threatening the ability of women to meet the needs of their households. Intense
competition, violence and abuse are amongst the additional challenges that women face in this
sector (Medard, 2000:104).
The Community
Katunguru village rests on the lakeshore, and the foot of a steep hill, down which seasonal
streams flow. The indigenous people of the area are the Haya who are traditionally involved in
agriculture and fishing, whose main economic activity is agriculture and fishing. The main
staple foods are plantains (‘matoke’), sweet potatoes, yams, cocoyams, maize and cassava.
Since the 1940s, fishing has been one of the most dependable of the village’s economic
activities. In those days, migratory fishers would land on their shores, following the seasonal
movement of fish. These were normally from the ethnic groups normally associated with
fishing on Lake Victoria: the Jita, Kerewe and the Zinza. The evident wealth that these fishers
gained from their work excited much interest amongst Katunguru’s denizens, who had
previously always thought of fishing as a poor person’s work. This interest was markedly
heightened with the upsurge in Nile perch catches and the development of the Nile perch
export industry in the early 1990s. As skills improved, so too did the efficiency of the
technology employed, from better boats to stronger fishing nets. Generally the women in
Katunguru are the key to improving household food security and the livelihoods of their

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community. They are already intimately involved in much food production and other activities
that together contribute to household economy.
Major Community Problems at Katunturu
Infrastructure has long been a problem for Katunguru. The appalling state of the road from the
landing site meant that fish landed could not be taken out from the landing to better markets
further afield. A large project on Lake Victoria was, however, able to repair the road for the
community. Before that, women giving birth in Katunguru had to rely on a Traditional Birth
Attendant (TBA) who, they say, they value a great deal. "We value and respect them highly
because they make our life easy and cheaper" (Kamhabwa, O. Pers. comm.). Because the
landing is served by TBAs, women can give birth at home and need only pay for certain drugs,
clean syringes and latex examination gloves.
As the Nile perch market has expanded and become increasingly integrated into the global
market for fish, control over the fisheries resource base has been lost to Katunguru and other
small-scale communities. When, in 1999 and 2000, the EU closed down the export of Nile
perch to their markets, women could find no sales outlets for their fish. Fish had to be sold for
very low prices, and this in turn affected the well-being of other economic sectors such as
farming and trading.
When the markets re-opened, however, control over the fishery and fishing activities was not
restored to women. The high level of commercialisation within the fishery has meant that
buyers tend to congregate at selling centres served by good roads and other facilities. This
means that small-scale fishing operations must travel long-distances if they are to sell their
fish for high prices, which, in turn means that they have to catch mote fish if they are to cover
the costs of transporting it (cf. Le Sann, 1998: 87). The concentration of fish buying centres
away from small communities has also meant that many of the benefits associated with the
development of (albeit) small market centres has been lost to communities such as Katunguru.
An additional problem within the fishery has been the use of capital intensive, technologically
efficient fishing equipment for short-term economic gain, which has increased competitions
and worked against sustainability. The local fishing community members who have remained
in fishing and fish vending have survived only at the subsistence level, while others were
forced to strive for livelihoods in other sectors of the economy such as farming and petty
trading (see Nayak, et. al., 1986:36, for a similar example from India). With the additional
capital and running costs implied by a modern fishery, the Lake Victoria fishery has become
more and more centralised, with the expensive assets of fishing concentrated in very few
hands. If local traders, including women, had the right to the fish, there would be a greater
chance that some of the fish and fishing income would make their way into rural households
and markets, than if the fishery remains concentrated in the hands of industrialists and men.
Encountering Problems by acquiring Social Capital
KIMAWAKA group (Kikundi cha Maendeleo cha Wanawake Katunguru2) literally known as
Katunguru women development group was formed in 1988 as a result of women gathering
together at social events such as weddings, funerals and other important functions. At such
ceremonies, the roles of women are clearly defined: amongst others, they cook, fetch water
2
Kiswahili a language spoken all over Tanzania.

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and preparing places for guests to sleep at. On most occasions, the work is very labour
intensive, and requires many hands. In addition, no single women had enough cooking utensils
to cook food for a multitude. In this way, Katunguru’s women looked to form a group in
which individuals could benefit from the mutual assistance of fellow members. There were
common community problems that contributed towards the formation of the group:
 Prevailing economic hardship amongst households, which directly affected women, their
children and the community as a whole.
 Lack of access to social services such as schools, markets, and health centres and generally
poor infrastructure in the Katunguru area.
 Poor food security within households and the general deterioration of their livelihoods.
 The changing fortunes of the community as a result of the increasing concentration of
fishing assets and technology in the hands of powerful fish processing factories.
 Fishing technological changes affected their survival on the people employed, and for the
supply of valuable fish protein for their local consumption.
KIMAWAKA group aims to try and merge community needs with their own financial needs.
They believe that economic and social gains are key components in the furthering of
community interests. The group has initiated a variety of activities such as fishing, food and
cash crop farming, poultry farming, gardening, educating pre-schoolers and making
handcrafts. Some of these activities do not just cater for the interests of the group alone, but
for the whole of Katunguru’s community, as well as near-by villages and islands. The group
has come to be seen as a symbol of unity not only in Katunguru village, but neighbouring
settlements, District and Regional administration. The commitment of the group’s members
and their ability to work hard, are important factors in its success. Individuals who have joined
the group come from diverse backgrounds: they are often young, single household heads,
sometimes wealthy, occasionally divorced or aged.
Like other organizations in Tanzania, the group first had to register itself with the official
authorities before it could start its activities. These are the Chairperson, Secretary and
Treasurer. In every case, the responsibilities of these officer bearers are clearly defined and
enshrined in the organization’s constitution. They were about 16 members during the study.
KIMAWAKA’s objectives are as follows:
 To increasing women's incomes and assuring household food security among the poorest
women in Katunguru.
 To eradicate women’s poverty burden, and to try and reduce the dependence of women on
their male partners.
 To improve the dietary well-being of their children, especially by promoting fish
consumption.
 To build the heart of love, helping and working together with women and their families.
 To mobilise women as equal partners in all development processes.
In view of determining and assessing the women’s contributions in the fishing industry, in
terms of showing opportunities for future and making their contribution visible, the findings
from this study focused on the following research questions:
 What are perceived benefits for becoming a member of women group organisation?
 What problems do members perceive to be resolved through group organisation?

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 Why women are not actively involved in fishing operation?
 Why men are actively involved in fishing operation?
 What are the general constraints encountered by women in fishing activities?
 What are the determining factors for women success in fishing activities?
 What are the general constraints in Lake Victoria fishing industry?
Research Methodology
In this paper, we draw upon data gathered from the Muleba Distric of Kagera Region, located
on the Lake Victoria’s westernmost shores, a case study centered on the KIMAWAKA
women’s fishing and farming group of Katunguru village. Findings from individual women
fishers from Kibuyi (Tanzania), Obenge (Kenya) and Lwalalo (Uganda) have been
incorporated to make their contribution visible and indicate the relevance of women’s work.
To gather the quantitative data, a simple questionnaire was designed and was administered to
16 KIMAWAKA members. On qualitative data, the researchers utilized the Participatory
Rural Appraisal (PRA) and Rapid Rural Appraisal (RRA) techniques. This was for the
purpose of enabling the participants to give a local description of their own situation by
creating a platform for women to express themselves through research. Historical background,
direct participant observations, venn diagram for identification of group institutional
cooperation and network, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions also provided
broader perspectives for this article.
Analysis of the data used a simple statistics method (percentages). From the qualitative
findings a summary of generalized interpretations have been made to presenting not the raw
data for interpretation, but the interpretation itself (Merton, et. al., 1990).
Results, Evidence and Discussions
The group’s struggle for economic and social livelihoods
Kalloch’s (2002) work at Nyamkazi Beach in Tanzania provides us with important insights
into how men perceive their contributions towards household well-being. Fathers that Kalloch
interviewed explained that tradition makes men the head of the household; therefore, women
cannot be allowed to have a large say in household spending. Said one man, “The woman can
decide what to cook out of the pantry store, but she cannot command the man to go and buy
things. Men command and decide what is brought into the home: women command things
once they are inside the home” (Kalloch, 2002: 118).
In terms of household well-being, this may all be very well if the household can assume that
the male ‘commands and decides’ upon things of nutritive value and care-relevance are
brought into the household. This is not, however, the case, and the outcome is a double-edged
sword, with women at Katunguru still very clear about their family responsibilities while, at
the same time, conscious of their need for political and social freedom to earn incomes and to
spend these as they see fit.
Women at Katunguru - like in other parts of the world - regard taking care of their family
members as their foremost responsibility (Medard, 2000: 104) over and above any community
activities. They argue that responsibility is an integral component in the fibre of their
community. While women are sometimes forced to set aside their domestic chores to engage

5
in income-earning activities (Nayak, 1996: 16), at Katunguru women extend the number of
hours worked daily so that no activity is neglected.
Development has not been evenly distributed in Tanzania, sometimes missing whole regions
of the country, while at other times being patchily distributed so that some population groups –
such as women – fail to benefit from it. Self-help groups are therefore perceived as a viable
way of mitigating the effects of this neglect. The history of the KIMAWAKA group is the
history of how women’s initiatives and labour have been remarkably successful in a social and
cultural environment where women typically suffer from inferiority complexes.
Women in the group listed the following as the benefits they perceived in the group:
Table 1. Perceived benefits of KIMAWAKA membership
Response category Frequency
1. Getting fish for food through fishing and farming 4 (25.0%)
2. Getting a better income 4 (25.0%)
3. Being exposed to other women’s groups 2 (12.50%)
4. Reducing their dependence on men 3 (18.75%)
5. Educating their children 1 (6.25%)
6. Realisation of their capabilities and talents 2 (12.50%)
Total respondents 16 (100.0%)
Source: Source: Lake Victoria Fisheries Research Project (LVFRP II), field visit, 2001.

Table 2. Problems perceived as being solved by being KIMAWAKA member

Response category Frequency
1. Reduction of household costs 2 (12.5%)
2. Men appreciate women’s contributions to the household economy 2 (12.5%)
3. Food insecurity reduced by provision of food from their farm 4 (25.0%)
4. Challenges resolved by pooling their skills and advising one another 2 (12.5%)
5. Child care workload reduced through the nursery schools 3 (18.75%)
6. Problem of illiteracy and ignorance reduced to their children 3 (18.75%)
Total respondents 16 (100.0%)
Source: Source: Lake Victoria Fisheries Research Project (LVFRP II), field visit, 2001.
The first two responses from Table 1 are the most salient, because they were the first to come
to respondents’ minds (25%). When it was inquired on ‘perceived problems solved through
being members (Table 2), ‘provision of food when they had no food in their homes’ revealed
highest responses (25%). In line with that, they realised the changes in reduction of illiteracy,
ignorance and daily workload for children care was reduced (18.75%). Women’s role in
children’s and family well-being cannot be over-emphasised, such that it is often very difficult
to separate women’s productive and reproductive roles. It is clear from both the above tables
that women seek to spend the better part of their income on their children both directly
(through the purchase of food or clothing) and indirectly (on children’s well-being). This
concludes that, women allocated resources more favorably for their families’ food needs and
hence spent almost all for their income to obtain food. This proves the common assumption in
African households particularly in rural areas that, men are less involved than women in
providing for their families’ food needs.

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The above views are also echoed across the world, with Chantal et al., (2000: 43) arguing that
women are always in charge of household chores and that the money that they earn is for their
families. In this way, they may be overwhelmed by the amount of work they must deal with
daily. Kronen, (2002:4) also asserts that, in Tonga Island South Pacific, women major
objective is to satisfy family consumption needs while Matics (2002:7) narrates how women
in Combodia fishery contributed to the maintenance of the families through fish processing
and marketing. In Lake Victoria, Medard and Wilson (1996:163) noted that when women
controlled their own resources such as fishing, they spent their money in the household, while
the husbands were not so constrained. Kurien, (1996: 24) also argues that women shoulder the
primary responsibility for their families and keep it together as a contented social and
economic unit. This can be seen through the ways that women allocate their time (Medard et
al., 2000: 58; Medard et al., 2002).
From the findings, KIMAWAKA women also felt that their hard work (Table 2) has created
peace and love and solved the problems of ‘marital insecurity’ through their contribution to
the household economy and reduction of household costs. Here, marriage is seen as the
mechanism by which women are turned into working machines at the disposal of their men
and children for the rest of their lives. Women at Katunguru worked hard to undermine this
perspective, always sought to maintain and build upon the peace and love in their homes and
their marriages.
KIMAWAKA was asked why they thought women were not actively involved in fishing,
unlike men and why men were more actively involved in fishing (Table 3 & 4):

Table 3. Perceived reasons as to why women are not actively involved in fishing
Response category Frequency
1. It requires a lot of energy 3 (18.75%)
2. Cultural norms and tradition prohibit women from fishing 2 (12.5%)
3. High initial investment costs 4 (25.0%)
4. Risky nature of fishing (rough weather, gear theft) 1 ( 6.25%)
5. Women have too much domestic work 3 (18.75%)
6. Fishing involves being out of the homes for too long 2 (12.5%)
7. It is a job only for men 1 ( 6.25%)
Total respondents 16 (100.0%)
Source: Lake Victoria Fisheries Research Project (LVFRP II), field visit, 2001

Table 4. Perceived reasons as to why men are actively involved in fishing

Response category Frequency
1. Better access to loans from factories and individuals 5 (31.25%)
2. Men are stronger and can better tolerate bad weather 2 (12.25%)
3. Men have more fishing experience than women (various strategies) 1 ( 6.25%)
4. Culturally and traditionally, it is the workmen do 3 (18.75%)
5. Men are able to leave their families for long periods 4 (25.0%)
6. Men go for financially more lucrative deals than women (such as fishing) 3 (18.75%)
Total respondents 16 (100.0%)
Source: Lake Victoria Fisheries Research Project (LVFRP II), field visits, 2001

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As the Nile perch fish processing factories have risen in terms of their dominance of the
fishery as its single most important buyer of fish, so much power within the fishery has been
altered. The factories have selectively empowered groups of men to carry out fishing and fish
purchasing on their behalf, providing them with loans and equipment and, in so doing, closing
the door on this important income source to women. A study carried out by Medard et al.,
2002:163, in six fish processing factories in Tanzania revealed that, men were the main fish
supplying agents 83.6% (97) compared to women 16.4% (19). Of those, 79.1% (53) men and
20.9% (14) women had benefited through ‘credit arrangements’. Like wise, a fish marketing
study conducted under Lake Victoria Fisheries Research Project Phase II in Tanzanian side of
the lake, women indicated to experience much problems in capital acquisition (23%, n=43)
compared to men (12%, n=154). It is for this reason that KIMAWAKA’s women felt that men
have better access to loans and other capital sources than they do (Table 4).
Men, KIMAWAKA’s members argue, are better able to leave their families because they are
not as vulnerable as women. On the one hand, this is because they do not bear the brunt of
family maintenance and upkeep responsibilities, and on the other hand, they are less
financially vulnerable because they can benefit from the fishery. By being connected to the
factory purchase and distribution network, men can be sure that their fish will always be sold.
Fishing is not without its gambles, however, and prices for the Nile perch fluctuate with the
whims of international buyers, and men seek to reduce these risks by fishing even during foul
weather. This strategy can, at times, fail them. Most of Tanzania’s Nile perch fish is destined
for the EU, and is therefore subject to its stringent hygiene and health regulations.
Periodically, the EU closes the export to force Tanzanian factories to meet health and hygiene
criteria, at which time, the fishery effectively collapses as an economic entity.
Despite the fact that men seek economic profit, the propensity to save is very low. In one
study of 178 Tanzanian fishers, only 41 (23%) saved their money while the rest either re-
reinvested it in the fishery or in other economic activities (SEDAWOG, 1999:108; Medard et
al., 2000: 160). In other cases, it is invested in cash crops – such as coffee, important in the
Kagera region – over which men retain control and from which men gain the proceeds (see
Kalloch, 2002; Mearns, 1995; von Bulow. and Sørenson, 1993). Alternatively, the money is
spent on themselves – in beer halls or on prostitutes. All over Lake Victoria, as the Nile perch
boom has progressed, small shantytowns of bars and attendant sex workers, have sprung up.
“In Kerebe harbour [in Kagera Region], the ‘boom-town’ of perch-fishing, the beach was
crowded with energetic fishermen. Their usual behaviour was to leap out of their boats, grab
their pay, and make straight for the pombe (banana home-brew) bars until the next day”
Appleton (2000: 23). The point to note is that much of the money generated by the Nile perch
fishery rarely makes it into the lake’s households.
This arrangement ensures that the need to develop their own income sources is paramount for
the women of Tanzania’s Lake Victoria fishing communities. It also ensures that they do not
necessarily see income generation as separate from household responsibilities, for the survival
of the household depends on the generation of incomes. As such, for KIMAWAKA’s women,
the incentive to develop a strategy for generating incomes without also being excessively
burdensome, was intense, and was one of the primary reasons behind the development of their
group. Below, we summarise the series of income-generating activities in which the women
became involved for their daily livelihood and the livelihoods of the community at large.

8
Fishing within the group organisation
In 1992, the women pooled their money and bought four nets and a used fishing canoe, and
hired a team of men to crew the boat. The investment almost immediately yielded returns, and
KIMWAKA opened a bank account in Muleba town in which to save their profits. In 1993,
Swiss Aid was able to assist them to buy two additional canoes, 80 fishing nets and other
fishing equipment. In total they invested more that 2 million. Early in 1995, ten of their nets
were stolen, and one boat had an accident and was completely destroyed. In 1995, a further 70
gillnets were stolen, and the group became increasingly aware of the hazards of relying
excessively on a single income source.
Regardless of constrains of capital acquisition, fishing has been always perceived to be men’s
job. KIMAWAKA members still believed that notion (Table 3). Risky nature from fishing due
to rough weather 6.25% (1) and the fact that men can stay longer outside their home 12.5% (2)
as a result of fishers’ migration nature attributed to that perception. Others were, cultural
norms and women’s multiple domestic roles. Mbenga (1999) urged that fishing has been
understood to be predominantly men’s work while women are thought to be only engaged in
post-harvest activities such as smoking, drying and marketing which earns a narrower profit
margin than earned by fish catchers. However, Lyn (1999) confirmed that the idea of fishing
involving men going fishing in boats (therefore overlooking a huge range of inshore resource
use) is common throughout the world.
This article is against this notion, and urges that, if women are given opportunities to fish,
individually or in-groups where the personal identity for prohibition is absent, they can
perform as good as men. Fishing here should be regarded as going out fishing as well as
‘owning fishing equipment’ of which majority of those called prominent fishers in Lake
Victoria fall in this category. A recent interview with two men village leaders from Muleba
revealed that, women do not perform better because of ‘lack of trust by their husband who
think that their wives may not be going for the actual activity they are meant for. It is all about
jealousy’ (Alkadi and Bombo, pers. communication).
Farming
Farm plots are typically very small around Katunguru because the land is typically sub-
divided amongst sons when their fathers pass away. In addition, the soil is very stony and the
soil loamy, making it difficult and time-consuming to till. Both food and cash crops (coffee)
are grown. Crop losses can be high - especially for beans - if weather conditions are
unfavourable and the crop is unable to mature quickly enough. As a result of the combination
of these factors, Katunguru is not self-sufficient in agricultural produce.
Community members may try to preserve their produce by burying it, or by wrapping it in
strong-smelling, pungent, leaves (‘kaita marogo’). Alternatively, crops may be hung close to
the fire where it is preserved by the smoke. Between harvests, more food has to be bought, and
at such times the staple is not the usual plantains, but ugali, a polenta-like dish made from
maize, cassava, sorghum or millet flour.
Because Katunguru’s men are so often away, farming is dominated by female labour. Women
perform all the heavy duties, such as farming, distributing mulch to control weeds and

9
harvesting. KIMAWAKA have invested in farmland of 7.5 acres whereby, banana plants,
vegetables and coffee have been planted.
Handcraft project
The group has a target of making 60 mat a year that they sell to nearby villages and sometimes
in Muleba town. The estimated income from this business is about US $ 250.00, which is used
to improve their nursery school and sometimes to buy incentives to motivate their members.
The pre-school project
Besides fishing and farming, the group owns a pre-school, which started in 1994. Anyone can
send their children to the school, but mothers who are not KIMAWAKA members have to pay
slightly more. These fees go towards the teacher’s salary and for milk and porridge for the
children. They also provide a full meal once a week. They have about 40 children of whom 10
are orphans as a result of HIV/AIDS and other diseases.
Schedule of activities to lessen women’s burden
In most rural African settings, households define responsibilities and work in terms of gender.
Thus, milking cattle, collecting water, children care, food production and preparation are all
‘female tasks’, while control over cash crops and decision-making fall into the male domain.
With those activities and household tasks they need enough time. In a number of ways,
KIMAWAKA has managed to break out of this mould to some extent by spending three days
a week on group activities, and the remainder on private ones. Rewards – such as sarongs or
shoes - are provided as incentives to members who volunteer more in-group work in such a
way group profits are divided depending on the number of days spent in-group activities.
In addition, their children nursery school allowed them to spend time on group activities while
their children were at school.
Trust and openness was confirmed to reinforce morale to its members. Financial report and
group problems are discussed by all member they gather to rest and discuss them.
Specific Group Problems and Challenges
Despite their success, the group mentioned the following as the general women's problem in
their village:
Lack of knowledge on project planning, keeping accounts and how to run group projects.
Lack of transport to enable them sell their products in distant markets for good prices.
Lack of exposure and study tours o learn what is happening in other parts of the lake.
Lack of good modern equipment and the knowledge.
Lack of awareness about other activity opportunities.
The separation of men and women’s roles, in the minds of the women, still fosters dependence
on men and causes the women to lack confidence.
Future Plans
To invest in a transport boat, dairy farming, more nets and outboard engines and expansion of
their nursery school.

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KIMAWAKA and Social networks with Community’s Institutions
The group insisted that their activities were for the purpose of serving the local community
interests and not individual interests by supplementing family income, thus contributing to
economic development and the general welfare of the community. As such, the group have set
a strategic membership plan. A new comer was obliged to pay an entrance fee of US $ 125.00,
which is relatively high amount for new comers for the amount of work they have already
done. Should their sons marry, daughters-in-law get priority to join the group over others who
have no family relationships with the group. This, the group said, was because they wanted to
ensure that the benefits of the group remained within the families of the founder members. In
addition, the group is keen to ensure that their membership came from the community itself,
and members married to locals were less likely to move away.
The group has been at the forefront of solving many village problems. During various village
ceremonies, the group is very visible in its organisation and its ability to share the burdens of
organisation and cooking amongst its members. It is also generous in its contributions of cash
and food during special occasions, such as during funerals, weddings or, importantly, when
official visitors come to Katunguru. In fact, the group sometimes even lends the village
government money to assist it during such occasions. When such important guests come to the
landing, the group often also lays on entertainment by its members and the children of the
nursery school. The community respects these contributions to its activities, and
KIMAWAKA has been the inspiration behind the creation of about four small groups at the
landing.
The group collaborates with the Fisheries Department, community development office, the
Village, Ward, Division, District and Regional government administration in various matters.
They also seek assistance from NGOs, and other women groups in Muleba and even outside
the country. They have also managed to get a ‘partner’ women’s organisation in Denmark and
expect to establish an exchange program with them in the near future. One member from the
group has already visited this group. Project management, advocacy, group management and
food preservation are some of the issues she had learned about while there.
From the above case, it is true that with group, women can participate more in various
economic activities. When working at individual level women face the principle obstacle of
being under the rule of their husbands because majority have seldom owned anything
individually, it is much easier for them to think in terms of common ownership such as group
organisation. The group helps to remove the personal identity for discrimination. Nevertheless,
the group admitted that, their success was because they were careful not to loose respect for
their husbands. “Men do not see us changing behaviour because of our projects, they would
have stopped us. We follow our culture and values and that’s why we have no problems” a
group member commented.
Covering a wider variety of identical situation
Despite the problem faced by women group (Table 3 & 4), women have tried individually to
work in fishing as one of the most payable economic activity along the shoreline of Lake
Victoria. The following interviews were conducted for the purpose of covering a substantial

11
greater coverage than that of the group alone and allowing effectiveness for inclusion of other
deference.
An interview with Halima Nyanganila a Tanzanian fisher from Kibuyi beach showed that
‘women do fish’. At 44 years, Halima was very successful dagaa fisher, an occupation she
started in 1987 when her husband divorced her. Sexual harassment, desertion and domestic
violence were the main causes for the divorce. According to the traditions of her ‘Suba’ ethnic
group, women are under the control and authority of their husband. Like the father, the
husband is given a ‘legal’ and moral right to manage and control a woman’s behaviour. Wife
beating is permitted as a way of chastening the wife, who is expected not to fight back. This
violence could even cause death, but the customs paid no regard to this. Halima finally
decided to run away to save her own life and that of her children. Halima explained that in her
village some women who get fed up with mistreatment and lack of economic support run to
towns to do petty trade and prostitution.
During the study visit, Halima owned four boats, two dagaa seines and had a modern house
built along the shore at Kibuyi. Halima got her fishing capital from farming cassava and
dagaa trading. A discussion with other five-dagaa fishers was also held in Kibuyi. They were
fishing independently and had invested in fishing from various sources of income such as
merry go round, farming, friend assistance, petty businesses and help from relatives. However,
their capital varied from US $ 125 and US $ 375 respectively with Halima having the highest.
Likewise an interview with a single mother Ugandan fisher at Lwalalo beach, ‘Mama David’
(her Son’s name) confirmed that women do fish, and when given more opportunities, they
perform better than men. A 35-year-old woman, a mother of two children explained. Mama
David stayed about 15 Kilometres from Lwalalo beach, Mpigi District in Uganda. The beach
has been privatized to Four Ways Group of Company, a policy applied by Ugandan
government to ensure efficiency and development in fisheries sector. Her two children
belonged to one father but she could not marry him because she could not stand for polygamy
marriage. The man was married to another lady but during their relationship she was cheated
and conceived. She decided to produce two children instead of getting married to another man.
She said with AIDS/HIV risks the decision she made was much safe.
The wife-husband relationship was not there but they agreed to bring up the children together
especially on educational costs while she was caring for them daily. Mama David insisted that
she did not want to show her disappointment in marriage but she prayed to God that they all
stay well. The man sometimes helped her in advice and on how to procurement fishing
equipment. He said, she was respecting him as one whom she had produced children together.
During the study, Mama David owned 14 boats and 8 outboard engines, one modern house
and a saloon car. She started fishing in 1989 when Nile perch fishing was attracting more
fishers and before that she was a trader of varieties of food items. Her two children have been
sent to a modern private boarding school at Mpigi District.
When she was asked if other women in the village invested in fishing like her, she said, they
were very few of them and they owned few fishing gears and boats. Involvement of women in
household duties and childcare, community duties such as funerals, wedding and other family
and clan activities consumed a lot of their time. She said, for married women it was very

12
difficult to run fishing investment on their own because fishing is regarded as men’s activity.
‘Women usually do not make formal decisions about fishing properties and the income’. She
concluded.
Likewise a discussion with two women fishers namely Alice and Rose was held in Obenge
beach (Kenya) on 24th June, 2000 with two women namely Alice and Rose. Alice Odongo
aged 50 years, of Luo ethnicity, had not gone to school, born in Kamoo, Uyoma location,
Madianyi Division of Bondo District. Married to a retired officer who used to work with the
Ministry of Works. The husband was born in 1911 and unwell, very old and could not
contribute towards their daily livelihoods. Alice was his second wife, a ‘wife for his old age’.
She had produced five children, three were still schooling and she catered all costs such as
education, medical care and food. Alice was a ‘mathari’ (skipper) on a fishing unit. She
claimed that she had obtained such responsibility because of her skills in anticipating the
‘ngeri’ (‘under water currents’) and knowing how best to set the nets.
Rose Agundo, of Luo ethnicity, 51 years, old married with four children from Kamoo village.
Before joining fishing in 1969, she was a farmer. Due to unpredictable rains and drought she
could not support herself so she decided to join fishing as her first dependable economy. First,
she became a member of a dagaa beach seine team, hauling for dagaa from the shore. She has
since moved on to another beach seine team targeting Nile perch, on which she is the ‘jagoro’,
the one who collects money from the buyers before passing it on to the seine owner.
During the discussions the women were asked why it was that they had joined the actual
fishing. They provided the following reasons:
Their husbands were old and poor, and could not afford to provide any survival means for the
families. Due to imposed regulations of using 5” mesh nets, less juvenile fish were available
and added to the prevailed competition in fish markets. The women also mentioned other
reasons for their actual involvement such as theft of nets and fishing equipment in the fishing
industry, which resulted to insecurity to owners of fishing investment as well as traders. Those
who traded fish moved in several beaches in search of fish, spent extra time assisting in
pulling the seines so that to get priority in fish purchase while the time remaining for
processing and selling was not considered.
It was further revealed that even those women who bought fish from gillneters at Obenge
beach, performed various work on behalf of the owners. Un-pucked and marked the fish as
soon as they landed, guarded and weighed the fish to the cooperative society, a process that
the two women found to be cumbersome. This was so, because majority were wives of the
fishers in such a way they did several jobs without pay so long they served the same
household. The two women did not like such idea and resolved to work as casual labourers to
be assured with daily fish consumption as well as the daily wages. However, they pointed that,
fishing was tough job and requires a lot of encouragement and tolerance. They were interested
to join other activities such as groceries, shops and hotel, which were much more payable, but
age was described as an obstacle. Those who owned such business around the beach faced
various competitions such as enough capital, age category (the young ladies had chances for
more customers) and general beauty.

13
Several scientists have pointed the views of these women widely. Grzetic, (2002:5) pointed
that, the financial hardship and insecurity in many inshore fishing households has created an
environment where women, as a cheaper source of labour, have taken up fish harvesting in
order to ensure the survival of their families. In this way, their work may include paid work
and unpaid work (Grzetic, 2002:2) in support of range of activities including care-taking
duties in the home and the community.
A triangulation to some other men beach seine pullers in Obenge about these women’s
performance revealed that, the two women had energy, strict in their work, with no jokes.
They confirmed that without them the management of the beach seine would have been poor.
While other women, said, the two women had no other alternatives in their lives and were not
subjected to any cultural taboos as they had already reached menopose. The old age of the
husband’s was also pointed out as reason for no objection to fish. However, they said that, the
whole community was generally poor and no one was able to meet the basic needs such as
good houses and enough food for their families’. The indicators for the poverty situation
according to them were issues such as boats having few gill nets, boats turned beyond repair,
insecurity and theft in the lake and majority of the people were engaged in casual labour. Lack
of farm equipment, rental houses and involvement in various criminal offences such as theft,
robbery and prostitution were mentioned. This collates with findings from the Lake Victoria
regional Participatory Poverty Assessments (PPAs) in Obenge, where the participants
indicated that the poor were not just the single group with only a single problem of lack of
money. The poor (jochari) were defined as those who are often assisted, casual labourers, not
sure if they will get food, single mothers and poor daily planners ( Abila et al., 2000).
Factors Leading to Women’s Success in Fishing activities in Lake Victoria
Both group and individual women fishers have indicated a number of factors, which help them
to succeed in undertaking fishing activities. The following are factors found for both Nile
perch as well as dagaa fishers from this study:
• Close supervision of fish catches and fishing equipment
• Avoiding unnecessary friendship and expenditure on things like cosmetics, clothes
and unimportant trips
• Keeping records of income and expenditure of all fishing activities
• Teaching their children so that they may stand on their own during their absence
• Good catch share system with the crewmembers
• Reputation to fish buyers as well as consumers
• Giving incentives to crew members
• Fishing and landing in the same ground for close follow-ups and monitoring of fish
catches, daily expenditures and equipment wear and tear
• Investing in a dagaa fishery where they could cater for wider low income group
due to varieties of measurement (tins, weighing scales, sacks, heaps)
• Investing in a dagaa fishery with less risks in storage, less energy consumption and
less cheating in weighing scales
• Abiding to the norms and culture of respect to the husband
• Involving in other communities activities to capture wider acceptance
• Group organisations

14
 • Abiding to good respect norms
However, in addition to the reasons for less involvement in fishing as indicated in Table 3 by
KIMAWAKA and their specific problems and challenges narrated earlier, the following
problems and challenges face women at individual as well as group:
Less competitive because of multiple roles and time constraints, theft of catches and fishing
gears by crew members, unreliable markets, low capital acquisition, less decision in fish
pricing and poor quality fish during rain seasons (particularly for dagaa fishers). Others were;
inaccessibility of roads during rains, poverty, cultural norms and taboos and perception by
other women that fishing is men’s job.
Conclusion and Recommendations
The Code of Conduct for Responsible Fisheries (CCRF) initiated by Food and Agricultural
Organisation (FAO) member states recognises the important contribution of artisanal and
small-scale fisheries to employment, income and food security. It calls for states to protect
their rights to resource access to decent working conditions and to livelihood security. It is
therefore important to investigate the extent to which the fisheries of Lake Victoria are free
and fair and to find ways of solving the various problems facing the community regarding
access to resources, uses, distribution and control as it provides the mainstay of fisheries
production in Tanzania and contributes significantly to local food security, employment and
income.
The highly commercialised fishery of Lake Victoria, and its integration into the global
economy, has meant that many small-scale fishers are sidelined and excluded from the fishery.
It is necessary to consider ways in which the benefits of this export can be more effectively
and fairly distributed amongst communities and household. Therefore, it is imperative that
institutions for fisheries management also evolve as part of the process of empowering
communities. If such institutions are to evolve, it must occur against a background of the
development of gender and ecological consciousness must arise as well.
This study has shown that women are the critical forces in an economy dependent on
smallholder family production in Lake Victoria, which is mainly fishing and farming. The
most viable solution to their myriad problems is for extension agents and development
partners to recognize and capitalize on the motivational forces, which underlie women’s
welfare programs, and incorporate these into their program package strategies and
implementation.
The involvement of women in fishing as well as farming is the struggle for food availability in
their households. However, food availability may not result in significant and measurable
indicators of better livelihoods unless it is combined with other factors such as levels of
education, health and the gender relationship in terms of power and decision-making. In this
case, it is evident that food and fish production in the Lake Victoria basin should be combined
with investment in social support services as an integral part of community efforts to improve
their capacities.
Therefore, there is a need to increase food production directly or indirectly through the
development of productive and social infrastructure, including water supply services for
irrigation and domestic consumption, credit schemes, decentralisation of food crop research

15
and adaptive agricultural extension and delivery systems. Others are storage and marketing,
transport, institution building such as informal and formal groups and co-operatives.
Importantly, such development efforts should focus their attention on women as the nexus of
familial well-being and care.
It is our firm conviction that such attempts can be successful if it is recognised that the
knowledge of improving livelihoods lies in the local community and especially the women.
KIMAWAKA women’s group has recognised this by focusing their development activities at
the community level by ensuring gender responsive planning and development with due
recognition of the needs of both women, men and their families.
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Interviews:

Bombo, Crisant, interview, 27 May, 2001 at Katunguru village Government office.

Alkadi Peter and Bombo Crisant, interview, 5 December, 2002.

Odilia Kamhabwa, interview, 27 May, 2001 at Katunguru beach.

Nyagasha, T. interview, 11 December, 2000 at Bukoba Urban District Agricultural Office.

Acknowledgement:
The authors acknowledge the support of Lake Victoria Fisheries Research Project Phase II,
(LVFRP II) without this institution, this work would not have been possible. Thanks to all
cherished colleagues who read earlier versions of this article and were generous with their
advice. One being a mother of toddler during the development of this article, we are grateful to
Dr. Cornelia Nauen and Dr. Stella Williams for their cooperation, encouragement and the
effort made in publishing this article. We thank them for that and for much more. To all
informants we thank you.

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