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However, other external challenges have emerged to drive reforms at the local
level, typically in a different direction to the managerial reforms in the 1980s and
1990s. Thus local communities face a number of new challenges at the beginning
of the 21st century:
political pressure from unresolved wicked problems such as crime and
vandalism, economic deprivation, the low quality of life of the elderly and the
isolation of people with mental health problems;
the use of information and communication technology (e-government,
e-democracy), both within local public agencies and also with regard to external
stakeholders (such as citizens, local business, etc.), not only in relation to service
planning and delivery but also in dealing with local public issues more generally;
greater pressure from the media as local stakeholders develop more sophisticated approaches to publications and websites, and there is a rapid proliferation of
local press, radio and television channels;
increasing globalization which makes local authorities an important economic player but which also exposes them to a volatile global economy; and
the development of a differentiated civil society with new information and
communication needs and in some limited (but very vocal) cases, the desire to
engage in debate on local quality of life issues (such as the environment and
community safety).
This implies for local authorities:
the need for more collaboration with other agencies in policy-making and
implementation, involving private firms, the voluntary sector and higher levels of
government (one-stop shops, publicprivate partnerships, consortia for service
provision, etc.);
a stronger engagement of all partners in issues of local strategy, planning and
resource mobilization, as well as in service delivery in particular, taking pains
to include priority target groups in the local population;
more intensive and widely spread knowledge management, not only within
local public agencies but also in the networks of stakeholders within the local
area; and
sustainability, taking into account the needs of future generations and the
strategic knock-on effects of local decisions on other stakeholders and other
areas.
Of course, the set of challenges described here developed gradually rather than
overnight. Also, in many cases, fiscal pressures have persisted and have mixed
with the new demands on local communities. Which pressures are dominant and
which are less relevant depends essentially on the setting: as local contexts
become more differentiated in the future, the variety of approaches to local community reforms may well be greater than in the New Public Management (npm)
era (Bogason, 2000: 21).
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Germany, many local authorities have made their resource management procedures more flexible and improved their customer orientation.
However, the recent revival of local democracy in Germany is reminding local
politicians and officers that citizens are not only customers. As Banner (2000)
points out, Germany has had major reforms with regard to representative, direct
and participatory democracy at local levels. The extension of representative
democracy (whereby voters vote for both a candidate and a party) and the expansion of direct democracy (e.g. referenda) have increased the individual voters
weight and reduced party influence accordingly. There is also a wide range of
various grass-roots initiatives revitalizing participatory democracy in German
local government. However, most local authorities lack the political and administrative infrastructure to support and sustain community participation and to link it
to democratically elected bodies at local levels (Banner, 2000).
However, on issues of democratic renewal, as with other local governance
reforms related to sustainable management or e-government, local pioneers in
Germany have received little support from Lnder governments, which formally
are responsible for municipal affairs. As in previous decades, in practice ngos
such as the Bertelsmann Foundation have taken the lead in promoting and supporting local governance reforms in Germany (http://www.stiftung-bertelsmann.
de).
The importance of these policy and legal changes is also supported by empirical evidence from international local authority case studies, including German,
USA and New Zealand local authorities (Bovaird, 1998), which suggests a
number of new themes and trends at local levels:
the npm approaches to local government management and planning (key
words control and accountability) are now giving way to governance
approaches (key words learning and partnership);
the most obvious recent trend in innovative local authorities is towards
public consultation, public involvement, user involvement and citizen engagement in the affairs of the local authority, including its budgeting arrangements;
there is growing use of the already widespread practice of surveys and other
methods to provide user and citizen feedback in relation to service and financial
planning; and
in most of the innovative authorities there is an interest in moving towards
outcome budgeting and not just output budgeting (however, there is little evidence
of joint partnership budgets being established, even though many of the authorities claim that they are engaged in partnership working and joined-up government).
Clearly, these new developments require new ways of measuring and comparing
performance a requirement which has generally not yet been adequately
addressed at local level.
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leadership,
policy and strategy,
people,
resources,
processes and
different categories of objective and subjective results.
Naturally, the weightings given to these different components and the subheadings used within them differ between the award schemes.
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be more than an excellent service provider. It must also be excellent in the way in
which it discharges its political and social responsibilities in the community. For
example, in the case of garbage collection, excellent service provision will not
guarantee clean streets if citizens continue to drop litter. In the fight to get clean
streets, it may be rather more important to teach children at school appropriate
civic behaviour. In other words, good local governance is more than good local
government.
In Germany, this seems to be an old truth since the constitution guarantees
local governments general power to deal with local matters. The German principle of local self-government means that local government enjoys wide freedom to
shape local life and enjoys a sound bargaining position against the state, which
relies upon local government for implementation of its policies (Banner, 2000).
(Of course, local authorities continue to be dependent on the state to some extent
due to state regulation and supervision, and because a noticeable part of their
revenue consists of state grants.)
In the UK, the Modernizing Local Government agenda and the Best Value
regime suggest that this old truth has also been rediscovered in Britain, in an
apparent reversal of the decades-long trend for central government to take
responsibilities away from the locally elected level of government. The role of the
local authority in community leadership is being explicitly recognized and reinforced by the new power of economic, social and environmental well-being.
The increasing legislation requiring local authorities to work in partnership with
health authorities (particularly in relation to social care in the community and the
care of people with mental health problems) and with police authorities (particularly in working with young offenders) has emphasized that local government has
a role in mobilizing community resources to support health and police services,
even though these are provided by other public agencies.
A radically new approach to widening the remit and responsibilities of local
government, while not necessarily increasing its budget or its range of direct services, is at the core of the increased emphasis on local governance in both the UK
and Germany (and other OECD countries as well).
However, a corollary of this new concern to find wider mechanisms to deal
with social, environmental and economic problems may even mean that local
governance does not always require a local authority for example, citizens
may initiate and sustain successful collective action without any financial or other
support from the local authority.
An interesting example of the self-organizing power of local stakeholders is
given by the Beacon housing estate, a major residential area of Falmouth in
Cornwall. During 199597 the local authority, Carrick District Council, and the
health authority together helped to initiate major improvements to the condition
of the housing, especially in respect of heating and insulation (Bovaird and
Owen, 2002). As residents saw the improvements in quality of life which were
brought about by this programme, they became more interested in working on a
series of further initiatives on the estate, covering estate management, housing
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repairs, crime watch, youth training schemes, etc. These schemes were largely led
and managed by the residents themselves, partly supported by local voluntary
agencies and businesses. As the initiatives proved successful, the strength of resident involvement grew and some of the residents decided to become politically
active on a formal basis, getting elected as councillors, etc. However, the main
locus for change on the estate has remained the neighbourhood initiatives driven
by residents through the Partnership Management Committee, on which they
maintain a majority of seats.
This broader vision of the potential role of local stakeholders is the backcloth
to the widespread attempt to shift thinking and action at local level from local
government to local governance. As previously discussed, the pressures and
opportunities for positive reforms are nowhere greater than at local levels. The
main problem that local government faces is that current management approaches
and performance measurement instruments in the public sector are no longer
adequate to deal with the governance challenge at local level.
Operationalizing the concept of good local governance
Given the earlier definition of local governance, can we operationalize the concept of good local governance? Do we need a new governance excellence
model? While ready-off-the-peg solutions are appealing to managers in both
public and private organizations, this does not seem to be a primary need. Indeed,
there are enough quality assessment models in widespread use already, even
though most of them focus on managerial excellence rather than on governance
excellence.
More than 15 years of use of excellence models in the public sector shows that
the gains from the use of excellence models (be it through self-assessment or
external assessment) are uncertain (Lffler, 1996: 2001). The key problems are,
as so often, implementation issues.
However, we do need to be able to develop further the measurement of the
quality of local governance. In doing this, the logic of this argument is that measuring the performance of the local governance system must:
focus on governance issues which are not well dealt with in government,
such as transparency, honesty, accountability, citizen engagement, levels of trust
in society, levels of respect for democratic processes and the equalities agenda (in
relation to gender, race, religion, age, disadvantage, etc.);
apply a multiple stakeholder framework and transcend organizational
borders; and
involve all important local stakeholders in the assessment by taking into
account their perceptions of how well these governance issues are dealt with in
their local area.
Clearly, measuring the quality of governance will involve finding new measuring instruments for dimensions of social behaviours and social attitudes which
have generally been neglected until recently. For example, the measurement of
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certain dimensions in this list has tended to be very crude and therefore not very
useable in the past e.g. transparency, honesty, levels of respect for democratic
processes. In other areas, such as measuring levels of citizen engagement, levels
of trust in society and achievement of the equalities agenda, there has been some
valuable work, but it has been very patchy so that little comparative information
exists.
Furthermore, measuring the quality of governance may involve more costs
(both directly to the organization which initiates the exercise and indirectly to the
other stakeholders who will be expected to participate in it) than would normally
be the case with a self-assessment exercise on the basis of a conventional excellence model. However, this is likely to have some beneficial knock-on effects. It
has been observed that self-assessment processes may not lead to real organizational improvements when external pressure is lacking. In the case of governance
evaluations, when undertaken as previously described, the involvement of several
stakeholders in the assessment process is likely to activate (and legitimate) the
local authority (and other relevant stakeholders) to take action in order to deal
with the governance weaknesses identified by the exercise, whether they derive
from within its own organization, its mismanagement of relations with external
stakeholders or the poor management of other local organizations.
The greatest danger in going down this road to assess governance quality is
that we might end up, once again, trying to quantify what cannot be quantified.
Indeed, both the World Bank and the EU have launched initiatives to find performance indicators (pis) for a range of governance dimensions. This will not
always be the most productive route, even though it is intrinsically attractive to
researchers. Rather than defining more and more quality of life indicators, some
of which have dubious validity, we have to understand that the aim of governance
evaluations is to understand how different stakeholders construct their perception
of the quality of life in their local area (Rhodes, 2001).
In Table 1 (see Appendix) we illustrate what this might mean for an individual
stakeholder, namely a local authority. The table examines the implications for a
local authority of moving to good local governance. The section headings on the
left-hand side are based on the criteria of the 1999 version of the EFQM Business
Excellence model, before it became the Excellence Model in 2000. The use
of this older EFQM model allows the new organizational requirements to be
highlighted in a clearer way than the later version, which already partially
incorporates a small number of governance elements such as resource-enhancing
partnerships.
As Table 1 shows, governance does not mean that all the bread and butter
issues on the npm agenda have become irrelevant. Thus, academics should be
careful not to interpret governance as anti-npm. Governance is rather the recognition that some seemingly technical issues are highly political and may only be
tackled by taking a wider political perspective. Moreover, behind all public issues
there is a question mark about the relative role of decision-making through democratic means, through managerialist systems or through professional expertise. In
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Appendix
TABLE 1
Widening the scope of local government towards good local governance
Local government needs to consider
not only . . .
. . . but increasingly
Organizational leadership
Leadership of networks
Developing organizations
Ensuring policy coherence across
organizational departments and services
Developing communities
Ensuring policy coherence across
organizational and sectoral borders and
levels of government as well as over time
(sustainable development)
Managing expectations of citizens,
companies and other stakeholders so that
they become more deeply committed to
democratic processes and more engaged in
policy-making and services management
People management
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. . . but increasingly
People management
Resource management
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TABLE 1 (continued)
Widening the scope of local government towards good local governance
Local government needs to consider
not only . . .
. . . but increasingly
Measurement of multi-dimensional
performance
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