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Further
Keywords
Abstract
Immigrant cultures are routinely posed as threats to national culture.
Particular understandings of immigrant and national cultures underlie cultural politics. Culturalismconceiving cultures as reied, static,
and homogeneous across bounded groupsimbues these understandings. Representations of immigrant and national culture are mutually
constituted in policies, state institutions, the media, and everyday perceptions surrounding key categories such as borders, illegality, and the
law. Furthermore, coupled with a popular or commonsense structuralfunctionalism that sees all cultural values and practices as inherently
interlinked, many modes of cultural politics are contextually stimulated
by anxieties about cultural loss. At critical junctures, certain representations gain powerful roles in cultural politics through synecdoche, when
specic symbols stand for an integrated set of cultural attributes. Examples include Muslim head scarves in France and the ground zero
mosque in the United States. Anthropologists can usefully mitigate
culturalism and contribute to public debates by promoting more processual and distributive understandings of culture.
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INTRODUCTION
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& C
aglar
2009); migrant identities (e.g.,
Escobar 2004, Brettell 2007, Linde-Laursen
2010); the so-called second generation (e.g.,
Mair 2002, Kasinitz et al. 2006, Wessendorf
2008); gender and migration (e.g., George
2005, Mahler & Pessar 2006, Merrill 2006,
Donato et al. 2008); migrant diasporas and
transnationalism (e.g., Smith 2005, Brettell
2006, Yelvington 2006, Vertovec 2009); migration, citizenship, and the state (e.g., Hansen &
Stepputat 2005, Gullette 2006, Mandel 2008,
Reed-Danahay & Brettell 2008); migration,
lifestyle, and life course (e.g., OReilly 2000,
Gardner 2002, Benson & OReilly 2009); and
migrant families and networks (e.g., Baldassar
et al. 2007, Charsley 2007, Olwig 2007). Not
surprisingly, across this varied eld there is not
a single, unied anthropological take but rather
very different approaches, concerns, and modes
of analysis (see Brettell 2000, Foner 2003b,
Sanjek 2003, Horevitz 2009, Six-Hohenbalken
& Tosic 2009, Vertovec 2010).
A few years ago in the Annual Review of
Anthropology, Silverstein (2005) noted how
migrants call into question local national
integration and unity (p. 364). In addressing
this question, his piece centers on the racialization of the immigrant category and the
states production of migrants as a problem of
racial difference. The present review, instead,
is concerned with migration and the reication
of cultural difference.
CULTURALISM AND
CULTURAL POLITICS
Vilifying immigrants and their traditions is
nothing new. Immigrants are almost always
seen to be the bearers of an alien culture,
write Zolberg & Long (1999), and, in that
capacity, evoke conjectures regarding their
putative impact on the receiving countrys
self-dened identity and prospective integrity. Although these assessments are often
specious and founded on conceptions of
culture that are implicitly or explicitly ethnocentric, such beliefs do have consequences
(p. 8).
This was evident, for instance, during the
great waves of migration to the United States
in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Throughout this period, public concerns
were continuously voiced over the threat that
immigrants posed to an assumed American way
of life (Salomone 2010). However, political discourse at that time was generally not framed
around notions of culture, but rather in terms
of foreign languages, customs, and immigrants
persistent national traits (p. 39).
It is in the latter part of the twentieth century
that public discourse on immigration seems to
have become riddled with explicit references
to culture. This formulation came to entail
a notion of culture as static, xed, objective,
consensual, and uniformly shared by all members of a group (Wikan 1999, p. 62). It is an
understanding of culture that is now commonly
called an essentialized one, also associated with
conceiving culture as reied, bounded, biologized, or inherited. The development of this
kind of thinking on culture was noted in the
early 1980s, when observers called attention to
a new racism through which notions of racial
difference were increasingly concealed inside
apparently innocent language about culture
(Barker 1981, p. 3). The notion of cultural
racism also arose in social science literature
to describe such discourse (e.g., Blaut 1992),
as did parallel critiques of culturalismthe
assumption of common beliefs and practices
within a discrete ethnic groupespecially
within contemporary policies of multicultural
ism (Alund
& Schierup 1991, Baumann 1996,
Vertovec 1996). In her salient article on cultural fundamentalism, Stolcke (1995) also underlined the tendency to construe, through a
reied notion of culture, immigrants as posing
a threat to the national unity of host societies.
Especially with regard to immigrants,
anthropologists increasingly noticed how
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culturalism works so effectively not just because of the bounded and static assumptions
that comprise it, but also because of their
workings within what we might call popular, everyday, or common-sense structuralfunctionalism. That is, like the core postulate of earlier social science (from Durkheim
through Radcliffe-Brown and Parsons)a postulate now critiqued out of the anthropological
canonpopular structural-functionalism sees
all values, cultural practices, and social institutions as parts of an integrated whole, a cohesive
system based on necessary interdependence and
equilibrium of its parts. If one part is perceived
to be vulnerable or expunged, the integrity of
the entire system is considered to be in danger.
The tighter the cultural cohesion is deemed to
be, the higher the anxiety is when one part is
threatened.
Despite the often dubious claim that anthropologists have been unwittingly complicit in
creating culturalism (e.g., Stolcke 1995, Wright
1998, Wikan 2002), structural-functionalism is
not anthropological rocket science and certainly has not needed anthropologists to place
it in the public mind. Like Herders notions
of peoplehood as the sum totals of language,
tradition, and geography, ideas of culture and
society as composed of integrally linked components appear to the lay observer as self-evident.
Moreover, it is a view recurrently reinforced by
representations that are rampant in the public
sphere. For instance, structural-functionalism
is inherent in current public discourse and policy, especially in Europe, concerning parallel
societies, immigrant integration, and community cohesion (Schiffauer 2008, Hess et al.
2009, Vertovec & Wessendorf 2010). It is, indeed, the logic of cultural politics.
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nations IBO model, but one that is not a priori. De Genova (2002) underlines the historical specicity of distinct congurations of
illegality (p. 424) that are constituted by
national immigration regimes, whereas Inda
(2006, p. 2) highlights how particular assemblages of knowledge and political rationalities
frame the category and government interventions surrounding illegal immigrants. However assembled, these formal, legal identities
coexist and interact in complex ways with informal, popular patterns of sociocultural classication in a process that is integral to the overall
dynamics of bordering (Kearney 2004, p. 134).
Authors providing ethnographic accounts of
symbolic and structuring processes surrounding borders, immigration policy, institutional
practices, and their outcomes include Fassin
(2005) on state responses to the Sangatte
asylum-seeker reception center in Calais; Adler
(2006) on the role of ethnic proling within the
U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement
agency; Fuglerud (2004) on the way Norwegian
immigration caseworkers intertwine nationalism, immigration policy, and projections of cultural difference; Riccio (2007) on social workers essentialization of migrants; Blommaert
(2009) on the totalizing of language (p. 425)
and its equation with the nation in state
engagements with asylum seekers; Donato and
her colleagues (2008) on the gendered effects
of intensied border enforcement strategies;
and Coutin (2003) on the rhetoric of mass
naturalization ceremonies and how these rites
produced citizensand the nation (p. 514).
A repeated message concerning policy and
cultural politics seems to be, whether on the
Right or the Left, people who want to express
themselves in public about immigration have
to engage with the emerging conventional
frame of interpretation (Gullestad 2006,
p. 302). Gullestad demonstrated that, in
Norway, the development of this frame had its
own emphases and timetable based on national
history and specic events. Rivera (2009) outlines parallel processes in the construction of
culturally politicized discourses of immigration
in Italy, where Giordano (2008) investigates
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REPRESENTATIONS AND
SYNECDOCHE
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CONCLUSION
The cultural politics of nation and migration are based on, and composed of, contextually constructed concepts of culture that set
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terms of debate and shape instruments of policy. Such representations across various public spheres perpetuate a nonimmigrant worldview with which immigrants have to contend.
Of course, contemporary immigration patterns
do not necessarily produce the cultural patterns
and fault lines that cultural politics often depicts. This was clear in Wimmers (2004) study
of immigrant neighborhoods in Swiss cities,
where cultural distance or racial barriers,
which are often cited as the most formidable
obstacles to integration, play only a subordinate
role (p. 10).
The disjuncture between culturalist discourse and common intergroup interactions is
also reected in a growing literature on everyday multiculturalism (Colombo & Semi 2007,
Prato 2009, Vertovec 2010), especially in urban
contexts of superdiversity (Vertovec 2007, Wise
& Velayutham 2009, Blommaert 2010). Indeed,
the city currently signies the foremost setting for the anthropology of migration because
this is where the meeting of cultural politics
discourses, policies, and institutionsare most
clearly contested by, or reproduced through,
peoples actual meanings, perspectives, and
practices. We have much to learn comparatively
because cities represent very different contexts,
scales, and processes with regard to migrants
(Brettell 2003, C
aglar
2010, Glick Schiller &
2011), as demonstrated by recent ethnoC
aglar
graphies in New York (Foner 2010), Miami
(Stepick et al. 2003), Bologna (Pero` 2007a),
Barcelona (Pero` 2007b), Frankfurt (Bergmann
& Romhild
2003), and London (Wessendorf
2010).
Still, despite their own complex experiences
of others in diverse settings, Hannerz (1999)
appreciates that many people tend all too easily to fall back on at least mild versions of
cultural fundamentalism, as a readily available,
easily comprehensible default solution; something that appears more like common sense
(p. 399). Grillo (2003) also notices that often enough, rightly or wrongly, people really
are concerned about their culture, and often
enough their ideas are grounded in essentialism (p. 160), whereas Brumann (1999) writes,
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whether anthropologists like it or not, it appears that peopleand not only those with
powerwant culture, and they often want it
in precisely the bounded, reied, essentialized,
and timeless fashion that most of us now reject. Moreover, just like other concepts such
as tribe, culture has become a political and
judicial reality, requiring any attempt to authorize more deconstructed notions to reckon
with considerable institutional inertia. (p. S11)
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DISCLOSURE STATEMENT
The author is not aware of any afliations, memberships, funding, or nancial holdings that might
be perceived as affecting the objectivity of this review.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
My thanks go to Bruno Riccio, Boris Nieswand, Thomas Hylland Eriksen, Brit Lynnebakke, John
Bowen, Annekatrin Kuhn,
Therese Funke, Jutta Esser, and Christiane Kofri for their help in
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Annual Review of
Anthropology
Contents
Prefatory Chapter
Anthropological Relocations and the Limits of Design
Lucy Suchman p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 1
Archaeology
The Archaeology of Consumption
Paul R. Mullins p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 133
Migration Concepts in Central Eurasian Archaeology
Michael D. Frachetti p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 195
Archaeologists and Indigenous People: A Maturing Relationship?
Tim Murray p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 363
Archaeological Ethnography: A Multitemporal Meeting Ground
for Archaeology and Anthropology
Yannis Hamilakis p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 399
Archaeologies of Sovereignty
Adam T. Smith p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 415
A Century of Feasting Studies
Brian Hayden and Suzanne Villeneuve p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 433
Biological Anthropology
Menopause, A Biocultural Perspective
Melissa K. Melby and Michelle Lampl p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p53
Ethnic Groups as Migrant Groups: Improving Understanding
of Links Between Ethnicity/Race and Risk of Type 2 Diabetes and
Associated Conditions
Tessa M. Pollard p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 145
From Mirror Neurons to Complex Imitation in the Evolution
of Language and Tool Use
Michael A. Arbib p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p p 257
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