Axe-Monies and Their Relatives

AXE-MONIES AND THEIR RELATIVES
Author(s): DOROTHY HOSLER, HEATHER LECHTMAN and OLAF HOLM

Source: Studies in Pre-Columbian Art and Archaeology, No. 30, AXE-MONIES AND THEIR
RELATIVES (1990), pp. 1-97, 99-103
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STUDIES
IN PRE-COLUMBIAN
AXE-MONIES
DOROTHY
HOSLER,
ART & ARCHAEOLOGY
AND
HEATHER
THEIR
LECHTMAN,
Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection
NUMBER
THIRTY
RELATIVES
and OLAF HOLM
Washington, D.C.
1990
To Isabel Kelly and Emilio Estrada
ofCongress
Data
Library
Cataloging-in-Publication
Hosier,
Dorothy.
Axe-monies
andtheir
relatives
Heather
/Dorothy
Hosier,
Lechtman,
andOlafHolm.
inpre-Columbian
art& archaeology
; no.
p. cm.- (Studies
30)
Includes
references.
bibliographical
ISBN0-88402-185-8
- Money.
- Andes
1.Indians
2. Indians
ofMexico
ofSouth
America
- Mexico.
Primitive
Primitive
3. Money,
4. Money,
RegionMoney.
Andes
Heather.II. Holm,Olaf. III.Title.
Region.I. Lechtman,
IV.Series.
E51.S85no.30
[F1219.3.M597]
970s- dc20
89-17148
[737.4972]
1990byDumbarton
Oaks
Copyright
Trustees
forHarvardUniversity,
D.C.
Washington,
Allrights
reserved
Contents
Introduction
AND
AXE-MONIES
RELATIVES
14
Axe-monies:
Ecuador
14
Axe-monies:
Mexico
17
Relatives: Naipes
18
Relatives: Feathers
20
Relatives: "Hides"
WERE
THEY
and Insignia
AXES
AND
WERE
22
THEY
MONIES?
38
Mexico
39
Ecuador
50
Peru
66
THE
TECHNOLOGIES
OF EXCHANGE
70
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
89
TABLES
90
BIBLIOGRAPHY
99
Introduction
The two articles,now classics,thatbroughtAmeriSince thosepublications,theliteratureconcerncan axe-moniesto theattentionof scholarsof New ing axe-monieshas been sparse. They have occaWorldprehistory
werepublishedvirtuallysimulta- sionallybeen reportedfrom Ecuador as issuing
discussionoftheEcuadorian
Olaf
Holm's
neously:
ofNewSpain"(Easbyetal. 1967:110).Caleyand
variety,which commentsupon its closeness to accounts
ofsixOaxacan
Lowell
Shank
chemical
axeperformed
analyses
similar artifactsfrom Oaxaca, Mexico (Holm monies.
Theirmostinteresting
result
(1967:tableII) wasthe
ofarsenic,
atconcentration
levelsranging
from
1966/67),and Dudley Easby's more metallurgi- determination
infour
ofthesix,theremainder
of
0.30to0.51weight
percent,
which
technical
look
at
the
Oaxacan
cal^
types,
themetalbeingcopperwitha variety
of traceimpurities.
of crosssections
examination
recommentsupon theirclosenessto similarartifacts Moazed'smetallographic
from
fourOaxacan
axe-monies
demonstrated
thatthe
fromEcuador (Easby et al. 1967). Easby and his moved
hadbeenhammered,
notcasttoshape,
a result
that
was
objects
coworkersconclude theirstudy thus: "Virtually confirmed
later
whenEasbyandLeonard
Heinrich
a
fabricated
Oaxacanaxe-money.
casta blankofcopper
typical
Having
author
who
has
written
about
the
every
examples
to theshapeof an hachuela,
and
roughly
theyhammered
fromEcuadorand Peruconsidersaxe-moneyto be annealed
themetal
until
thefinal
form
andappropriate
thickofblade,
andflanges
wereachieved.
shank,
clear proofof maritimecommercebetween that nesses
Holm's1967article
on Ecuadorian
axe-monies
drawsenarea and [the] western [coast of] Mexico. . . . tirely
evidence
thembytheobjects
uponinternal
presented
- nordo
since
heknewofnoethnohistoric
sources
then
Axe-moneyhas not been reportedfromtheinter- selves,
weknowofanynow- that
describe
theuseofsuchaxe-monies
veningarea, so that conclusionstrikesus as en- inEcuador
atthetimeoftheSpanish
invasion.
Nevertheless,
axe-like
their
andthepresence
ofraised
thinness,
shape,
tirelyreasonableand probable"(Easby et al. 1967: their
borders
wereallfeatures
closeenough
to
alongtheir
132). Holm, on theotherhand, looks southward, flanges
thoseof theMexican
forhimto suggest
a similar
variety
a typology
He presents
of thebasicaxe-money
suggestingthatin the Peruvianregion some re- function.
describes
all thetypesas having
beenfashioned
by
lated phenomenonis to be expected: "The pres- shapes,
withintheManteno/
hammering,
plotstheirdistribution
ence of copper money-axesis not safelyestab- Huancavilca
culture
areaofthecentral
Ecuadorian
coast(where
inlargequantities)
arefound
anddownas farasTumbes
lishedin thePeruviancultures,but we do suspect they
onthefarnorth
coastofPeru,
andsetstheEcuadorian
material
their presence in f[or] inst[ance] Lambayeque, chronologically
within
theIntegration
period(ca. a.d. 800/
Concerned
to discover
unitagainst
anystandard
althoughin a different
presentation"(Holm 1966/ 900-1500).
which
theseobjects
hadbeenmade,Holmexamined
several
1
67: 142).
andattempted
toseriate
them
He
hundred
examples
byweight.
thattheweights
to concentrate
in groups
reports
appeared
- 5,10,15. . . grams
- andspeculates
around
a quinary
system
'Thearticle
ornotsuchfractionary
valuesmight
havebeen
byEasby,Caley,andMoazed(1967)concen- uponwhether
trates
ontwoaspects
ofMexican
their
useandthe of commercial
or measuring
axe-monies:
the
significance.
Considering
"Allthe
methods
useofthese
Holmremarks:
items,
by whichtheyweremade.The smallcorpusof possible
monetary
studied
camefromthepresentspecimens
which
wehavedescribed
do fitwellintothebasic
objectstheseinvestigators
Mexican
suchitems
to requirements
ofprimitive
stateofOaxacawhere
werereported
theydo
money,
theyareportable,
havebeenfound
inhoards
orcaches.
On thebasisofeyewit- haveintrinsic
valueandthey
arewellrecognizable
..." (1967:
nessaccounts
after
hesingles
atthetimeofandimmediately
theSpanish 138).With
tothelastofthese
characteristics,
respect
andafter
an exhaustive
review
of thesubsequentouttheraised
andhammered
striations
on
invasion,
flanges
superficial
available
thatMexican
hachuelasEcuadorian
axe-monies
aslegitimating
LiketheMexidevices.
literature,
Easbymaintained
or unitofex- canvariety,
Ecuadorian
werefoundin hoards,
axe-monies
were,without
doubt,"... a kindofmoney
inthefamous
ingraves,
markets.
No other often
incopper
wasaccumuorIndian
thatwealth
change
tianquiztli
indicating
useis mentioned
in anyof their[thechroniclers']
latedaswellastraded
overconsiderable
distances.
possible
fromcontrolledexcavations(Ubelaker 1981;Marcos 1981);theyhave been suggestedas examplesof

thekindof copper moneyChincha merchantsare
reportedto have used in theirmaritimecommerce
between the centralcoast of Peru and Ecuador
(Oberem and Hartmann 1982; Shimada 1985a;
Rostworowski1970, 1988); and a fruitless
attempt
has been made to establish a relationbetween
Ecuadorian axe-moniesand the ancientMexican
based
systemof weights,knownethnohistorically,
on the cacao bean (Szaszdi 1980). Veryrecentlya
fewpublicationshave paid somewhatcloserattention to these unusual artifacts.Mayer (1982a)
considersthemin a briefsurveyof ancientAmerican money and related goods made of metal;
Morse and Gordon (1986) reporton theirmetallographicexaminationof threetypicalOaxacan axemonies; and Prumers (n.d.) presentsarguments
for including artifactswith provenienceas far
southas theChillon valley,on thecentralcoast of
of axe-monies.
Peru,in a broadlydrawndefinition
There are several good reasons to reconsider
axe-monies at this time, from a freshvantage
point. Chief among them is the publicationof a
major study by Dorothy Hosier on the origins,
technology,and social constructionof metallurgy
in ancient West Mexico (Hosier 1986, 1988a,
1988b, 1988c, n.d.). Hosier establishesunequivocally that metallurgywas introduceddirectlyto
WestMexico fromEcuador and Peru via a mariincludednot
timerouteand thatthatintroduction
a
constellation
of
certain
object types but
only
almost the entirerange of metals and alloys in
common use in the centraland northernAndes.
Whatmoved fromtheAndes to Mesoamericawas
neitherfinishedobjects (with a few exceptions)
norstockmetal.Rather,theknowledgeandtechnical know-how behind mining,smelting,and the
manipulationof metal; an interestin producing
certainclasses of objects, such as needles, tweezers, open rings, and axe-monies; and specific
attitudes about the qualities of metal as a
- itscolor,forexample- thatwereimpormaterial
tantin channelingWest Mexican culturalinvestmentin thenew medium,were what WestMexicans took from their distant neighbors to the
south.
Axe-monies were among the Andean object

WestMexican peoples,which
typesthatinterested
is notsurprising
in view oftheculturalsignificance
of the metal axe among Mexican societies.Axes
made frommetal appear frequentlyin ethnohistoric documentsas items of ritualparaphernalia
associated with gods and rulers (Hosier 1986).
Mexican smithstendedto make axe-moniesfrom
copper-arsenic
alloys,2the same alloy systemthat
the
Ecuadorian
varietyof axe-money(see
typifies
Table 2), though the Mexican shapes are quite
distinct.Some time around a.d. 800-900, just at
thetimethatWestMexico had its firstexperience
withmetal(Pendergast1962;Hosier 1986, 1988b),
a certainstyle in handlingthis materialbecame
prominentalong the Peruviannorthcoast and in
coastal Ecuador. The production of relatively
small objects which could be stacked,packeted,
tied, or bundled, from metal sheet that was at
timespaperthin,becamejoined to theeliteuse of
such objects, to their circulationand eventual
hoardingin largenumbers,and to some systemof
is no commonly
2There
whichdeaccepted
terminology
scribes
andarsenic.
thebinary
alloysofcopper
Metallurgists
refer
to allsuchalloysas arsenical
ofthe
copper,
regardless
amount
ofarsenic
withthecopper.
Lechtman
(1981)
alloyed
introduced
theterm
arsenic
bronze
torefer
toalloys
ofcopper
andarsenic
whosemechanical
areclosetothoseof
properties
thetinbronzes.
thisarticle
wehaveadhered
toa
Throughout
whichrelates
thearsenicconcentration
of a
terminology
ofthealloy,
alloytothemechanical
copper-arsenic
properties
inthemostgeneral
sense:
arsenical
(<o. 1% As);low
copper
arseniccopper-arsenic
alloy (o. i%-o.5% As); arsenic
bronze(-0.5-^10% As). Alloyscontaining
morethan10
arsenic
arearsenic
buttheyrapidly
bronzes,
weight
percent
become
toobrittle
toworkcold.Suchalloys
wereusedinWest
forcasting
forexample,
suchas bells.These
Mexico,
objects
them
andtheobjects
castfrom
area richsilver
color(see
alloys
Hosier1986,1988a).
Weconsider
arsenical
ascopper
arsenic
in
copper
containing
concentrations
lowerthanabouto.1 weight
Such
percent.
areimpure
whose
electrical
aremarkalloys
coppers
properties
ofarsenic
butwhosemechanical
edlyaffected
bythepresence
aresimilar
to thoseofcopperalone.Mechanical
properties
ofcopper-arsenic
suchashardness
andmalleaproperties
alloys,
tochange
witharsenic
concentrations
bility,
begin
appreciably
ofabout0.5 weight
Attheserelatively
lowarsenic
percent.
ofthealloyincreases,
levels
theoverall
withconsiderstrength
inhardness
ablegains
whenthealloyiscoldworked
especially
At arsenic
concentra(Lechtman,
communication).
personal
tionsofabout0.5 weight
andhigher,
percent
copper-arsenic
canbeconsidered
bronzes
(Lechtman
1981).
alloys
benoted,
Itshould
that
theterm
arsenical
is
however,
copper
intheliterature
usedwidely
onancient
torefer
to
metallurgies
all binary
of their
alloysof copperandarsenic,
regardless
composition.
value that apparentlyprized not just the objects Table 2), includingthe tiniestartifacts(Fig. 11)
but the copper-arsenicalloy of which theywere hammeredinto foil20 micronsthick(1 micron=
made. This style of manipulatingthe alloy was io~3mm). Our laboratory
examinationofrepresenin
in
the
tative
from
Ecuador
includedalso examout
the
northern
Andes
(Ecuador)
objects
played
manufacture
of theprototypicalaxe-money(Figs, ples of theircloseststack-packet,thin-style
Perui, 2) and, in thenorthcentralAndes (Peru),in the vian relatives,naipesand feathers(Figs. 3a, 9).
designof its closestrelative,thenaipe(Figs. 3a, 4), These too, we found,are made of extremelythin
thePeruvianmanifestation
of "axe-money"whose sheet,hammeredfromcopper-arsenic
stockmetal
Holm
had
see
also
for
Shimada
chemical
1985a
presence
predicted correctly(Holm (Table 2;
1966/67).When this metallurgicalstyle reached analysesof naipes).
West Mexico at about a.d. 1200 (Hosier 1986,
Finally,axe-moniesand theirrelativesdeserve
it
was
in
form
of
axeelaborated
the
the
1988b),
particularscrutinyin view of thesuggestionmade
as
as
not
or
feathers, recentlyby Izumi Shimadathatthecopper-arsenic
money(Figs. 5, 6, 7),
naipes
in alloys of which the Ecuadorian artifactsand the
thetwo stack-packet
formsthatwereprominent
the northcentralAndes at the time. Axe-monies Peruviannaipesare fashionedwere produced and
in theformof "blanksheets,ingotsof
useful,then,in helpingestab- distributed
may be particularly
lishthenorthAndeanrole in disseminating
metal- copperand arsenicalcopper"(Shimada 1985a:390)
lurgical technologiesand styles during this dy- by the Middle Sican politybased in the Lambanamic period of coastal Pacific interchange(see yeque valleyof northcoastPeru. The archaeological investigations
of Shimadaand his colleaguesat
map, Fig. 8).
Anotherreasonfora closerlook at axe-monies various sites within the La Leche-Lambayeque
stemsfromthe clear picturewe now have of the riverdrainages(Shimada1985a,1987b;Shimadaet
way in which they were made. The technical al. 1982, 1983;Epsteinand Shimada 1983) demonstudy of Oaxacan axe-monies carried out by strateclearlyand conclusivelythe seriousinvestEasby, Caley, and Moazed (1967) is still useful, mentin theproductionof copper-arsenicmetalat
though it does not examine any of the West large ore smelting(or refining)centersclosely
Mexican artifacts,some of which are unique to linkedto the Sican economicand ceremonialhub
thesePacificcoast statesand bear importantsimi- at Batan Grande. Shimada believes that naipes,
larities to Ecuadorian and Peruvian thin-style whichhe likensto Ecuadorianaxe-monies,were a
smithing. Hosier's metallurgicalstudies (1986, formof primitivemoneyand thattheirsimilarity
1988a, 1988b) corroboratemany of Easby's find- to theEcuadorianobjectsindicatestradebetween
in establishingthenear- Ecuador and Peru duringthe tenthand eleventh
ingsand go much further
exclusiveuse of copper-arsenicalloys forthepro- centuries(Shimada 1985a, 1987a). He argues fur^
ductionof both WestMexican and Oaxacan types therthatthe alloy-producingMiddle Sican polity
(see Table 2). She deals with a large and diverse probablycontrolled"... not only the goods bebutthetransport
mechanismsthemcorpusofobjects(see Table 3), withtheirfunction, ingdistributed
bothutilitarian
and social,and withthequestionof selves" (Shimada 1985a: 391), trainsof llamas and
standardizationin production,and relates alloy ocean-going balsa rafts off the Pacific coast.
compositionto the probable use of these items. WhereasHosier (1986, 1988c)has shown thatsuch
Hosier also providesadditionalethnohistoric
data, maritimetrafficwas the chief mechanism by
for
West
Mexico.
we
can which metallurgyas a technicaland conceptual
Furthermore,
especially
a
for
the
first
time
detailed
reconstruction
provide
systemmoved fromthenorthernAndes to Mesoof the smithingsequences that resultedin the america, we shall concentratehere on the axeEcuadoriancorpus,by farthelargestgroupofaxe- money as representative
of thatsystemand, permoniesavailablefromtheAmericas.All, without haps, as theartifact
that
bearsbest witnessto
type
are
made
of
its
roots.
exception,
copper-arsenicalloy (see
types.Typeia always
Fig. i NorthAndeanaxe-money
hassurface
striations;
onlythetiniest
Typeib itemslack
bearstriations
striations.
sometimes
Type2 axe-monies
Powell.
butoftendo not.DrawingbyS. Whitney
fromthesiteof El Barro,
Fig. 2 Typeia axe-money
del Banco
Ecuador.Collection:Museo Antropologico
Centraldel Ecuador,Guayaquil,Ecuador(MIT 3310).
Fig. 3 Relatives,a) Naipes:The exampleat theleftis

flat;theone at therighthas a centraloval "bubble."
Feathers:
The socket-end
type(middle)hasbeenfound
in Peruand Ecuador;thespatulate-end
type(leftand
right)is knownonlyfromPeru,b) "Hides"andinsignia. The "hide" at the rightis shownwithsurface

striations.
Not all "hides"of thisshapebearstriations.
Powell.
DrawingbyS. Whitney
"Hides"
-O
fU
I
7'"*
~aj
m
-
o i ;
'- '- '
Insignia
^
^
11
cm 0 -J
'
Thecmscalesinthesedrawings
a wavepattern.
illustrateddescribe
Fig.5 Mexicanaxe-money
types.The forms
of each
of theoveralldimensions
standard
foreachtype,butthereis permitmeasurement
can be considered
The
section
thickness.
not
its
cross
but
a type.Typeia is axe-money
often
variation
insizeandshapewithin
type
is rendered
in WestMexico.As its two formofeachcrosssection
foundalmostexclusively
(includaccurately
itsthicktransverse
sectionsindicate,some are flatbut others ingratioof flangeheightto bodythickness);
nessis presented
as a linewhosewidthis relative
to that
usedtodescribe
ThusType
variety.
Typeia, thethinnest
ib is presented
as virtually
thesamethickness
as Type
ia; Type5c is drawn3Xas thick;all theothertypesare
drawnwitha thickness
jx thatofTypeia. The relative
thickness
of shankand flangeforTypes2a through
5b
a meanvalue of thisratiofortheseaxerepresents
monies,but the variationaroundthe meanis small.
Powell.
DrawingbyS. Whitney
r>| $J . |
o
3 <-rt
>H o
i-I -flj
'>*.3
J ois'' Si
o^J&<
. 2 u ô o
5
-'- _
<L>
"S
2
53
-rt
d3
-E
n
2 *S^C rh *
E S u 53
ioc8
3 "8
3 -S
O t~>o
6B.O
2 g f-G
U;<0
ft r^ V
uU
m hH
M
fr* 0 2 s
o-S 1! 2rS ff-Si g
a ^ ^ .C _l^
u
- JS
3
- - -5J3
2
~ g gp-sô .g
fc
<*
J?Z O ^
o .a
. x 2 .a
.S O
SP^
uu2 -T3
8 SP
-->

^3Jft
<uo 'C
U
43
GJS
Ji o - .
u o
5"1
S 3h'5b
<ug o
s#
I X!
a a
^.a Î! <
2 fl-5
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A>
2 nl
P-i'X3
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8
3^'o pcj
o
>u s 2
s<-a
*i
<3 >.(_
c 2* 5
75
. u Jh
bocu-^
2
^ i-l S
Oaxaca, Mexico. CollecFig. 7 Type2a axe-money,

Mextion:MuseoRegionaldeGuadalajara,
Guadalajara,
ico (MRG F247;MIT 3460).
MEXICO
'
I'i
f
" / CIUDAD DE
c--4-. MEXICO
,
OCEANO
DE MEXICO
GOLFO
LEYENDA'
,, _
^ , del
Capital
pais
Ciudad,pueblo
^
arciueo^^co
CI
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[
1
( f
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-I
P^CTHCO^"^
""""V--,
PANAMA]
>
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.^NAYARIT
J ~Nf
/ r--s~ /
'
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^
'V JALISCO
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CIUDAD
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7
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t m MEXICO V
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'*'
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'
rvf'
''
. ^W^C'GUERREROV"i(i''""
OAXACA ~~~)
'
0 1 100km
COLOMBIA
/ *v
QUITO /"*.*>
APortoviejof %
rSalango y
Tumb^ÊCtJADOR
Cz-J
Piura*
Vicus
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^
f
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i
f
d
il cwi$Bat4nGran<le f'
Vrujillo
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PERU '^-1
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APLIMA
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'Chincha Cuzco{ Bolivia!
r
}
X
Jl. Titicaca I
Qv T . nlirr
V
^S>V
?"LAPAZ
theregionsofwestern
Mexico,
Fig. 8 Map illustrating
thenorthAndeanarea,and thecentralAndeanzone
in the text.The WestMexicanstatesof
mentioned
Nayarit,
Jalisco,Colima,Michoacan,andGuerrero
appearas aninset,alongwiththestateofOaxaca.
A
j
'
and spatulate-end
Fig. 9 Feathersof socket-end
type
fromtheLambayeque
valley,Peru.Collection:Museo
Peru.PhotocourArqueologico
Bruning,
Lambayeque,
tesyof EugenMayer(1982a:fig.4; we haveaddeda
scaleandrearranged
theorderoftheobjects).
Axe-monies
and
Relatives
rives."Under thesame set of considerations,

certain object typesfalloutsidethe core group: cast
axes from
objects,suchas thegiantcopper-arsenic
in
10
illustrated
here
Ecuador,
Figure (Holm 1966/
67: fig.4), and hoardsof heavy,cast and socketed
copper-arsenicpoints from north coast Peru
(Lechtman1981), as well as bound packetsof bits
of hammered metal sheet- sometimes folded
- of copper, silscraps,sometimesshaped forms
ver, gold and theiralloys (Priimersn.d.; Mayer
1. Shape
axe-like
Predominantly
we consideraxe-moniesas
1982b). By definition,
2. Metal
Copper-arsenicalloys
those objects in our core group thatmeet all six
(arsenicbronze);occacomposition
classification
featureslistedabove. Theirrelatives,
sionallyimpurecopper
whichdepartin certainways fromcompletefitin
3. Fabrication
Hammered,to formthin all features,are naipes,feathers,and severalof the
objectsHolm includedas axe-moniesin his origiprocedure
plate,sheet,or foil
nal classification,
wherehe groupsthemas "aber4. Physicalfeatures Mechanicalstrengthen- rant
types"(Holm 1966/67:139,fig.3), and which
ing devices,such as
we have termed"hides" (Figs. 3b, 20, 21) and
raisedflangesalong
insignia(Figs. 3b and 22).
edges, thickenededges,
corrugations
Axe-monies: Ecuador
5. Archaeological
Primarilygravegoods in
theaxe-moneytypesthatare
Figure1 illustrates
deposition
singleor multipleburiin
found
numbers
large
along thecentraland south
als; caches
coastsof Ecuador. Type ia is most common. The
6. Deposition
Found in groups,often
largestof theserangein heightfromabout 7.7 to
in largehoards;somefeatures
8.9 cm and appear to have been the normal or
timesbound in packets
standardsize (Fig. 2). Small axe-moniesmeasure
or wrappedin bundles
fromabout6.5 to 6.9 cm, and tinyaxe-moniescan
varyfrom1.2 to 4.5 cm in height.The normaland
Axe-monies of the Ecuadorian and Mexican smallsizesareidenticalin shapeand wereburiedas
types(Figs. 1,5), thenorthcoast Peruviannaipes, individualitems,thoughoftenin greatquantity.
and a featherformknown fromPeruand Ecuador The tinyaxe-monies,Type ib in Figure1, usually
(Fig. 3a) share most of thesefeaturesand consti- havelostthepronouncedshoulderof theblade and
form(see Figs. 11, 12).
tuteour inclusivegroup of "axe-moniesand rela- tendto assumea triangular
If we leave aside the possible uses of the objects
under review here- as functionalimplements,as
primitivemoney, as tributeitems, as headdress
paraphernalia, as status symbols and ritual
- and concentrateonly upon their arofferings
the
chaeologicaland metallurgicalcharacteristics,
salientfeaturesthatdescribethemand thatcluster
themanalytically
are:
14
They are almost always found stacked and in larly for objects like axe-monies that are hampackets,eithertiedor corrodedtogether(Fig. 12). meredto shape, sincethepresenceof the alloying
of
Type 2, thoughless commonlyfound,is close to element(arsenic)enhancesthework-hardening
Type1a in shape and size, but theangleformedby the metal. Withthe additionof as much as 3.5%
the shoulderto the blade is less abrupt and the arsenic,the richred color of copper changesto a
blade more flaring.Type 2 shares the formal pale pink, and alloys containing7% and more
characteristics
of the Type 3a varietyof Mexican arsenic are silvery white (Lechtman 1988, and
personalcommunication;Hosier 1986, 1988a; see
axe-money(see Figs. 5, 29).
The distinguishing
of thesearti- also notes2 and 10, thisvolume).
characteristics
factsare theirthinness(thicknessdeterminations Withinthemodernpoliticalboundariesof Ecuamade microscropically
on cross sectionsof sam- dor, these kinds of axe-moneyhave been found
ples takenfromselectedobjeccts yieldedthe fol- principallyin the provincesof El Oro, Manabi,
normal, Los Rios, and Guayas, which correspondgeolowing measurementsfor representative
small, and tiny axe-monies; all measurements graphicallyto the prehistoriccultureareas associwere made interiorto the raised flanges:0n = ated with the Manteno-Huancavilca presence
0.055-0.12 cm; 0S - 0.011 cm; 0t = 0.0022-0.014 along thePacificlittoraland theMilagro-Quevedo
raisedflange peoples who occupied the territoriessomewhat
cm); thepresenceof an uninterrupted
the
and
shoulder
butt,
shank,
along
edges; a blunt, fartherinland. These societiesflourishedduring
blade
and
a
series
of
striations
or the so-calledIntegrationperiod, fromabout a.d.
squared-off
edge;
indented
into
the
surface
metal
on
both
800-900 to the Spanishinvasionin the earlysixgrooves
sides of the object which run along the lengthof teenthcentury(see Table i).3 The map of Figure13
the shankand across the widthof the blade. The indicatesall sites at which finds of axe-monies
or identified
in
flangesand grooves were recognized by Holm have been reportedin theliterature
visual
and
field
as
the
and
farmers, huaqueros.
(1966/67:137) legitimatingdevices,
by archaeologists,
tactileclues by which the objects could be recog- During the course of this study,we have pernizedforwhattheywere. The tinyaxe-moniesare formedchemicaland metallographicanalyseson
too thinto supportraisedflanges,but theiredges representative
examples from 30% of the sites
have been thickened deliberately to provide indicated.The map includesthepresentEcuadorgreatermechanicalstrengthto the thin sheet or Peru borderarea, sincea few findsof Ecuadorian
foil. But even the smallest examples bear the styleaxe-monieshave been found at Garbanzal,
identifyinggrooves (Figs. 11, 12; see also just 7 km south of Tumbes (Mejia i960; Ishida
Ubelaker 1981: fig. 102). To thislist we can now i960), and nearTalara(Bushnell1951). This repreadd a furtheridentifyingcharacteristicto the
3Thechronological
chartforEcuadorian
prehistory
pubbronzeforthe
typology:theuse of copper-arsenic
lished
EvansandMeggers
in 1961wasbasedon36radioby
manufacture
of Ecuadorian axe-monies. In all of carbondatesderived
fromsamples
of charcoal
and shell.
ofthesedates(20from
Valdivia
a
theanalyseswe have carriedout, reportedherein Twenty-one
sites;1 from
Chorrera
to
the
Formative
11
site)
correspond
period;
repreTable 2 and Figure51a, as well as in thoseof Scott sentthe
onewasderived
from
Regional
Development
period;
thatcanbe considered
transitional
between
theRe(n.d.) on thesingleexampleBushnellcollectedon material
andIntegration
andthree
dates
gionalDevelopment
periods;
the Santa Elena Peninsula(Bushnell 1951), and of came
frommaterial
associated
withtheIntegration
period
Minato (i960) on an excavated example from (Mantacontext).
Thisvaluable
ofC-14datesis
compilation
available
forEcuador,
butwe
summary
materialhas theonlypublished
Garbanzal,Peru, the manufacturing
notethatonlyfour
dates(11%ofthetotal)correspond
tothe
been copper-arsenic
and cultural
interval
thatpertains
to axealloy,withoutexception:Cu, chronological
In the38 yearssincethepublication
ofEvans'and
2.1% As in the lattercase, Cu, 0.33% As in the monies.
additional
dateshavebeen
study,
Meggers'
many
important
former.The additionofarsenicto copperstrength- published
butnoup-to-date
sumbyindividual
investigators,
ofthese
newdatahasappeared.
Thechronological
and
ens thealloyand changesitscolor.The strengthen- mary
inTable1 is generally
cultural
chart
we present
accepted
by
ing effectbecomesusefulat arsenicconcentrations scholars
of Ecuadorian
to represent
thecurrent
prehistory
of about 0.5 weightpercentand higher,particu- state
ofresearch
onthesubject.
15
sentsthe southernmostlimitof the occurrenceof communication,1988). Ayalan,a Late Integration

theEcuadorianhacha-moneda.
period urn burial cemeteryin the Province of
All Ecuadorianaxe-moniesare gravegoods in- Guayas, was in use betweenabout a.d. 710 and
terredin single or multiplegraves (Mejia i960; 1600,butthepre-Spanishmaterialsdateprincipally
Marcos 1981; Stothertn.d.a; Netherly,personal froma.d. 710 to a.d. 1230.Ubelaker'sexcavations
communication,1988, concerningexcavationsat there yielded 54 ceramic funeraryurns and 25
El Porvenir,Arenillasvalley,El Oro) and in urn primaryskeletonswithouturns(Ubelaker1981:9).
burials(Ubelaker1981). Most ofthedramaticfinds The metalartifacts
foundmostfrequently
at thesite
describedby Holm (1980)- suchas a totalof 30 kg were axe-monies (he refersto them as copper
of axe-moniesdepositedin ceramicvesselsat Hda. plates),and it is worthquotinghis carefuldescrip"Los Alamos," El Oro; a ceramicvessel,currently tionof theiroccurrence(Ubelaker 1981: figs. 101,
in the collectionsof the Museo de Arte Prehis- 102, 103).
torico,Casa de la Cultura,Guayaquil, withhun. . . groupsof smalltriangular
copperplates,[are]
dreds of tiny axe-moniesin packets of 20 from
boundtogether
frequently
by yarntiedaroundthe
base . . . Of the69 groupsrecovered,
28 (41percent)
Plagosa, Manabi; over 13,000axe-moniesof northe
and/or
associated
fabric.
yarn
display
binding
mal size buried in a single vessel at Hda. "El
. . . revealedbrown
Analysisof the yarncontent
Retiro,"El Oro have been located throughthe
single-ply
yarns,onewitha "Z" twistandall others
activitiesofhuaqueros
or in chancefindsby farmers. withan "S" twist.All specimens
examinedmicroscopically
appeartobe cotton.
In thosefewcasesin whichtheywereuncoveredas
A totalof69 groupsofplateswererecovered
from
part of archaeologicalexcavations,they are de. . . Sincedecomwithin
thecemetery.
eightfeatures
scribedas occurringin close associationwith the
manyplates. . . exactplate
positionhad destroyed
countswerepossibleforonlysevengroups,eachof
humanskeleton.Mejia (i960) reports18individual
whichcontained5, 10, 10, 20, 20, 20, and 20
axe-monieslocatedon bothsidesof theskeletonin
plates.. . .
a gravehe dug at Garbanzal,on thefarnorthcoast
Plategroupswerefoundwithurns(2 features),
skeletons(6 features),
and one secondary
of Peru. In the case of the Manteno-Huancavilca primary
skeletal
Within
the
urns
the plateswere
deposit.
burialStothert(n.d.a) uncoveredatEl Tambo,near
in thebase. Withtheprimary
concentrated
usually
La Libertad,eachhandheldone axe-moneyand six
fromfourmalesand
skeletons,
plateswererecovered
otherswerestackednearby,whereasat El Porvenir
twofemales
andfromnearlyall partsoftheskeleton
(feet,legs,pelvis,arms,skull,etc.). (Ubelaker1981:
in themiddleArenillasvalley,Netherlyexcavated
100-101)
the burial of a six-year-oldchild with fouraxemonies placed closed to the head (Netherly,per- At least778 axe-monieswere recovered,of which
sonal communication,1988). Marcos (1981) de- a few were of normalsize, the latterfoundboth
scribesthe normal size axe-moneyas presentat with urnsand with skeletons.Ubelaker does not
Loma de los Cangrejitosin all graveshe excavated mentionany groupingof types as a functionof
whichbelong to the Phase A (ca. a.d. 900-1150) chronology,however,as is thecase at Loma de los
utilizationof thesite.The axe-moniesweregener- Cangrejitos.Holm (1978: 351) also cites cases in
allyplacedin thehandsofthebodybutoccasionally which normal and tinyaxe-moniesare found in
also in the mouth. He reportsfurtherthat the thesame grave.
In general,the fartheraway fromthe nuclear
normalsize axe-moneyalmostdisappearsin Phase
B (endof twelfth
to onsetoffifteenth
coastal
area the site is located, the fewer axecenturya.d.)
of theManteno-Huancavilcanecropolisand is ab- monies it yields. Finds of hundreds, at times
sent in Phase C (fifteenthto end of sixteenth thousands, are typical in the central Milagrocenturya.d.), whereas the tinyaxe-moniesthat Quevedo/Manteno culture area, whereas sites
measure2-3 cm in lengthand occur groupedin along its geographicmarginsare limitedto a few
in PhaseB and specimens.Holm (1966/67)has receivedreportsof
packetsof20 areextremelyfrequent
arealso foundin theearliestburialsinPhaseC, until isolatedand unique findsof axe-moniesfromthe
about a.d. 1400 (Marcos 1981; 55, 57; personal provincesof Imbabura,Chimborazo, Canar, and
16
Azuay in the Ecuadorianhighlands,but we have cases along the shoulder of the blade, though
seen none.
blade
rarelyon thebuttedge;4a blunt,squared-off
on
some
but
a
edge
types(notablyType 2a)
sharp
blade edge on others(e.g., Type 3a). The large
Axe-monies: Mexico
- 84% of those analyzed by Hosier
majority
Figure 5 illustratesthe proliferationof axe- (1986)- is made of thealloy of copperand arsenic
money forms that Mexican societies elaborated (see Table 2): 16 out of 19 (84%) artifacts
analyzed
afterthebasicnotion,style,and use of thisclassof from West Mexico (Hosier 1986); 20 out of 25
artifactwere introducedto West Mexico from (80%) artifactsanalyzed from Oaxaca (Hosier
Ecuador (Hosier 1986, 1988c). The transmittal 1986;Easby et al. 1967: tableII). The only feature
from Ecuador to West Mexico of metallurgical presenton virtuallyall Ecuadorian axe-monies
technologiesand the knowledge involved in ore thatis entirelymissingfromtheMexican corpusis
mining, smelting,and metal manipulationoc- the linear grooving of the surfaces.As in the
curredin two ratherdistinctphases. The first,a Ecuadorian case, extremelysmall examples of
copper-basedmetallurgy,
began at approximately certainnormal size formswere produced (Types
a.d. 800 and continueduntila.d. 1200-1300. The 4b and 5c in Fig. 5); some of these have raised
second,an alloy-basedmetallurgywhichincluded flanges,othershave not.
the binarycopper-silveralloy, the copper-arsenic Axe-moniesconstituteone of the most abunand copper-tinbronzesas well as a ternary
copper- dant metal artifacttypes in Mesoamerica, along
a.d.
1200arsenic-tinalloy,Hosier places at
1300 with bells and open loops. However, they have
until the Spanish invasion (Hosier 1986, 1988c). rarelybeen foundin archaeologicalcontexts.Of
Axe-monies were a phenomenonof the second the varietiesillustratedin Figure 5, Type ia is
wave.
known almost exclusively from West Mexico
all
of
the
known
Mexican
whereit is common to thestatesof Guerreroand
Although
presently
border
typesare shown in Figure 5, our discussionhere Michoacanand to theGuerrero-Michoacan
focuseson the WestMexican variety,since it was (Hosier 1986). For our discussionhere,we include
as an Guerreroamong WestMexican states. Few have
throughWestMexicanhandsthatmetallurgy
and
notions
about
metal
and
its
activity
proper been found in the state of Oaxaca which has
culturaluse were disseminatedthroughtheMeso- yielded all the other types.5Type ia (Fig. 6),
americanregion(Hosier 1986),and becausewe are discussedhereforthefirsttime(reportedin Hosier
interested
preciselyin thenatureof thetechnologi- 1986, 1988c), is of particularinterestbecause,
cal and culturalrelationsbetweentheAndeanzone exceptforthe absenceof raisededge flanges,it is
and Mexico. The Oaxacan materialhas been am- in manyrespectsclosestto theproductionstylewe
ply treatedby Easby and his associates(Easby et have outlinedforthe Ecuadorian artifacts.These
al. 1967).
WestMexican smithssometimesproducedob2a axe-monies
havea raised
4Type
occasionally
flange
along
ject formsin metalidenticalwiththosethatcame thebutt
inthetypology
in
illustrated
edge.Thisisnotindicated
fromthesouth,whetherfromtheAndes or,in the Figure
5.
5Hosler
from
Oaxacaoutofa
14Typeia axe-monies
reports
case of lost wax castbells, fromCentralAmerica. total
of 100Typeia objects
in thecollection
oftheMuseo
More typically,
themand, witha Regional
deGuadalajara,
Mexico(1986:298).Theanalyses
of
theytransformed
arepresented
herein Table2. The objectsare
characteristic
flair,produced many variationson sixofthese
as a grouptheir
because
fallsat the
interesting
composition
the theme (Hosier 1986, 1988a, n.d.). This is as highendofarsenic
concentration
whencompared
withthe
ofMexican
axe-monies
trueforaxe-moniesas fordepilatorytweezersand totalpopulation
(seeFig.50).Atthe
sametime,
areconsiderably
thantheother
they
larger
Typeia
characteris- axe-monies
bells, yet virtuallyall the identifying
- allofwhich
- withlengths
arefrom
West
Mexico
from
of19.6cm;see
ticsof theEcuadorianaxe-moneyare present:axe- thatrange
17.6to20.5cm(meanlength
Table
mean
the
of
contrast,
51
3).
By
length
Typeia axelikeor knife-like
form;fabricof thinplateor sheet; monies
from
WestMexicois 15.0cm,witha rangeof 12.2
raisedflangesalong the shankedges and in most -17.2cm(Hosier
6.1-1).
1986:appendix
17
long, paper-thinaxe-monies are hammered to almostidentical,15.0 cm, 13.8 cm, and 14.0 cm
as are the mean weightsof Types2a
shapefromsheetwhose thicknessaveragesonly 14 respectively,
microns(0.014 cm). Their thickenedshankedges and 3a: 55.1 g and 52.9 g (Hosier 1986; see Table
and theirslightlycorrugatedconstruction,
evident 3). The Type ia axe-moniesaverageonly 5.7 g in
in the x-radiographof Figure 14, are deliberate weight. The thicknessof Type 2a and 3a objects
mechanicaldevicesto increaserigidityof thelong rangesbetween0.04 and o. 1 cm, with a mean of
and thinsheet, therebyensuringintegrityof the 0.07 cm forboth types.All Mexican axe-monies
form.In some cases thesheetdescribesa half-wave have raisedflangesalong the shank edges except
patternalong its longitudinalaxis (see Fig. 5), a for West Mexican Type ia, Type ib, and the
featurewhich may perhapshave aided in stacking miniaturesof Type 5c which are too thin to
these items but which definitelyimproves their undergosuchmechanicaltreatment.
Of eightType
strength.Of 25 Type ia axe-moniesanalyzedby 2a objects analyzed by Hosier (1986), one is of
Hosier (1986), only two were found to be of copperand theothersrangefromarsenicalcopper
copper.All the othersare fashionedfromcopper- to arsenic bronze; of four Type 3a objects she
arsenicalloy in the concentrationrange between analyzed, all are arsenicalcoppers or very low
0.05 and 6.4 weight percent,with the mean at arsenic,copper-arsenic
alloys(see Table 2).
2.6% (see Table 2 and Fig. 50).
The only reportwe have of the stack-packet
Relatives: Naipes
assemblyof axe-moniesin Mexico refersto this
The naipe,6perhapstheclosestand mostsignifiextremelythin Guerrerovariety.During his archaeologicalexplorationsin Naranjo,centralGuer- cant relativeto the Ecuadorian axe-money,is a
rero, Weitlanersurface-collected"... a package phenomenonof theLambayequevalleycomplex,
of 13 copperleaves [laminas
] in theformof an axe formedby the drainagesof the La Leche, Reque,
but thethicknessof heavypaper about whose use and Lambayeque riverson the farnorthcoast of
we wereunsure"(1947: 79; translation
by Hosier). Peru. Untilveryrecentlywe have knownof onlya
whom
Hosier
at
interviewed
Villagers
Xochipala, single example found outside this zone, a naipe
Guerreroalso referto themas laminaswhen they (Fig. 4) collectedby HenryReichlen,thoughwithfindthem(Hosier 1986).
out association,at Vicus (Henry Reichlen, perOf the otherMexican axe-moniesillustratedin sonal communication,1976)- a site in the upper
Figure5, onlyType2a has been reportedoccasion- Piura valleyregion,borderingthe Sechuradesert
30 km east of Piura- whichhe
allyfromWestMexico, in Guerrero(Hosier 1986) and approximately
and in Michoacan (Ortiz Rubio 1920). Types2 and gave to Heather Lechtman for study at MIT.
3 have rarelybeen foundin controlledexcavations, During a 1988 sitesurveyof the upper reachesof
apartfroma group of fiveType 2a objects exca- thePiurariver,Shimada,Kaulicke,and Makowski
vated at Monte Alban (Caso 1965). They are (Shimada n.d.b) collectedsome naipes,associated
sometimes found in caches, however. One lot with Middle Sican blackwarebottles,at Buenos
(Type 2b) given by Saville to the AmericanMu- Aires(just upvalleyof Morropon),and listenedto
seum of NaturalHistory,forexample,came from accountsof local huaqueros
who reportedfrequent
a cache of 120 found in pairs in a mound near
Xaaga, Oaxaca (Saville 1900), and 23 dozen were
6Looters
in theLambayeque
(huaqueros
valley
reportedfoundin a terra-cotta
"
pot nearthecityof
") operating
usetheterm
to objects
suchas those
region
naipeto refer
Oaxaca (Easby et al. 1967).
illustrated
here
inFigures
introduced
4 and15.Shimada
(1985a)
totheliterature.
Fromthebrief
ofhisrecent
With regard to physical characteristics,
it is theterm
report
carried
outin theupperPiuravalley
metallurgical
survey
interestingto note that the mean length of the (Shimada
whether
locallooters
there
who
n.d.b),itisnotclear
threeprimarytypesin a group of 174 axe-monies findsuchobjectscallthemby thesamename.The most
of"naipe,"
a Spanish
isplaying
card.
word,
meaning
examinedby Hosier- ia (thin,straightshank:65), common
"
"
AsusedintheLambayeque
then,
region,
naipeswouldseem
2a (curvedblade: 72), and 3a (flaringblade: 37) is tosuggest
"metal
cards."
18
occurrencesof shallow shaft tombs containing same size and shape. Shimada describesthistomb
blackceramicbottlesand packagesof tumisand/or as "enormous" (1985a: 385), and it is no surprise
naipes(Shimada n.d.b: 9) at sites along the Piura that it has yielded the largest cache of naipes
riveras farnorthas Chulucanasand as farsouthas discoveredthusfarat Batan Grande.He goes on to
Morropon. The firstnaipes recovered through say that"thesinglespecimen[Pedersen]illustrates
archaeologicalinvestigationswere excavated by (1976: fig.2) is nearlyidenticalin size and formto
WendellBennettin 1936 at a burialsite he desig- those we have recovered from various looted
nated Lambayeque One, located about halfway tombs at Huaca las Ventanas and the partially
between the town of San Jose and Lambayeque looted tomb at Huaca La Merced. A radiocarbon
(Bennett1939). He describesthemas "two identi- date for the Huaca Menor tomb and ceramics
cal I-shapedthinplates . . .7.5 centimeters
long; 3 associatedwithburialscontainingnaipesallows us
centimeters
wide at thecenter;and 6.2 centimeters to confidentlyspecifythat the naipesdate to the
wide at theends" (Bennett1939: 105). Because he middle to late Middle Sican (ca. a.d. 900-1050)"
did not illustratethem, these objects have been (Shimada 1985a: 386). The C-14 date reportedby
overlooked,but Lechtmanfound them carefully Pedersen is a.d. 1035 (Pedersen 1976: 60). In
drawnin Bennett'sfieldnotebooks,which are in Figure 15 we illustrateseveral naipes from the
thecollectionsof theAmericanMuseum of Natu- Huaca Menor tomb that Pedersen gave to Olaf
ral History.They are naipesof the standardshape Holm; they exhibit a central oblong bubble,
and size. On thebasis of theceramicshe excavated whereasthe Vicus specimen(Fig. 4) is flat.Given
at Lambayeque One, Bennettassignedthe site to the new chronologyestablishedby Shimada for
Middle Chimu (1939: 106). Holm, in his early Batan Grande(Shimada 1985a: table 16.1) and the
discussionof "aberranttypes"of Ecuadorianaxe- formalcharacteristics
oftheblackwarevesselsBenmonies,illustratedhalf a naipewithoutknowing nettillustratesfromthe site of Lambayeque One,
what it was but recognizingcertainfeaturesit it is clear thatBennett'stemporaldesignationof
sharedwiththeEcuadorianmaterial(Holm 1966/ his Lambayeque One burialsas "Middle Chimu"
67: fig. 3, bottom left). He remarkedthata few is appropriate,placing the site and the naipesat
such broken specimens are known from the about a.d. 1100, toward the end of Middle Sican
Mantenoarea (1966/67:139). The object he illus- in theLambayequevalley.
tratedwas donatedto Holm and reportedlycame
Shimada's work at Batan Grande(n.d.a, 1985a,
fromManabi province, but no similarfind has 1987a, 1987b)providesthebestinformation
about
evenbeen reportedfroman identified
in
variation
burial
and
size,
archaeologipractice,
packetingof
cal contextin Ecuador.
for
minor
all
variations, naipesare
naipes.Except
The firstand dramaticpresentationof naipesas of the same shape, but they range in size from
eliteburialgoods stacked,packeted,bundledand about 4.2 X 2.1 cm to 10.o X 8.5 cm, the latter
the largest(44 g in weight) salvaged
occasionallyinterredin verylarge numberscame representing
with the publicationby Asbjorn Pedersen(1976) from the Huaca La Merced pyramid (Shimada
of the contentsof a partiallylooted tomb in the 1985a: 385; 1987a:fig. 11). The variationsin shape
Huaca Menor at Batan Grande. In going through includea raisedoval area, like a bubble or hump,
the materialthe looters left behind as of little in the centralportionof some, or a slightconvex
value, Pedersenfoundthousandsof naipes, among bulgingof the two long edges on others(see Fig.
them many packets which containedup to 500 15). Pedersenrecognizedtwo main typesof naipe
individual specimens "... arranged and inter- at the Huaca Menor on the basis of presenceor
locked in a special way, formingcompact blocs" absenceof thecentralraisedbubble,and notedthat
(Pedersen1976: 64; translationby Lechtman)(see thosewhich presentthisfeatureare more numerFig. 15 and Prumers n.d.: fig. 7, a schematic ous than the flat type (1976: 64). He further
renderingtaken fromShimada 1985b: 119). The dividedthesetwo typesintosubtypesaccordingto
naipesassembledin any one packet were of the whether the short edges of the object were
19
convex,or concave. The mostinteresting Naipes do not have raised flanges,but their
straight,
of
aspect thepacketingof theHuaca Menor naipes edges are deliberatelythickened(1.7X in a Huaca
is thatthereis no mixingof types:any one packet Menor specimen;i.6x in the Vicus specimen)to
containsonlyone subtype(Pedersen1976: 64).
improve rigidityof the thin sheet (see Fig. 45).
The naipes we have examined at MIT from None of them bears any surfacestriations,and
Batan Grande and fromVicus rangein thickness theyare not axe-shaped. Various observershave
from0.019 cm to 0.078 cm. They are made of describedthemas doubleT shape (Shimada 1985a)
copper-arsenicbronze sheet metal hammeredto or as I shape (Bennett1939; Priimersn.d.), and
thicknessesthat fall within the range typicalof one mightsee them as - 1 shape, depending
Ecuadorianaxe-monies.
upon theirorientation.Pedersenhas perhapsdone
The inclusionof naipesin Middle Sicanburialsis us a disserviceby referring
to naipesas "doblehachas
commonat Batan Grande,but theirsize and num- monedas"(1976: 64), Shimada somewhat echoing
ber in any singleburialare clearlyassociatedwith thatdescriptionin calling them double T shape.
the statusof the deceased (Shimada 1985a: 384- Shimada argues furtherthat "double-T shaped
385). The smallertombsgenerallycontainonlyone specimenssimilarto those[naipes]foundin Batan
set of naipesof a certainsize, such as a packetof Grande. . . also occur,thoughless frequently"
in
"some 20 small . . . specimens"in an adult male Ecuador (Shimada 1985a: 388 and fig. 16.7). He is
burialat Huaca Las Ventanas(Shimada1985a:385). referringto one of the "aberrant" Ecuadorian
Largerandrichertombshavea varietyofsizesanda formsHolm publishedin 1966/67(fig. 3, rightlarger overall number of specimens (Shimada hand portion)and which we term a "hide" (see
1985a: 384-385 and pl. 16.2). Shimada reports Fig. 3b). These objects(Figs. 20, 21), one of which
packetsofsmallnaipesas "wrappedin coarsecotton is heavilymarkedwithsurfacestriations,not only
clothand cords of plantfiber"(1985a: 385). In the do not resemblenaipes,theyare not "double-T" in
opulentbut rareburialPedersendescribed,naipes shape and are unlikeany known Ecuadorian axe
represented
onlya portionofan estimated500kg of eitherin metalor in stone.As Holm remarked,"a
artifacts
interredwith 17 bodies (Pedersen suggestionof a double axe is. . . out of place in
copper
in
addition
to substantialdiscretelayersof Ecuadorian archaeology"(1966/67: 139). In fact,
1976),
shell,lapis lazuli, and cinnabar,among we have no precedentforthenaipeform.Whereas
Spondylus
otherspecialmaterials.
thenaipemayproveto have been theforerunner
of
have
a
in
of
features
common
the
Ecuadorian
hacha-moneda
in
terms
of
the
thin
Naipes
variety
with Ecuadorian axe-monies. They are burial smithingstylewhichbothobjecttypesshare,they
goods which were made in a range of sizes and werenot prototypesin theformalsense.
oftenstackedand packeted,bound and sometimes
bundled in cloth when buried. All of the speciRelatives: Feathers
menswe have analyzedare made of copper-arsenic
bronze(see Table 2), as are thosewhose composiBennett's excavations at Lambayeque One
tion Shimada and his colleagues determined yieldedanotherkind of object we include in our
(Shimada 1985a: table 16.3). Arsenic contentof categoryof relatives:"Three bundlesof thincopindividualnaipesrangesfrom1.15 to 4.47 weight perleaveswrappedtogether. . . One such bundle
made by is composed of leaves 15 centimeterslong, 3.5
percent;the independentdeterminations
the two laboratories7(MIT: atomic absorption centimeterswide at one end and taperingto 2.0
MASCA: protoninduced x- centimeters
wide at the otherend. The bundle of
spectrophotometry;
are
in
close
these
thin
leaves
is 1.8 centimetersthick. All
rayemission)
agreement.
bundlesshow tracesof the stringor clothused to
7The
induced
emission
(PIXE)analyses
proton
x-ray
reportedwrap them" (Bennett1939: 105). Althoughthese
here
asundertaken
oftheUniversity
bytheMASCAlaboratory
ofPennsylvania
werecarried
outbyCharles
P. Swannatthe stacked,packeted,and tiedleaves are now entirely
Bartol
Research
of
Delaware.
Institute,
mineralized,Lechtmanwas permittedto examine
University
20
and photographthemat theAmericanMuseum of about threecubic metersfullof theseitems,often

Natural Historyand to analyze nondestructively corrodedtogetherin groups" (Mayer 1982a: 289;
the surfacesof a few of the strongerspecimens translationby Lechtman).He reportshavingseen
using x-ray fluorescencetechniques. Figure 16 themin the hundredsin othercollectionson the
illustrates
severalof thesturdierbundlefragments Peruviannorthcoast as well.
There are two basic typesof feather,one witha
excavated by Bennett, with bits of cloth still
bundles
view
of
two
A
to
some.
spatulateend (Figs. 9, 18), the otherwith a sockadhering
profile
eted end (Figs. 9, 18, 19) formedby turningover
thin
of
the
the
shows
not
stacking
only
(Fig. 17)
leavesbut also thebindingof groupsof leavesinto two edge flapsof metal. The Lambayeque One,
packetswith ratherwide ribbon-liketies of reed. Cerro Sapame, and Batanes feathersare of the
sizes.
Lechtmanwas able to count ten leaves tied to- spatulatetype,thoughof different
in the Batan
excavated
In
a
Alva
burial
the
in
each
of
three
From
recently
drawings
packets.
gether
in Bennett'sfieldnotebook, the intactindividual Grandearea and which he dates to a.d. 850-1100
leaves resembledthe objects illustratedhere in (Middle Sican) were the remainsof long and thin
Figure 18 (to the rightof the scale), collectedby leaves of copper,approximately40 cm in length,
Henry Reichlen at the site of "Batanes," near which were originally intact in bundles of
acanalado")crosssection
Chongoyape, in the Lambayeque valley (H. "channel-shaped"(" decorte
8
Reichlen,personalcommunication,1976).
(Alva 1985:415-418 and fig.6). It is impossibleto
Briiningcalled this object type "plumiforme" discernthe formfromthe publishedphotograph,
(Antze1930:24 and fig.2) and foundat leastmore but Mayer, who saw the material,describesit as
than 100 in the Lambayeque valleyarea. Accord- similar to the long featherforms he saw in
ing to Antze (1930: 24), such featherformsmade Lambayeque(Eugen Mayer,personalcommunicaof thincoppersheetwere used as headdressorna- tion, 1987). Aside frompottery,othergraveitems
mentsand are commonfinds.He describesa setof included a copper mask of typicalSican style,a
five from Cerro Sapame as measuringapproxi- copper knife,several beads in the form of gilt
mately2.$ cm in length,considerablyshorterthan coppertweezers,andbeadsofshelland "turquoise"
thosefoundby Bennettand by Reichlen,and he (Alva 1985).The onlyotherexcavatedsheetcopper
speculatesthattheywere arrangedtogetheras hair featherformmaterialwe are aware of fromPeru
ribbons(huinchas
) or perhapswere setintocircular issued froma burialDisselhoffuncoveredon the
metal headbands or on a type of helmet (Antze north coast at San Jose de Moro, Jequetepeque
1930: 24). During a visit in 1970 to the Museo valley,ProvinceofPacasmayo."At therightshoulArqueologico Briining, Lambayeque, Lechtman derof theskeletonlay a bundleof millimeter-thick
noted hundredsof such thinfeatherformsin the copper leaves in the formof halftubes [halbierter
storeroom, and Mayer, who recently photo- Rohre
] (Abb. 6). He helda tumiofthesame metalin
his
describes
there
righthand and a copper knife... in the left"
(see Fig. 8),
graphedsome of them
the museumas having "a chestwith a volume of (Disselhoff1958: 186; translationby Lechtman).
Unlike Bennett, Disselhoffgives us no careful
descriptionof theseobjects,but it seems clearthat
to Heather
donated
8InSeptember
1976HenryReichlen
are feathersor are relatedto feathers.The
Materi- they
onArchaeological
forResearch
Lechtman's
Laboratory
andassociatedpotteryfoundin the burialhe calls "Lambayeque
ofmetalobjects
alsatMIT a largecollection
on
thathehadassembled
materials
metallurgical
production
it clearly
Style." From the publishedillustrations,
coastofPeru.Approximately
sitesurveys
equal
alongthenorth
Middle
Sican
to
the
presence in the
as "Vicus belongs
siteshedesignated
werefrom
numbers
ofartifacts
notes
accom- Lambayeque valley,puttingthe date of thisgrave
Reichlen's
and"Batanes
(Piura)"
(Lambayeque)."
de
"Documents
collection
readasfollows:
theBatanes
panying
Chimude Batanes,pres de somewherebetweena.d. 900 and 1150 (Shimada
l'atelierde metallurgistes
site 1985a). This fitswell with Shimada's suggestion
Reichlen's
clearthat
Itseems
(Lambayeque)."
Chongoyape
"Batanes"
isoneoftheLambayeque
pro- thatsome time
metallurgical
valley
duringCajamarca Phases III/IV-V
in the
hasidentified
to thoseShimada
duction
sitessimilar
was
a
there
Grande.
of
Batan
Cajamarca colonyat San Josede Moro
vicinity
general
21
thatcoexistedwith a Middle Sican and perhapsa

Late Sican colonythere(Shimada 1985a: 380).
We would be surprisedif the opulenttomb at
the Huaca Menor, Batan Grande, containedno
feathers.Pedersen reports finding one in the
looter'sbackdirt,and theremusthave been many
more.Though he does notillustrate
it,hisdescripclass closely:
tionis detailedand fitstheartifact
Con"Feather"
ofa helmetor diadem(deteriorated):
sistsof a band11 mmwideat itsupperendand 30
intheshapeofa half
mmwideatthebase,hammered
cane260 mmlongby0.5 mmin thickness,
missing
to theend thatjoins [the
thepartthatcorresponds
helmet
ordiadem].(Pedersen
1976:64;translation
by
Lechtman)
Pedersen'ssense of the generalshape of this"copper" object as resemblingthat of half a cane
("media cana") is almost identical with that of
Disselhoff'shalf a tube; the lengthof the Huaca
Menor exampleis almosttwicethatof thefeathers
excavatedby Bennett.
In Ecuador,Meggers,Evans, and Estradaexcavateda group of 130 loose feathersof the socketend type,severalof whichwe reproducein Figures
18 and 19, thatare virtuallyidenticalto the Peruvian feathersof that same type which Mayer
photographedat the BriiningMuseum: compare
Figures8 and 18 (Meggers et al. n.d.). They may
even have been importedfrom the south. The
featherscome froman exceedinglyrich multiple
urnMilagro-Quevedoburialwhichtheexcavators
have calledthe"Cacique Guayas" burial.The site,
La Compania in Los Rios Province,is an Integration period (ca. a.d. 850-1532) cemetery,but the
presence there of these socketed feathersmay
indicatea date for the Cacique's tomb as falling
withinthefirsthalfof thatspan of time.
It is evidentwhy we includefeathersas relatives
ofaxe-moniesand ofnaipes.They aremadeofvery
thinsheetmetal (spatulatefeathercollectedby H.
Reichlen at Batanes: 0av = 0.045 cm; Cacique
Guayassocketedfeather:0 = 0.014 cm) withthickened edges; theyare burial items oftenfoundin
large numbersand frequentlystacked,packeted,
and tied; theyare made of copper-arsenic
bronze.
The Batanes feathercontains 1.98% arsenic;the
Cacique Guayas feathercontains5.2%|arsenic;the
whicharetotallyminerLambayequeOne feathers,
alized,contain2.6% arsenicatthesurfacewherethe
of thenon-metalliccopperarsenicis a constituent
arseniccorrosionproducts(see Table 2). In short,
they share many of the featuresof thin-style
smithingthatarethehallmarkofthelargemajority
ofobjectsdiscussedhere.In addition,metalplumes
wornas headdressornamentswerea distinctsignof
elitestatusnotonlyamong Sican lordsand Chimu
kingsbut, accordingto Salomon (1987: 221), also
among nativepeoples of Ecuador in the sixteenth
who wore themas symbolsof highpoliticentury,
cal rank.
Relatives: "Hides" and Insignia
Holm (1966/67),in hisearliestpublicationof the
Ecuadorianmaterial,singledout three"aberrant"
or atypicalformsofaxe-money.One ofthoseis the
naipe.We continueto includetheothertwo in the
categoryof relatives,thoughtheirrelationto axemonies is not clear. The firsttype,illustratedin
designatea
Figures3b, 20, and 21, we tentatively
"hide." As Holm hasnoted(1980: 58), itis reminisand driedskin
centin formoftheflayed,stretched,
of a four-leggedanimal,and departsconsiderably
from any known Ecuadorian axe shape (Holm
1966/67:138). The second type,insignia(Figs. 3b
and 22), resemblestheanthropomorphized
clavade
baston
de
a
or
common
mando, relatively
insignia
artifact
typein theMilagro-Quevedoinventoryof
metalmanufactures
(see,e.g., E. Estrada1957:figs.
59, 60). Holm consideredthe presenceof a raised
edge flangeon both theseartifacttypesas well as
theirmanufacturefromthinplate, theirflatness,
and theircleardistancefromserviceas implements
of any kind as sufficient
traitsforinclusionin his
of
axe-monies.
They are also conlargercategory
than the normal
and
much
rarer
siderablylarger
type and, he speculated, possibly represented
wealth(Holm 1980: 58).
greaterintrinsic
We areawareof onlysevenexamplesof "hides":
threein thecollectionoftheMuseo Antropologico,
Banco Centraldel Ecuador in Guayaquil,threein
theMuseo de la Municipalidadde Guayaquil, and
one in a privatecollectionin thatcity.Two of the
Museo Antropologico pieces have no exact
22
provenience;theywere collectedin Manabi. The axe, we know of no artifacts,other than axeotherfive are from a "shaft-and-chamber
burial monies,so imprinted.At thesame time,thereare
nearthe village of Manglaralto,in the area of the featuresof theseparallelimpressionsthatare not
Mantenoculture"(Holm 1966/67:138). Only the characteristic
ofthestandardaxe-moneyform.The
threeMuseo Antropologicoobjectswere available horizontalgroovescovervirtually
theentiresurface
to us forstudy.One is almost identicalin shape, of theobject,extendingintothe"ears" or lobes of
to its mate,shown thepiece,bothat the"butt"end (Fig. 21 left)and at
size, and surfacecharacteristics
in Figure20. The thirdhas the slightlydifferent the"blade" end (Fig. 21 right).Frominspectionof
contourpresentedbythe"hide"in Figure2 1, butits thephotographalone,itappearsthatthehorizontal
surfaceis almostsmooth.Each ofthesethreepieces grooves were originallymade across almost the
has at most a few irregularmarkson one or both entiresurfaceof a roughlyrectangular,
hammered
surfacesmade by indentingthe metal under the plateofmetalwhose areais givenapproximately
by
blow of a tool (see Fig. 20). The marksare ran- the outer dimensionsof the finishedpiece. The
domlyorientedand do not resemblethestriations v j -shapedupperand lower contoursmaythen
foundon the standardaxe-money.They are tool havebeenachievedby cuttingaway portionsofthe
marksmade duringshapingof themetalplate. On rectangle,therebyremovingthe middlesof some
the otherhand, the "hide" shown in Figure 21, striationsbut leaving theirends. Those ends are
publishedby Holm in 1966/67(fig. 3, object at clearlyvisible at two of the four ears or lobes.
lower right),has many striationsor grooves run- Finally the flangeswere upset and the vertical
ningparallelto thehorizontalaxis ofthepieceand a striationsadded along one edge. Although we
fewthatrunperpendicular
to these,butonlyalong cannotverifythisinterpretation
throughexaminaone edge (along the right vertical edge in the tion of theobject, such a sequence of stepswould
ofthesurfacegrooves
photograph).As thisobject was not availablefor accountfortheconfiguration
as
we
in
on
the
manner
we
see
them.
The
form
of
this
cannot
comment
detail
study,
object- including
in whichthestriations
weremade- Holm reported its continuousperimetricalflange,the proposed
in 1966/67 (p. 138) that they are "hammered manufacturing
technique,and the distributionof
- departsconsiderablyfromthe
All
surface
striations
nor
on
the
material
of
manufacture.
grooves"
threeoftheMuseo Antropologicopieceshavebeen standardtreatment
givenaxe-monies.Yetitand the
in
bronze
others
its
and
are
made
of
analyzed
group have a fitthatis hard to deny.
copper-arsenic
(see Table2). All threehave a raisedflangethatruns Thus theystandas relatives.
aroundtheentire
Axes that are closest in form to these hideperimeterof theobject. They are
also closein size. In relationto theorientation
given shaped objects tend to be Inkaic in origin. Some
in Figure3b, dimensionalrangesare:height,11.0- are commonto thecentralAndes, othersto south12.6 cm; width,9.2-10.2 cm; averagethicknessof ern Ecuador and northwestArgentina.None is
theplate,0.21 cm; averageweight,109.4 gidentical to the hides, but all have the deep
In spite of the fact that these objects are so
contourthatrunsfromthebuttalong the
in formfromany Ecuadorian axes and shankto the shoulderof the blade. Mayer (1986)
different
havea raisedflangeon all edges,includingtheedge illustrates
severalfromtheProvincesof Catamarca
which might representthe working blade, the andJujuyin NorthwestArgentina.Some of these
distributionof the pronounced grooves on the have a somewhattriangularblade, ratherlike the
surfaceofone oftheManglaraltoexamples(Fig. 2 1) heavily grooved Manglaraltohide (Mayer 1986:
warrantscarefulconsideration.Theirorientation
is pl. 16.306); some have flat or even somewhat
likethoseon standardaxe-monies:themajorityrun circularblades (Mayer 1986: pl. 17.315, 17.316).
"
parallelto theedgesofthe"shank, whilea fewrun They are all likelyto be tin bronzes. Holm disperpendicularto these, across the "blade." Al- claims any close relationbetween the hides and
does not mandatethatthe Inka axes: "What simulatesthe haftingears at the
thoughthisdistribution
which
bears
these
striationsrepresentsan poll of thesetwo . . . money-axes[shown herein
object
23
Figs. 20 and 21] are quite alien to Ecuadorian tionof coastalPeruvianternaryalloysof thisclass:
copperaxes of anykind,and theyare,ifanything, 87% gold, 10% silver,3% copper; Ventura1985:
of theInca copperaxe. How- 87). The large majorityof the materialfromboth
slightlyreminiscent
ever,Inca money-axesare unknown,and theInca sitesis madeofcopper-tinbronzewithsome pieces
influencenever left any culturalvestigeson the containingas much as 21-24 weightpercenttin.
in objectsfromboth
coast land of Ecuador, even if the latestmilitary The averagetinconcentration
Manis
a
was
with
the
sites
about
with
wide
variationof from
13.3%,
expansion
contemporaneous
tenoandMilagro-QuevedoCulturesoftheIntegra- 2 to 24% (Ventura1985:22-23). Venturaattributes
the manufacture
of all of thesemetalburialoffertionPeriod ..." (Holm 1966/67:138).
We do not insistthattheshapesof theseunusual ings to highlandpeoples in the Andes of nearby
objects representanimal hides. If they do, we southernBolivia. Given theradiocarbondate, the
suggestthatthe animal may have been a camelid, alloy type, and associationswith other materials
more specificallythe llama. Beatriz Venturare- from the northwestArgentina-southern
Bolivia
centlypublished(1985) the resultsof herarchaeo- region, she places these sites in a Late period
researchon an interesting context(1985: 17-20), thatis, fromabout a.d. 850
logicaland metallurgical
of
group copperalloy objectsfromburialsat two to 1480 (Gonzalez 1979).
sitesin theselvaoccidental
of northwestArgentina,
Of interestto the discussionhere are the tin
" and associated
Manuel Elordi and El Talar.Both are almostat the bronze " llamitas
zoomorphic
in
border
with
Manuel
Elordi
the
some
of
which
are
Bolivia,
forms,
present
reproducedin Figure23
"
"
2
of
at
of
and
Oran
the
confluence
(Ventura1985: figs.
(Salta),
3). The llamitasDepartment
theSan Franciscoand Bermejorivers,and El Talar those sheet metal shapes that are llama-like in
- occurin a wide varietyof formsand
in the Department of Santa Barbara (Jujuy), appearance
southalong theRio San Francisco. sizes at both sites. Only a few of theseare reproslightlyfarther
Both sitesbelong to the same culturearea and are duced in Figure23. Lengthsrange from2.5 to 7
A singleradiocarbonage obtained cm; widths from 1.9 to 3.5 cm; sheet thickness
contemporary.
from human bone excavated at Manuel Elordi from0.05 to 0.3 cm. Many of theseobjectshave a
providesa date of 1030 120 BP (Ventura1985: suspensionhole high up along the back of the
7), or about a.d. 955. Accompanyingthe metal animal.The quantitativeanalysis of only one of
objects in the tombs were ceramics and small these llamas is reported;it is an alloy of 93%
beads of sodalite,turquoise,and chrysocolla;a few copper,7% tin(Ventura1985: table 5).
" is a series of
textileswere foundonly at El Talar.
Associated with the " llamitas
All the metal objects were interredinside ce- zoomorphic forms, some of which bear close
ramicurns.They includewide armbands (" braza- relationto the camelidpieces, as is evidentfrom
"
letes");narrowwristbracelets;open rings; llami- Figure 23. Commentingupon Forms A and B,
tas" of sheetmetal; star-shaped,perforatedmetal Venturasuggeststhat"with the additionof a pair
objects thoughtto be small bells (" campanitas") of small notches, these forms could be trans4
/ formswhich also have one
(theseare identicalto objectsfoundabundantlyon formedinto llamitas
the north and central coasts of Peru, made of or two suspensionholes" (Ventura1985: 12; transcopper-silveralloy; see Lechtman1973: fig.20); a lation by Lechtman). All of these zoomorphicfewneedlesand depilatorytweezers;and a variety shapedsheetsare made fromtinbronze;one Form
ofzoomorphicforms,perhapspendants,also made B piece was analyzed as containing87% copper
of sheet metal (Ventura1985: 9-13). Qualitative and 13% tin. The Form D objects are interesting
analysisof the compositionof thirty-two
objects especiallyfortheirincreasedstylizationand their
was carriedout,withsubsequentquantitative
deter- large rangein sizes and in weight. Nevertheless,
"
"
minationof tenrepresentative
pieces fromamong theirprototypein the llamita seemslikely.Some
" of are as
them (one object was a sheet metal " llamita
large as 11 cm in length,and the heaviest,
with
the
cm
thick,weighs 150.1 g; the average weight
typicalcomposi- 0.4
gold-silver-copper
alloy,
24
of thisgroupis 72.6 g (Ventura1985: 13). FormD priorEl Molle complexon theChilean coast (see,
objectshave fromone to threesuspensionholes. e.g., Comely 1956: 188, fig. 14).
This excursionsouth.is usefulbecause it proVenturasuggeststheywereeithersewnontoclothvides at least one alternativeto the question of
ing or worn as pectorals(1985: 13).
- hidesand possiblynaipes
Anothergroup of copper or copper-alloyob- whatcertainrelatives
jects foundin northwestArgentinaand in central may have represented,if not axes. Perhaps their
and north-central
of thestyl- modelswere llamas. We do not suggestthathides
Chile is reminiscent
" or
ized llamas Venturadescribesfromthe southern or naipeslook preciselylike Bolivian "llamitas
Bolivian highlands. We illustrateone of three Las Animasplates,nor thatsuch formssomehow
examples (Fig. 24) excavated at the prehistoric madetheirway directfromChile and Argentinato
cemeteryof Coquimbo (Castillo,Biskupovic,and Ecuador,forwhichthereis certainlyno evidence.
Cobo 1986;Museo Chileno 1986:no. 166), on the In fact,theplatesarenotflat.They foldover along
north centralChilean coast (the Norte Verde). the two long verticalsides (see Fig. 24 right),
Several are also known from San Pedro de providingeach witha narrowlateralstripoutfitted
Atacama,in the desertof northernChile (Mayer with holes for attachmentto some otherunit or
"
"
1986;Lechtman,fieldnotes,1987),and quitea few material. And the llamitas are not stretched
have been reported from the Provinces of hides;theyare views of theanimalfromone side.
are there,and it may
Catamarca,Jujuy,and Salta in northwestArgen- Nevertheless,thesimilarities
tina(Mayer 1986). Those thathave beenexcavated be that the currencyof such forms during the
are grave goods. Their functionis unknown,but period with which we are concernedencouraged
each of two of the threeexcavatedat Coquimbo parallel responses. Certainlyllama offeringsare
was foundloosely tied to theforearmof a human associatedwiththeburialsthatcontainaxe-monies
at Ayalan, in Ecuador (Ubelaker 1981), and
skeleton(Castillo,Biskupovic,and Cobo 1986).
The Coquimbo cemeteryrepresentsthe end of Shimada reports(1987b: 20) that camelid fetuses
theLas Animasculturalcomplexor thefirstphase weresacrificially
offeredin elaborateritualsbefore
of theChileanDiaguita culture(Diaguita 1) on the the onset of constructionand use of the earliest
coast, with a date somewherebetweena.d. 800 Middle Sicansmeltingfurnacesat thesiteof Huaca
and 1200 (Museo Chileno 1986). Of 28 graves del Pueblo, Batan Grande.
We can contributelittlethatis new to Holm's
excavated, only eight did not contain camelid
burials;all othershad fromone to five camelids (1966/67)originalevaluationof thebastonor insigplacedin intimateassociationwitha humanskele- nia relative.The example illustratedin Figure22
ton. Many of the graves also contained small shows the location of the raised flange,which is
"
"campanillas identicalwiththebellsfromManuel confinedto thecircularend of theobject,stopping
Elordi and El Talar. Las Animas communities just below thetwo lateralindentations.The metal
were heavilyorientedtowardpastoralism,and "a plate, hammered to shape, ranges in thickness
traitof this complex is a compli- fromo. 18 to 0.29 cm at thecircularend; theraised
distinguishing
cated funeralceremonyinvolvingthe sacrificeof flange there measures 0.49 cm at its thickest.
llamas. These were probably buried with their Though heavier than any of the other objects
ownersas an expressionof an intimaterelationship describedhere(228.1 g), thispiece is considerably
since in the graves located at the Plaza de lighterthanthe cast, anthropomorphized
insignia
Coquimbo llamas were foundembracingthe de- thatare its prototypes.Surfaceanalysisby x-ray
ceased with theirforelegs.. ." (Museo Chileno fluorescenceshows the metal to be a copper1986: 24). Althoughthe metal plates in question arsenicbronze containing1.10% of the alloying
are associated with llama herders,there is no element.We know of only two examplesof these
assurance that their form representsthat of a objects,neitherof whichhas surfacedecorationor
camelid. It is suggestiveof thatform,however, striations.Because of their raritywe have not
even as the formis known fromceramicsof the sampledthemformetallographic
study.
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u -S -c u is -a 3"
a
o
x o-5
^ pu-5
> c& -5
^ 3*
o O
Fig. ii A group of Type ib axe-moniesfrom exceptforthesingleaxe-moneyat thefarright,the

to date.Collection:Museo
Ecuador.Thoseinthetoprowareindividual tiniest
Babahoyo,
exampleencountered
striations
aresharpandcrispas is Antropologicodel Banco Central del Ecuador,
leaves.Thehammered
thechisel-cut
outlineof theedgesof theleaves.The Guayaquil,
Ecuador.
smalleritemsin thebottomrow arepacketsof leaves
fromthe horizontal
striations.
MuseoAntropologico,
Collection:
Fig. 12 Two packetsof Typeib axe-monies
of thestringthat del Banco Centraldel Ecuador,Guayaquil,Ecuador
siteof Churute,
Ecuador.Remnants
tiedtogether
theleavesofthepacketattherightarestill (MIT 3463).
visibleon the surface.Note the sharpverticaland
Fig. 13 Map ofthenorthAndeancoastalzone,includnorthcoastof Peru.The

ingEcuadorandtheextreme
havebeenfoundfallwithinthe
siteswhereaxe-monies
andHuancavilca-Manteno
culture
arMilagro-Quevedo
eas. 1. Jaramijo2. CerroJaboncillo3. El Barro 4.
Olon 7.
Plagosa5. PedroPabloGomez6. Manglaralto;
Cerrode Paco 8. La Libertad;
Salinas9. Cangrejito10.
Ayalan(Anllulla)11. Puna 12. Quevedo;San Camilo

13. Babahoyo14. Milagro15. Las Palmas16. Churute
17. Hda. Los Alamos 18. Balao Ghico 19. Hda. El
Retiro20. Guapan21. Balao 22. Machala23. Cambio
del Guabo 24. Arenillas25. Tumbes (Peru) 26.
Garbanzal
(Peru)27. Talara(Peru).
of theWestMexican(Guerrero)
Fig. 14 X-radiograph
in Figure6. Lightareas
illustrated
Type1a axe-money
to thicker
metal,darkareasto metalthatis
correspond
thinner.
The narrowlightand darkparallelbandsthat
runthelengthof theobjectrepresent
alternations
in
thatprovidetheobjectwitha corrumetalthickness
withthethickened
This,inconjunction
gatedstructure.
edge all around the perimeterof the axe-money,
thethinsheet.
strengthens
--t
<W
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O,c ' .S & ^
EL
^ IT'S
s > S3 u S U ?
^f|Sb|0H"SSg
"1
% s JS2 .s |al
excavated
BenFig. 16 Bundlesoffeathers
byWendell
nettat thesiteLambayequeOne, Lambayequevalley,
Peru. Individualleaves are entirelymineralized
and
someof thebundlesare fragmentary,
but thefeather
Thebundleatthefarleftcontains
shapeis recognizable.
twopacketsoffeathers;
thebundlefourth
fromtheleft
contains
three.A remnant
ofwovenclothclingsto the
ofthepacketatthefarright.Collection:
Amerisurface
can Museumof NaturalHistory,
New York(AMNH
MIT 3492).
41.1/436;
* oj 2
tu
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o06 s
and associatedzoomorphicforms
Fig. 23 "Llamitas"
fromburialsat
madeoftinbronzesheetmetalexcavated
thesitesof ManuelElordiand El Talarin theselva
occidental
of NorthwestArgentina.Drawings after
BeatrizVentura
1985:figs.2, 3.
usewhoseformis reminisFig.24 Objectofunknown

centofa llama.Thisexample,tiedto theforearm
of a
was excavated
at thecemetery
ofCoquimbo,
skeleton,
coastofChile.The metalcomposion thenorthcentral
tionhas not yetbeen determined.
Height:15.5 cm.
Width:7.7 cm. Weight:163.5g. Photograph
by FernandoMaldonado.Collection:
MuseoArqueologico
de
la Serena,La Serena,Chile.
/';-=09
)(8*=-0/']
Were
They
Axes
and
Were
They
Monies?
The archaeologicalevidence is abundantlyclear coast, and it continuesinto the Late Horizon.

thataxe-moniesand relativeswereburialparapher- Lechtmanhas studieda varietyof such sheetmetal
nalia, at least in Ecuador and Peru, and that itemsfromsitesas farsouthas thelea valley;they
throughouttheAmericastheywere oftenhoarded are made of copper,silver,and gold as well as the
in large numbers.Priimers(n.d.) pointsout that alloys of these metals. They seem to bear little
theirgrouping in standardsets (by size and by relationto the axe-money phenomenon we are
numberin a givenpacket)may have had religious examininghere except that they underscorethe
importand that,in any case, theritualsignificance culturalvalue of metal of all kinds, even sheet
of the "bundle" is well established,especiallyin metal scraps which may have served as amulets.
burialpracticein Peru where objects of all kinds
Ethnohistoric
sourcesand the internalevidence
and of many materialswere tied and/orwrapped provided by the objects themselvesallow us to
in clothupon interment.He concludesthatEcua- focus on theiruse in life, not only theiruse at
dorianand Peruvian"axe-monies"are to be inter- death.9
pretedpurelyas grave goods whose depositionin
thegravewas partof theburialrite;theirquantity 9Inourtreatment
ofaxe-monies
wehavenotattempted
to
a moregeneral
in a grave reflectsthe social statusof the buried discusstheseobjectswithin
and
analytical
context
that
examines
them
asinstances
of"primiperson (Priimersn.d.). Priimerswould also in- comparative
tivemoney."
inthecaseoftheMexican
for
material,
Except
clude in the generalcategoryhacha-moneda
other which
issolidethnohistoric
there
evidence
forthesimultaneous
usenotonlyofhachuelas
butalsoofmantas,
cacaobeans,and
smallsheet-metal
objectsthathave been tiedintoa other
items
as standards
inexchange,
suchaneffort
wouldbe
difficult.
Holm(1978)pointed
out that,with
packet,regardlessof theirshape, number,or the exceedingly
to a setofattributes
we generally
ascribe
to modern
metalof whichtheyare made,suchas a packageof respect
Western
arelistedin Einzig1949butwere
(these
money
ten thin,silverleaves shaped like an arrow-point formulated
in 1875),Ecuadorian
axeoriginally
byJevons
exhibit
a subset
ofthese:
areportable,
and bound with cottonthreadfromthe site of El monies
they
recognizable
andsurface
andhaveinherent
value
(withflanges
striations),
Castillo,Huarmeyvalley (n.d.: fig. 7 and Fig. 8); (buried
inlarge
Asthese
arethethree
coreattributes
numbers).
asnecessary
foritems
or a packageof two littlecoppersheetmetalitems, Einzig
tofunction
as"primitive
specifies
Holmacceded
tothatdesignation
fortheEcuadorian
tied with cotton thread, from VenturosaAlta, money,"
He noted,
thatthemaindifference
between
however,
corpus.
andmodern
liesnotinindividual
attributes,
Supe valley, Peru (n.d.: fig. 8). Both finds are primitive
money
byboth,butin theirfunctions:
associated with Middle Horizon ceramics. We manyofwhichareshared
modern
ispolyvalent,
orall-purpose;
money
primitive
money
shouldpointout, however,thatthebinding,bun- is univalent,
restricted
in valueandin circulation.
In fact,
refers
toa constellation
ofseveral
money
generally
dling, and burial offeringof small cakes of cast primitive
- suchas hachuelas,
different
monies
andcacao
mantas,
quite
- which
copperor of bitsof sheetmetal,sometimesfolded beans
function
inindependent
transactional
In
spheres.
the
Ecuadorian
andpercase,axe-monies,
emeralds,
of
at
other
times
chaquira,
fragments sheet,
completely
constituted
sucha group
ofmonies,
butthe
hapsgiltnoserings
shapedpiecessuch as thosePriimersdescribes,is a context
oftheir
useislargely
Salomon
(see,however,
missing
funerarytraditionof great chronologicaldepth 1986).
theorigins
ofthemodern
Money,
general
purpose
variety,
along the centralAndean coast. We observe it at the
nature
ofeconomies
thatutilize
theprimitive
and
variety,
leastas earlyas Moche timeson thePeruviannorth theimpact
ofmodern
onsucheconomies
isthesubject
money
38
formand quantityin which copper tributefrom

West Mexico was renderedis provided by an
information
Our richestsourceof ethnohistoric
drawn up in 1528, of the copper from
about axe-monies comes from Mexico. Objects inventory,
Michoacan storedin the Casa de Municion (arsethatare similarto the extremelythinWestMexiin Mexico City (Hosier 1986). The list innal)
can variety(Type ia) are illustratedin the Codex
cludes eight hundredweight(368 kg) of copper,
Mendozaas tributeitems to the Aztec fromtwo
500 copper shields, and 113 cases of copper
tribute provinces of Guerrero: Quiauteopan,
hachuelas
"
"
(Barrett1981: 12).
which owed 80 hachuelas a year,and TepequaOn the otherhand, the documentsthatreferto
cuilco (Clark 1938). The RelacionesGeograficas
thecurvedblade varietiesof axe-money(Types2a
from Michoacan report that "plata tendidamuy
and 2b), foundchieflyin Oaxaca, describethemas
"
delgada (verythinsheetsof silver)was a tribute bothtributeand
money.FrayToribiode Motolinia
item to the king of Michoacan (Schondube n.d.:
statesin his Memoriales
thatin partsof Mexico thin
200). Although the metal in this case is silver
were used as currency
ratherthancopper,the key idea is thatthin,leaf- T-shaped copper objects
The RelacionesGeograficas
from
like pieces of metalserveas tribute(Hosier 1986). (Motolinia 1903).
Oaxaca are particularlytellingbecause they exIn Sahagun's illustrationsof merchants'wares
press the relationbetween currencyand tribute
"
(Sahagun 1950-1975: 9, pl. 3), two objectswhich
statethat"hachuelasde cobre
resemblethehachuelasdepictedin the Codex Men- (Hosier 1986). They
Troncoso1905-1906) weretributeitemsto
doza as tributeare shown among itemscarriedby (Paso y
from the towns of Tetiquipa and
is Tututepec
themerchants.Thus, thoughthedocumentation
Cocautepec. In addition,theRelacionforTetiquipa
sparse, of the few sixteenth-century
Spanish
that such axes were currencyand were
sourcesthatreferdirectlyor indirectlyto thethin explains
circulatedand sold in the marketsforpurposesof
West Mexican axe-money type, all set it in the
tribute:
contextof tribute(Hosier 1986). A glimpseof the
. . .no tenianminasconocidasde dondesacarel oro
ni otrosmetalesy que las hachasde cobreque solian
As a
of a substantial
in economic
literature
anthropology.
tributar
hera[era]monedaque corriay se vendiaen
andModern
Melitz'Primitive
Money los tianquezy mercadosque se hazianen todoslos
general
study,
Jacques
in
Primitive
themostuseful.
(1974)isprobably
Money
(Einzig's
pueblos.(Troiken.d.: 7)
ItsEthnological,
andEconomic
Historical
(1949)wasreAspects
"Primiin 1966.)George
Dalton's
visedandnewly
published
tiveMoney"
someofthemajorissuesabout Furtherinsightinto thedual role of Oaxacan axe(1965)develops
theinstitutionalized
usesof varieties
of moneythatwere monies is had from Francisco Lopez Tenorio,
in "TheSemantics
ofMoneysetoutbyPolanyi
originally
in "TheOriginsof Regidorde Antequera(cityof Oaxaca), who, in a
Uses"(1968[1957]).PhilipGrierson,
orientation
tothe 1548letterto the"presidentedel consejo de Indias"
a goodhistorical
(1978),provides
Money"
toprimitive
ofmodern
anditsrelation
currency
development
(Medina 1912: 563) in Spain, includesa line drawandethnographic
Someoftherichest
archaeological
money.
inwhich
it ing of an axe-money (redrawnhere in Fig. 31),
onmoney
andthenonindustrial
economies
research
ofAfricanclosest to our
oroncefunctioned
comesfrom
scholars
functions
Type 2b, and gives its equivalent
I.
societies.
suchworks
wemight
suggest:
many
Jane
Among
in
value
of
and
the
Currencies
Spanishreales.The textreads:
History Marriage
Guyer,
"Indigenous
RedGoldofAfrica
Herbert,
(1984);
(1986);Eugenia
Payments"
L. A. Webb,
theComparative
Estaes la formade monedade cobreque se usabaen
Studyof
James
Jr.,"Toward
and
Currencies
of WestAfrican
Money:A Reconsideration
la NuevaEspana. . . Valian4 de estasnuevas5 reales
EcoNeoclassical
(1982);PhilipCurtin,
Monetary
Concepts"
y despuessiendogastadasun poco no las querian
nomic
inPrecolonial
(1975);PaulJ. Bohannan, recibir
Change
Africa
enprecioalgunoy veniana valer10por1 real,
theTiv"
andInvestment
"SomePrinciples
ofExchange
among
tornarlas
a refundir
. . . (Medina1912:562)
para
African
on
an
Subsistence
and
"The
of
(1955)
Impact Money
in
Economies
Dalton,"Aboriginal
(1959);George
Economy"
Thisisthekindofcoppercurrency
[coins]whichwere
in
toMarkets
Stateless
Societies"
(1977);andthe"Introduction"
in
used
New
.
.
.
When
new,
4 of thesewere
Spain
Therecent
Dalton.
andGeorge
(1962)byPaulBohannan
Africa
worth
when
somewhat
wornthey
reales
while
later,
5
W.
of
articles
on
kula
edited
the
exchange, byJerry
anthology
someexcellent wouldnotacceptthematanypriceso theycametobe
LeachandEdmundLeach(1983),contains
worth10to 1real[atwhichpoint]theysentthemtobe
interest
are
discussions
ofmoney
andexchange.
Ofparticular
recast.. .(translation
Firth
andChrisGregory.
thearticles
byRaymond
byJohnV. Murra)
Mexico
39
- "afterthey
The Regidoruses the term"gastada"
have become slightlyworn" and commentsfurtherthatmoney of this kind is current"in very
largequantities"(Medina 1912: 563). One has the
sense of hachuelasbeing circulatedamong many
hands in the Oaxacan marketplaceas a common
formof exchangefor othergoods untiltheybecame worn, at which time even the Spaniards
could not purchase them for silver reales; they
were melteddown to provide the stock fornew
ones. Nowhere does any of theseearlyEuropean
commentators
referto any otheruse of thesethin
axe-likeitems. What is so interestingabout the
Mexican hachuelasis that they not only had exchange value in relationto other marketgoods,
but theythemselveswere a marketablecommodity,"purchased"at the same marketsto satisfythe
tributequotas.
Note that the Spanish writersuse the term
hachuelato referto the objects archaeologistscall
axe-monies(hachas-monedas)
. Hacha is the Spanish
word foraxe; hachuelameans hatchet.It is clear,
however,that,in the contextsof the descriptions
cited here, the Europeans use the diminutive
hachuela
exclusivelyto referto an axe formused as
a mediumof exchangeand as tribute.The diminutiverefersnot only to relativesize and weightbut
to thenonutility
of theitemas a tool: itlooks likea
hatchetbut does not functionlike one (see also
Salomon 1987: 221).
On the other hand, Spaniards may not have
observed the use of axe-monies outside of the
marketplaceand the tributelist. Hosier (1986:
291-343 and figs.6. 1-1-6. 1-34)undertooka careful chemical and metallographicexaminationof
Types 1a, 2a, and 3a Mexican axe-moniesin an
effortto discernthe relationsamong theirdesign,
physical and mechanical properties,and object
- as standardof value, as tool or implefunction
ment,or as both. It is obvious fromtheirthinness
and slightweightthataxe-moniescould not have
servedin any heavydutycapacity,as Easby (1967)
and othershave observed; but activitiessuch as
lightcutting,chopping,or scrapingseem possible
giventheirshape and heft.The laboratorystudies
corroboratedthe impressionthat the thin West
Mexican objects (Type ia, Fig. 6) lack both the
design attributesand mechanical propertiesto

havebeenused as tools,and theywerenot so used.
In fact, two of three Hosier examined, having
beenhammeredand annealedin shaping,wereleft
in an annealedcondition(Fig. 25; note the difference in microstructurebetweenFigs. 25 and 26).
Their microhardnessvalues, rangingbetween 60
and 95 VHN (Hosier 1986:299-302), are evidence
of therelativesoftnessof themetal.
All of the curved blade axe-monies (Type 2a,
Fig. 7) weresimilarlyshapedthroughsequencesof
cold work and annealing,but duringfabrication
thetipsof theseblades were intentionally
upsetto
thickenthem,providinga blunt,squared-off,
firm
The
were
then
hardened
edge.
tips
throughcold
microhardness
values at the blade
work; typical
edge run from 90 to 157 VHN, with hardness
increasingtoward the tip. In three out of four
examplesstudied,Hosier foundtheseaxe-monies
deformedat the tip (Fig. 27), but it is unclear
whetherthatdeformation
occurredaccidentallyor
resultedfromuse. In general,these blunt blades
are not sharp enough to have functionedeffectivelyas knivesor as cuttingor splittingtools,like
small hatchets.They are hardenough only to cut
or scrapesoftor fibrousmaterials;theblunt,upset
edge mighthave been advantageousin scraping
(Hosier 1986;302-306; 310-3 11). Morse and Gordon (1986) suggest that these axe-monies may
have been used forchoppingsoftfoods,but unless
the shankwere haftedthe raisedflanges(see Fig.
28) along both sides would not provide an adequate or comfortablegripforsuch action.
The main differencebetween the axe-monies
with a curved blade (Type 2) and those with a
flaringblade (Type3a, Fig. 29) is in theformof the
bladeedge: bladesofthelattertypetaperto a sharp
edge. Of threeexamples studied metallographically,one was leftin theannealedconditionand is
therefore
quitesoft.In bothof theotherstheblade
edge has been cold worked to hardenit. In one
case, theelongatedgrainsat theextremetipappear
to shear off (Fig. 30) as if the metal had been
sharpenedor abraded. Microhardnessvalues near
the edge range from98 to 136 VHN at the tip
itself.In theothercase, themetalat theblade edge
is deformed,deformationhavingbluntedthe tip.
40
Again, it is unclearwhetherthe deformationwas the limits imposed on the range within which
can vary.To assess whetherthat
caused accidentallyor throughuse of the object. certainattributes
Microhardnessvalues at thetiprangebetween125 range of variationconstitutesa standardfurther
and 138 VHN (Hosier 1986: 307-309).
requiresthatit be compared with data fromanclass- here,Mexican axes- whichis
The laboratoryevidence thattheseaxe-monies otherartifact
similar
is
but whose designis not standardas
utilitarian
have
served
formally
may
implements
equivocal.Type2a objectspresentthebestcase for ized (Hosier 1986: 318-319).
Hosier (1986: 318-330) consideredthe question
use, as all (includingone Easby studied:Easby et
al. 1967: fig.25) were cold workedat theblade to of standardizationwithinthe corpus of Mexican
increaseits hardness.Some were deformedsubse- axe-moniesfromthepointof view of both design
The evidencefromType3a and fabricationtechnique. Types ia, 2a, and 3a
quentto manufacture.
is
objects
ambiguous at best. Some were left objects constitutedthe primarycorpus of study.
variationamong these types
annealed and quite soft; others were work- She foundsufficient
to indicatethatobjectswiththeirparticulardesign
hardenedand could have been used.
In general,however,Type2a and 3a objectsare constraintsand which servedtheirparticularculin manuonly marginallyadequate as tools. Whereassome turalfunctionshoweddefinitedifferences
of the West Mexican axes Hosier examined facturingprocedure,such as in the use of copper
(Hosier 1986: chap. 5) were no harderthanthese forsome and of the copper-arsenicalloy forothaxe-monies,the axes were designed sufficientlyers, or the finalannealingof some and the final
thickand have sufficient
heftto have performed cold workingof others.In termsof manufacturing
well as splittingimplements.The upset blades of regimeper se, the axe-moniesdo not appear to
the axe-moniesdisqualifiesthemas effectivecut- have been standardized,although thereis some
tingtools. Thus neitherof thetwo main technical tendencytowardspatterningwithinany one type
studies of the Mexican corpus- Easby's (1967) (Hosier 1986: 319).
initiallook at the Oaxacan materialand Hosier's
The materialused, by contrast,does show a
(1986) systematicand comprehensivestudyof the high degree of consistency.Of 30 objects anaentirerangeoftheseobjects- hasprovidedcompel- lyzed, only six are made of copper; 84% are
lingevidencefortheuse of Mexican axe-moniesas fashionedfromthe alloy of copper and arsenic.
tools.
Whereastheconcentration
of thealloyingelement
The designand mechanicalpropertycriteriathat was not systematically
controlled(see Table 2 and
a
serviceable
tool
from
one
that
is
not
the
fact
that
these objects were almost
50),
Fig.
distinguish
are reasonably straightforward.On the other always made fromthis materialis highlysignifihand, to decide whethera group of objects may cant.It appearsthattheuse of thisparticularalloy,
- in this case a whilenot technically
have servedas a kind of standard
necessary,was in some sense
standardof value in exchangeis more difficult, a definingcharacteristic
of theseobjects. The most
because the criteriafor standardizationmay be consistentevidenceoccurs in the Type ia objects
one mustevalu- where,in fact,thealloy was criticalto thedesign.
multiple.In termsof fabrication,
ate standardization
whilebeingcognizantthatcer- These objects would not have survivedhad they
taintechniquesof manufacture
and materialcom- been made of copperalone.10
be
to
positionsmay
required produce a certain
can be said to
Standardization
designsuccessfully.
I0Theaddition
of relatively
smallamounts
of arsenic
to
existin a corpusof artifacts
increases
thehardness
oftheresulting
only when a selection copper
alloy.Forexamofcopper
will
is made and adhered to fromamong a range of ple,thehardness
containing
only0.5%arsenic
beincreased
aseach
byabout20%overthatofthepuremetal
choicesin designs,compositions,and fabrication undergoes
a reduction
of25%inthickness.
after
a
Similarly,
inthickness,
thealloywillmaintain
a hardness
regimes. In a nonindustrial metallurgy,such a 90%reduction
20%greater
thanthatofcopper
thathasundergone
anequal
selectioncannotbe manifestin precisereplication amount
ofplastic
deformation.
Athigher
arsenic
concentraof compositionand design, but will be visiblein tions,
tothearsenic
hardness
continues
bronzes,
corresponding
41
Table 3 presentsdata on thelengthsand weights

of all items in the corpus studied. The mean
lengthsexhibitvirtuallyno variationamong the
threetypes,and thesame can be said forthemean
weightsof Types2a and 3a. In addition,theranges
withinwhich lengthand weightvarywithinany
one type are narrow. To evaluate the extentto
of a
which thesedata represent"standardization"
them
to
Mexican
or
Hosier
compared
type types,
axes which the axe-monies approximatein size
and shape (Hosier 1986: 327-330). The comparison was made withtwo groupsof axes, one from
the Solorzano collectionof the Museo Regional,
Guadalajara,which containsitemsprimarilyfrom
WestMexico, and axes fromvariouscollectionsin
Oaxaca. The mean lengthof the West Mexican
axes is 11.2 cm, but the range of lengthsvaries
between6.4 and 16.0 cm; the mean lengthof the
Oaxacan axes is 11.7 cm, witha rangeof 6.0-17.0
cm. By consultingTable 4, it is evidentthatthe
rangeof lengthsexhibitedby theaxes is considerably broaderthan thatof the axe-monies,whose
lengthswithinany one typeare tightlyclustered.
The weights of individual axes within the two
geographic groups show continuous but quite
WestMexico, 29-600 g (mean
wide distributions:
of 204 g); Oaxaca, 12-2000 g (mean of 391 g).
This comparisonof lengthsand weightsof axebetweenan
moniesand axes shows the difference
artifact
typethatis relativelystandardizedand one
to dimensionsand
thatis not. Withrespectstrictly
theaxe-monies
indicates
that
the
evidence
weights,
to conformto a relatively
werebeingmanufactured
narrow range of lengths, weights, and forms
(Hosier 1986: 330). They were standardized.
Mexican axe-monies were not axes, and they
were monies only in the sense that Holm has
in value
designated"primitivemoney": restricted
and circulationand witha specificratherthanwith
multiplefunctions(Holm 1978). They were used,
along with cacao beans and mantas(shawls or

cloths),as a mediumofexchangeand,as such,were
in formand material.In thissensethe
standardized
argumentcan be made that they representeda
standardof value in exchange, but we have no
evidencethusfaroftheirrelationto anyoftheother
"- the
- the bean and textile" monedas
"standards"
Spaniardswitnessedin circulationat thetimeofthe
invasion.They were also tributeitems,especially
Type 1a, the West Mexican varietywhich was
fabricated
solelyforthatpurpose.The thinnessand
of
lightness the WestMexican objects make them
highly portable, and if they customarilywere
stacked and bound in packets such as the one
Weitlaner(1947) collected, they could easily be
dividedanddistributed.
Thatmayhavebeenimportantif the metalwas eventuallymelteddown for
reuse.The Typeia axe-moneymayhave provided
a sourceof coppermetalcontainingarsenicin low
an alloyespeciallysuitablefortools
concentration,
(Hosier 1986: 331- 33^)The choice of shapes of axe-moniesis particularlysignificant.
Type ia objectsresembleancient
WestMexican axes used forcuttingand splitting
wood. The axe was an importantsymbol of
powerinWestMexico andelsewhereinMesoamerica, with ritualand ceremonialfunctions(Hosier
1986:chap. 5). Thus theformassumedby Type ia
a tool and thesymbolicimport
hachuelas
represents
of that tool. On the other hand, Type 2a and
especiallyType2b axe-monies(Fig. 32) are shaped
like mushrooms.11
The line drawing(Fig. 31) of
Francisco Tenorio (Medina 1912: 562), though
idealized, is far more reminiscentof these fungi
thanof an axe. Indeed, the shapes of mushrooms
alike that
and of theseaxe-moniesare sufficiently
inMitla,Oaxaca,
10Type2baxe-monies
"Hosier
examined
mushroom
which
shedescribes
as an"extreme
shape"variety
Halfareconsider1986andpersonal
communication).
(Hosier
thanthemorestandard
Type2b items(weights
ablyheavier
from
aremuchlonger
also
83.0to 180.0g),andthree
range
from
andweight
14.9to 15.5cm).Thelength
range
bronze
contain-(lengths
withcoldwork.A copper-arsenic
toincrease
in
to thedatapresented
corresponding
ofpure dataforthisgroup,
willachieve
a hardness
58%abovethat
ing2% arsenic
Table3,are:
inthickness
wheneachis reduced
by25%.Thesame
copper
whenbothare
thancopper
bronze
alloywillbe 38%harder
Length Length Weight Weight
in thickness
reduced
by 90%. ThusthethinTypeia axerange mean range mean
wouldhave
ifleftin thework-hardened
condition,
monies,
[cm] [cm]
[g]
[g]
insults
farbetter
thanhadthey
andphysical
survived
handling
11.0-15.5 12.9 53.5-180.0 99.7
beenmadeofcopper.
42
of a crosssectionof metal
Fig. 25 Photomicrograph
removedfromthetipof thebladeof a Typeia West
similar
to theoneshownin Figure
Mexicanaxe-money
of this Cu-As alloy reveals
6. The microstructure
that
equiaxedgrainswithannealingtwins,indicating
cold workedand annealedto
the metal,previously
condition.
Therehas
shape,hasbeenleftintheannealed
deformation
beenno subsequent
throughuse. Round
aresomewhat
outinthe
strung
cuprousoxideinclusions
direction
offlowofthemetalas itdeformed
plastically
duringshapingofthebladetip.Alloy:Cu, 0.60% As.
+
100.Etchant:ammonium
hydroxide
Magnification:
hydrogen
peroxide.
ofa crosssectiontakentransFig.26 Photomicrograph

acrosstheshankofa Typeia WestMexicanaxeversely
moneysimilarto thatshownin Figure6. The microstructure
revealsa highlysegregated
alloythathas
beenseverely
deformed
ofcoldwork
through
sequences
in the
andannealing.
The bandedappearance,
oriented
direction
ofmetalflow,indicates
theextent
towhichthe
as itwashammered
castblankwas compressed
original
intothinsheet.In thiscase, as distinct
fromthemicrostructure
shownin Figure25,themetalwas worked
slightlysubsequentto the finalanneal;grainswith
deformation
theseclinesappearscattered
throughout
tion.Alloy:Cu, 2.82%As. Magnification:
200.Etchant:
dichromate.
potassium
removedfromthe tip of the blade of the Type2a
illustrated
inFigure7. Themetalat
Oaxacanaxe-money
the tip has been upset, deliberately
compressedto
thicken
it and to providea firmbut bluntedge. The
etchedsectionrevealsflowlinesin theinhomogeneous
Cu-Asalloythatrunparallelto theaxisof thesection
of
butsplayoutat thebladetip,recording
thedirection
metalflowas thetipwas thickened.
some
Subsequently
to the
further
actionbluntedthe blade,contributing
may
slightpeeningoverofthemetal.Thisdeformation
havebeen fromuse or fromaccident.The relatively
twinsfarthest
largeandequiaxedgrainswithannealing
fromthe blade tip (towardthe bottomof the mibecomeelongated
anddisorganized
atthetip.
crograph)
The bladeof thisaxe-money
was leftin theannealed
conditionexceptat the tip itselfwhereit was cold
workedto thicken
andstrengthen
it. Deformation
lines
characterize
thedistorted
grainsat thetip.Alloy:Cu,
100. Etchant:ammonium
0.19% As. Magnification:
+ hydrogen
followed
bypotassium
hydroxide
peroxide
dichromate
etchforsilver.
of a transverse
crosssection
cut throughtheedge of theshankof a Type2a axemoney,similarto the one shownin Figure7. The
microstructure
edge
clearlyrevealshow theprominent
flangewas formed.The flowlinesin the shankare
oriented
axis,butat theedge
parallelto itstransverse
aboveandbelowtheaxis,as the
theysplayout,bending
metaldeformed
undertheblowsof a hamplastically
ofanupsetedge,
mer.Thisis thetypical
microstructure
themetaland pushingit back
formed
by compressing
elonuponitself.The grainsin theshankare slightly
of metalflow.At
gatedand alignedwiththedirection
thebase of theflange,some grainsare equiaxedwith
annealingtwins,but at the surfacethe grainsare so
thiszone refromthe finalhammering
compressed
ceivedthattheiroutlinescannotbe resolved.Notehow
muchhigherandmoreseveretheflanges
on theMexican axe-moniesare thanare thoseof theEcuadorian
examples(see Fig. 36). Arsenicalcopper(0.07% As).
20. Etchant:
dichromate.
Magnification:
potassium
Oaxaca, Mexico.CollecFig. 29 Type3a axe-money,

Mextion:MuseoRegionaldeGuadalajara,
Guadalajara,
ico (MRG F347;MIT 3465).
removedfromthetipof thebladeof theaxe-money
a seriesof
shownin Figure29. Thisobjectunderwent
to shapeit froma
coldworkandannealing
operations
revealshighlyelongated
castblank.The microstructure
thatthemetal
twins,indicating
grainswithannealing
was workedsubsequentto the finalannealbut not
ofdeformation
lines
to initiate
sufficiently
development
withinthegrains.The bladetipcomesto a fairly
sharp
grainsappeartoshearoffas if
pointwheretheelongated
or abraded.Thereis no
themetalhad beensharpened
evidenceto indicatethatthemetalwas
microstructural
to fabrication
of theblade,howdeformed
subsequent
ever,eitherby use or by accident.Arsenicalcopper
100. Etchant:ammonium
(0.02% As). Magnification:
+ hydrogen
followed
bypotassium
hydroxide
peroxide
dichromate
etchforsilver.
[coins]
Fig. 31 "This is thekindof coppercurrency
whichwereusedin New Spain."Froma 1548letterby
Francisco
to the
LopezTenorio,Regidorde Antequera,
deIndiasinSpain.Linedrawing
delconsejo
after
presidente
Medina1912:563.
Fig. 32 Type2b axe-money,

Xaaga, Oaxaca, Mexico.
Thismushroom-shaped
exampleis oneofseveral,from
a cacheof 120axe-monies,
thatMarshallSavilledepositedin 1900in theAmerican
Museumof NaturalHisNewYork(AMNH 30/8529).
tory,
the mushroomsin the Codex Vindobonensis

have 33, 34). Whethersuch metal axes or stone axes
been misidentifiedas axe-monies (Melgarejo servedas theformalmodels forthe axe-moniesis
Vivanco 1980: 49). Caso (1963) has demonstrated, uncertain,but we are beginningto assemblesubexhowever,thatsuch objects shown in the codices stantialevidence,based on the metallographic
are mushrooms.Mushroomswere considereddi- aminationof metal axes from both coastal and
vine beings in Oaxaca (Furst 1978: 206). After highlandEcuador, thatmany of theselargeraxes
mush- were neverused as tools. Lechtmanstudiedfour
carefulritualpreparationoftheparticipants,
rooms were ingested,always in pairs, and in the Ecuadorianmetalaxes, rangingin weightfrom39
trancethatfollowed theirknowledge and advice to 252 g, chosenexpresslyfortheirformalsimilarwere sought. The pairs were conceived of as ity to the normal size axe-money. All four are
complementarymale and female beings (Furst fromtheJamaCoaque coastal regionin northern
Some depictionsof Manabi, and are thereforejust outside the
1978) associatedwith fertility.
mushroomsin thecodicesshow themheldin pairs Milagro-Quevedo/Manteno
culturearea. They are
in
deities.
date.
All
are made of copperby
Integration
period
At least one piece of archaeologicalevidence arsenicbronze, theirarseniccontentrangingbelinkstheseType 2 axe-moniesto mushrooms.In tween 1.1 and 3.8 weight percent(see Table 2).
1900MarshallSavilleattacheda noteto a groupof The lightestand theheaviestare shown in Figures
in theAmericanMuseum of 33 and 34. The major formaldepartureof these
axe-moniescurrently
Natural History,New York, when he deposited axes fromaxe-moneyis the presenceof a hole in
thecollectionthere;it statesthattheobjects(one of the shanknearthebuttend. The rectangularhole
theseis shownin Fig. 32) came froma cacheof 120 punchedout of theshankof theaxe in Fig. 33 is a
axe-monies that had been placed in pairs in a unique occurrence;holes on all other examples,
chamber excavated in a mound near Xaaga, includinga large class of heavy axes with curved
Oaxaca (Hosier 1986: 333). As thisevidencesug- blades, are round and are cast into the original
gests,if Type 2 axe-monieswere indeed made to blankfromwhichtheseaxes were latershapedby
simulatemushrooms,thenany use of axe-monies hammeringand annealing.Otherwise,axes of this
as implementswas casual and an afterthought. generaltypesharewithaxe-moniesthecontinuous
Their shape, ratherthantheirutilitarianpurpose, borderflangeand squared-off,
bluntblade edge.
was probablythemostimportantattribute
ofthese
Metallographicexaminationof the four axes
objects. It is likely that mushroom-shapedaxe- yieldstwo results.First,the platformformedby
monies,used forexchangeand tributein ancient the broad flangeat the buttend has sustainedno
as it would have, forexample,had it
Oaxaca, also elicitedpowerfulreligiousresponses deformation,
been hammeredon throughchisel-likeuse of the
(Hosier 1986: 334).
object:theplatformof thelightestaxe was leftin a
fullyannealedcondition,and those of the others
Ecuador
are eitherannealed or exhibit slight, superficial
A possible utilitarianfunctionfor Ecuadorian working. Second, none of the blades shows any
axe-monieshas neverbeen an issue as it has forthe sign of use: the blade of the lightestaxe was left
Mexican material.Axe-moniesof thenormalsize fullyannealed,and theblades of theothersexhibit
are too small and too thinto have servedas tools equiaxedgrainswithsome deformation
bands,the
occasioned by slight and
(theyweigh, on average,about 18 g); theyhave a typical microstructure
itsshape.
squared-off,blunt blade edge (Fig. 36); and the superficial
workingof a blade in refining
of
a
continuous
the
The
blade
of
the
heaviest
blunt,
presence
edge flangealong
squared-off
edge
would
have
made
difficult
axe
was
achieved
perimeter
(Figs.
hafting
(Fig. 35)
clearly
by thickening
thatof an axe, and through upsetting,just as Hosier has demon1,2). Their formis definitely
theyarereasonablyclose in shapeto larger,heavier stratedfortheMexican Type2a axe-monies.
metalaxes thatare contemporary
withthem(Figs.
Ecuadorianaxe-moniesare variationson a small
50
scale of certainaxe types and share most of the

features
of thelargeraxes, includingtheirnon-tool
function. Figure 36 presents a cross section
throughthe blade of the axe-moneyillustratedin
Figure2. The raisedflangeof theshoulderand the
thickened,squared-off,bluntblade edge contrast
markedlywiththemuchthinnermetalof theblade
itself.The section reveals the locations on both
surfacesof grooves or striationshammeredinto
themetal.The microstructure
of thisexampleand
of many other axe-monies of all sizes we have
examinedmetallographically
indicatesunequivothat
these
surface
cally
markingswere made witha
tool
struck
tracing
upon the surfaceto compress
and indentthe metal.They were not made witha
graver,whichwould have cut and removedmetal.
The severe deformationof the thin metal plate
beneath each of these surface indentations,as
shown by the contours of the flow lines, the
elongation of the grains, and the criss-crossed
deformation
lines withingrains(Figs. 37 and 38),
indicatethe extentof the pressureapplied by the
tool. From the shape of these grooves (see Fig.
2)- of uniformwidth and depth along most of
theirlength,but narrowingto a shallowerpointat
both ends- we can assume that the blade of the
tracingtool was slightlycurved. In addition,the
of Figure 36 demonstratesthat
photomicrograph
the groove channelsare impressedat an angle to
the surface;this was common practice, as the
tracingtool was oftenheld obliquelywhen struck.
Many of thefineststriationsvisibleon axe-monies
ofall sizesweremade by tappingthetool lightlyas
it was moved fractionsof a millimeterfromone
striketo the next, creatinga clusterof finelines
thatare almost geometricallyparallel.Holm correctlyidentifiedthese "legitimating"marks as
tracedgrooves in his earliestvisual inspectionof
theobjects(Holm 1966/67).
That certainaxes, as well as axe-monies,served
no technicalpurpose in the Americas should no
longer come as a surprise. Hosier's laboratory
studyof Mexican axes has shown thatmanywere
never used as tools. The ethnohistoricevidence
she assembledis clear about the symbolic,ritual,
and political use of the axe in Mexican society
(Hosier 1986:chap. 5). At themomentwe have far
fewerEuropean sourcesat hand which bear upon

the culturalcontext of axes among indigenous
Ecuadorian peoples, but a few are beginningto
clarifythe picture.Salomon (1987) describesthe
contentsof a richCanari tomb looted by a group
of Spaniardsin 1563 at a site "about two crossbow-shots" from the importantInka fortressat
Ingapirka (Salomon 1987: 218). Eyewitness accounts of the value of the gravewealthvaried
between 1200 and 3000 pesos, sums which Salomon explains "are comparable with the annual
value of tributeincome from any of the major
encomiendas
of the time" (1987: 219). Among the
itemslistedbeforethe Cuenca authoritiesby eyewitnessesat the looting are hatchets(" hachuelas
")
of copper. The more reliable accounts of their
number run from about 600 to over 1000, evidence, Salomon argues,fortheirpresenceamong
Canari elite as a symbolicformof wealth (1987:
220). The fact that hachuelasconstitutedwealth
among Canaridoes notnecessarilymeanthatthese
hatchetshad not been used as serviceableimplements before they were buried. But Scott's
metallographicanalysesof Ecuadorian axes from
thehighlands(Scottn.d.), includingtheProvinces
of Canar and Azuay, are beginningto reveal a
patternsimilarto that emergingfromour work
withthecoastalaxes, namely,thatmanyshow no
signs of use. Scott has examined the highland
counterpartof the curved-bladeaxe with shank
hole, mostof whichlack edge flangeswhileothers
displaycast-inreliefdecoration.It may have been
the presenceof such reliefmotifsthatallowed the
sisterof thedeceasedCanari man to identify
one of
herbrother'slootedhachuelas
(Salomon 1987:223).
Almostall of theaxes Scotthas analyzedfromthe
southern highlands are of copper-arsenicalloy
(Scottn.d.: table 14).
Anotherexample of the burial of axes in very
large numbersin the southernEcuadorian highlands is givenin a briefcatalog drawnup by Fray
Benjamin Rencoret(1875) to accompanyhis collectionof Ecuadorianartifacts
thatwas shippedto
Chile fromEcuador in 1875 forexhibitionin the
InternationalExposition held there that year.
Among his catalognotesabout thecopper objects
in the collection,Rencoretremarksthatthe year
5i
before(1874) a woman from the town of Azogues removed "16 quintales" (1875: 17) (736 kg)
of copper axes from a tomb she excavated in
Guapan, Canar Province. He goes on to say that
the axes were of various sizes and numbered
about threethousand in all. "Parecen mas bien
armas de guerraque instrumentos
de arte" (they
look more like weapons than art objects)
(Rencoret1975: 17). Lope de Atienza (1931: 9495) commentsupon the use of hachuelasin quite
anothersocial arena,as bridewealthamong highland peoples in the Quito area. Referringto
communitiesof much more modest means than
the Canari elite, he reports that formerlythe
"
"
familyof thebridewould receivetwo hachuelas
in the bride exchange.12Atienza's text implies
social disorganizationand poverty.The factthat
this transactionno longer could occur is attributed to the loss in exchange value of hachuelas.
The pre-1532 "treasure"had become devalued,
and no other bridewealthhad replaced it. We

wonder whetherthe cessationof manufactureof
axes by smiths under the Spanish regime may
also have enteredintothepicture.
The Spanish use of the term hachuelain the
Ecuadorian contextis not as clear as it is in the
Mexican case. In Ecuador,thetermseems to refer
to wealth in the formof a hatchet.The coastal
manifestation
of hachuelais axe-money;the highland version we must assume took the formof
hatchetsor small axes of various kinds, some
decorated, others not, which were exchanged,
circulated,amassed, and buried. Given the fact
thatno axe-monieshave thusfarbeen foundin any
highlandcontext,we suspectthatSpaniardsused
the term hachuelaindiscriminately
to referto a
varietyof Ecuadorianaxe-likeformsbecause they
recognizedthatall were used in some manneras
wealth.We considerit unlikely,therefore,
thatthe
eyewitnesseswho reportedon the hundredsor
thousands of hachuelaslooted from the Canari
to axe-moniesor that "the
"Salomon
describes
de
Atienza
as
a
(1986:13)
Lope
enjoying grave were referring
asa "middle-level
church
Hewrote
in Canar data
longcareer
functionary."
...
be taken as proof that the
may
sometimebetween
about1572and
Spainfora Spanish
public,
toexplain
atfirst
handhowunsuccessful
theevangeliza-coastal "money axe" complex extendedinto the
1575,
tionofnorth
Andean
peopleshadbeen.Atienza's
highlandCanar highlands,presumablyas partof a prehiswaslocatedin Chimbo,
in themodern
Province
of
parish
on thewestern
the torictradenet" (Salomon 1987: 221).
Bolivar,
slopesof theCordillera
facing
coastal
in preThat theaxe formin and of itselfhad symbolic
plaininhabited
byMilagro-Quevedo
peoples
times.
Hewasevidently
familiar
with
European
many
practices
ofthelowland
ethnic
forexample, weightamong coastal Ecuadoriansis remarkably
communities,
mentioning,
their
useofthefruits
ofwettropical
forest
suchasBixa demonstratedby the four giant axes from the
trees,
oreWana
refers
tovandui,
which
inQuechua:
is bandur
(Atienza
in
americana
writes
is Milagro-Quevedoculturearea (one is illustrated
1931: 36)andGenipa
(Atienza
jugua,which
jiguaorjaguain Quechua:1931:37) forredandblackbody Fig. 10), each weighingabout20 kg, thatwere cast
paints(seealsoEstrella
1988),andcommenting
upontheir in
moulds (Holm 1966/67: fig. 4) from
ofinserting
habit
teeth
forcosmetic open
goldplugsintheincisor
1:
copper-arsenicalloy (see Table 2). The ethnohis(193 54).
purposes
we cannot
delimit
thegeographic
extent
ofhis toricaccountscitedabove, all reportingon
Although
highwe knowfrom
Atienza's
andothers
as well
parish,
writings
that
there
wasa shortage
ofpriests
tocarry
outthemissionaryland events,indicatethecurrencyof such attitudes
work.Under
suchcircumstances,
andgiven
hisclearfamiliar-throughoutthe Ecuadorian coast and sierra. As
Huancavilca
culture
we oughtnotto Holm has
traits,
itywithcoastal
pointed out, however (1966/67), the
consider
thathisduties
werelimited
ethnic
or
bythehighland
boundaries
of
his
1
see.
Thus
his
reference
:
sources
do notcommentupon theuse of
linguistic
(193 European
parish
father
wholaments
thegiving
94-95)toanIndian
awayofhis axe-moniesin a transactional
mode, as theydo for
in marriage
without
twocopper
axesin
daughter
receiving
asinprevious
describeMexico. On the basis of his excavationsat Loma
bridewealth,
days,neednotnecessarily
a highland
situation.
It might
bridewealth
justas wellrelate
de los Cangrejitos,JorgeMarcos has suggested
inaxe-monies
coastal
dwellers.
If,inaneffort
exchange
among
to clarify
the"frontier"
areabetween
coastandhighlands,(personalcommunication,1988) thataxe-monies
studies
oftoponyms
ofthepresent
Provinces
of mayno longerhave been in circulationat thetime
philological
Bolivar
andLos Rioswereundertaken,
theymight
produce of the
Spanish invasion. At Cangrejitos, axeresults
similar
tothose
Holmhasobtained
incomparing
Canari
withobviouscoastalplacenames(OlafHolm, monies are presentfrom about a.d. 900 until
toponyms
Holmhasbeenabletoshowthat
the
communication).
personal
Pre-Columbian
Canarifrontier
was at thefootplain
of the approximatelya.d. 1400, but they cease being
western
cordillera.
offeredas grave goods afterthat date. None is
52
associatedwith any contactperiod graves. Ubelaker(1981) foundno axe-moniesat Ayalanin the

one urn burial that contained European glass
beads, and no axe-monies were part of the rich
Cacique Guayas burialat La Compania (Meggers,
Evans, and Estradan.d.).
The hachuela,in its severalforms,was one of a
host of objects and materialsthat circulatedas
wealththroughouttheEcuadorianregionpriorto
the Spanish invasion. The Canari grave, like the
Cacique Guayas burial, is an inventoryof such
items.Among them,those which appear to have
are smallpiercedbeads
had thewidestdistribution
of Spondylus
shell and of gold, referredto by the
whichwe must
and hachuelas
Spaniardsas chaquira,
now readas axe-moniesforthecoast (Provincesof
El Oro, Manabi, Guayas, and Los Rios) and as
hatchetsor small axes in the highlands.It is clear
a formof wealthand that
thathachuelas
constituted
theywere oftenhoardedin greatquantity.Whatis
at issue here is whetheror not they served as
tributeand/or were a medium of exchange in
transactions
otherthanthosethatwere kin-based,
as in bridewealthexchange. The presenceor absence of standardizationin production of axemonies has a bearing upon these questions. We
have not yet comparedthe corpus of axe-monies
to axes in Ecuador as Hosier has forMexico to test
in producthelimitswithinwhich the patterning
is distinctfromthat
tioncharacteristic
of hachuelas
of axes. It is evident,however,thatonly theaxeto as small
moniesoccurin what we have referred
and tinysizes and thatonly such axe-monieswere
tiedand packeted.
Fromthepointof view of manufacture
alone, it
can be seen thattwo methodsof productionwere
used, one forthe normalsize and some small size
axe-monies which have edge flanges, and the
other for some small and all tiny axe-monies
which are without flangesbut whose edges are
thickened.Axe-monies that are large and thick
enoughto supportraisededge flangeswere manufacturedby hammeringa thinblankof metalthat
had been cast roughlyto theshape of a small axe.
The subsequentextensiveworkingof theblankto
achievethe finalformrequiredfrequentintermittentanneals as the metal was thinneddown to
plate or sheet. Both the raised flangesalong the

perimeterand the squared-offblade edge, the last
featuresexecuted,were achievedby upsettingthe
respectiveedges: hammeringthe metal in upon
itselfto thickenand spreadit. When shapingwas
complete,thepiecereceiveda finalannealto soften
it somewhat,facilitating
the executionof the surface grooves by localized plastic deformationof
themetalunderthetracingtool.
By contrast,thesmalland tinyaxe-monieswith
thickenededges (Figs. 11, 12, 39) were made
directlyfrompreviouslypreparedsheet. Because
thesheetwas so thin,its edges could not be upset
to provide flangesor to thickenthem, yet the
thickenedborder was necessaryfor the physical
integrityof each piece. In this case, the roughly
rectangularaxe-moneyshape (Fig. 39) was hammered within (i.e., interiorto) the prescribed
bordersthe object was to have. The hammering
thinnedthemetalwithintheseborders,sometimes
to the thicknessof foil, leaving the borders or
edges largelyuntouched.This solutionmaintained
the thicknessof the parentsheet at the edgeswhichare oftentwo or threetimesas thickas the
interiormetal- whiletheinteriorwas increasingly
thinned(Fig. 40). The finishedaxe-money was
thencut out of thesheetwitha sharpchiselwhich
oftenlefta serratededge (Figs. 11, 39). The surface
striationswere emplacedeitherjust beforeor immediatelyafterthe piece was released from the
parentsheet (see Fig. 41). Many of the tinyaxemoniesare examplesof sheerbravurain thehammeringand shapingof metalfoil. They faithfully
reproduce all of the identifyingand distinctive
featuresof thisclass of object. As we have already
mentioned,all Ecuadorian axe-monies we have
analyzedare made of copper-arsenicalloy,regardless of theirsize (see Table 2).
We have observedno departuresfromthesetwo
manufacturing
regimes.They are a functionof the
relativedimensions,includingthickness,of the
item in production.Axe-monies were made in
threesizes: normal,ca. 7.7-8.9 cm; small,ca. 6.56.9 cm; tiny,ca. 1.2-4.5 cm- There is almost no
variationin size withineach of the normal and
small size groups (only two itemsmeasuring10.2
and 10.5 cm in lengthhave been observedin the
53
normal group); the tinyitems show a threefold literature,

unless some reckoningof leaf count is
in
in
thickspread lengthand, commensurately,
provided.
ness. There are only two fundamental
axe-money
Perhapsmoreto thepointis Holm's observation
shapes, those with a shoulderand those without (1978) thattherepetitionof 20 (we can now say 5,
(see Fig. i). As the tinyaxes shrinkin size, the 10, 15, [18], 20) piecesin thesepacketsis striking,
shouldertendsto be lost.
because it indicatesthe use of numbersand fracWe consider packeting the last stage in the tionsor multiplesof numbers."The conceptof a
productionsequence, as it seems clear that the fixedor determinednumberis not an operation
tiniestitemsare unlikelyto have been used indi- foundwidelyin primitivecommerce,wheremarvidually, simply because of their fragility.An keting or exchanges of different
products were
foil which is 8 based on comparativevolumesor weights"(Holm
object made of 20-micron-thick
mmin lengthwill not withstandhandlingforvery l97&'' 35i)- He goes on to say, however, that
long. Normal size axe-monies were apparently Spanishdocumentsof the contactperiod describe
never packeted;small ones sometimeswere and the use of balances among coastal merchantsin
sometimes were not; tiny ones appear almost Ecuador and we may assume, therefore,that
always to have been packeted,we presumeat the weights, numbers, and volumes were absolute
site of manufacture.Holm (1966/67,1978, 1980) valuesand notarrivedat onlythroughcommercial
was the firstto comment upon the contentsof calculations(Holm 1980: 60-61). It may be that
these packets. He noted that they contain only thenumberof leavesincorporatedin any one axecertainfixednumbersof leaves: 20. More recently, moneypacketwas determinedby weight,not by
Ubelaker's excavations at Ayalan (1981) un- number,in whichcase packetswith 18 ratherthan
coveredmanypackets,the contentsof only some 20 leaves would not be irregular.Aside from
of whichcould be countedaccurately.These con- Holm's early effortsto seriate the weights of
tained 5, 10, and 20 leaves. Our metallographic identical examples of the smaller axe-monies,
examinationsof completecross sectionsthrough which showed a tendencyto "concentrate] in
threepackets of tiny axe-monies have revealed groups around a quinarysystem:5, 10, 15, etc.
their contents as 15 (Churute: Fig. 42), 18 [grams]" (Holm 1966/67:138), we know of no
(Babahoyo: Fig. 43), and 18 (Balao Chico: Fig. 44) furtherstudies that have followed this line of
individualleaves respectively.We found, as did investigation.
On theotherhand,thedata gleaned
Ubelaker,thatit was oftenimpossibleto countthe fromPeruvianmaterialsconcerningthepacketing
leaves in a packet with any confidence,because of naipesin groups of 20 to 500 leaves (Pedersen
theyare usually corroded togetherand leaves at 1976; Shimada 1985a) and thetyingand packeting
thecenterof thepacketor brokenleaves may not of feathersin groups of 10 leaves (Lechtman's
be visibleon edge. We sectionedentirepacketsto examinationof Bennett'sLambayequeOne mateascertaintheircontentsas well as to measurethe rial; Bennett 1939) certainlyadd weight to the
variationin thicknessof individualleaves withina observationthatleaves, regardlessof shape, were
givenpacket. The discoveryof two packetswith bound in packetsof multiplesof five.
18 leaves each from two different
sites demonFinally,Holm's suggestion(1980) thatthepackstrateseither,as Holm has remarked,thatsome- ets of tinyaxe-moniesrepresentfractionalvalues
one was shortchanged,or thatthe currentnotion of the normal size and varietyremainsuntested;
thatpacketswere assembledin multiplesof fiveis carefulweighingof manyexamplesof each typeis
incorrect.We shouldkeep in mind,of course,that necessaryto evaluate the idea. We should point
thetwo packetsof 18 leaves mayrepresent
excavationsbear out
packets out, however,thatif further
of20 whichhave lost theoutermostleaffromeach theaxe-moneysequenceestablishedby Marcos at
surface.At thesame time,we oughtto be cautious Loma de los Cangrejitos(1981), namely,thatthe
about reportsof axe-moneypacketsthatcontain normalsize objectsaretheearliestand thesmallor
20 leaves, the size most commonlyfoundin the tinypackets the latest,then we are observinga
54
changein theformalstyleand perhapsin theuse of

axe-monies ratherthan an internalrelationbetweenmembersof thesame class of object.
Taken together,the evidence surroundingthe
productionof axe-moniesstronglysuggeststhat
the manufacturingsequences and the products
issuedwere standardizedin largepart,constrained
by a fairlynarrowselectionof materials,routines,
and forms.Whetheror not axe-moniesservedas a
standardof value, in tributeor in exchange,is still
unclear. Certainlythey are distributedover the
entireculturearea associated with the MilagroQuevedo and Manteno-Huancavilcapresenceon
the centraland south Ecuadorian coast (see map,
Fig. 13). Both Holm (1978) and Stothert(n.d.b)
offera context within which axe-monies originatedand wereactivelyin use. DuringtheIntegrationperiod,
protectionof paramountchiefs(Salomon 1986).

These same elites, now clearly differentiated,
"werecapableofextracting
moretaxes[thanin the
previousperiod] which were broughtto regional
centerslike theone at Cangrejito"(Stothertn.d.b:
9)In this setting,Stothertsees the use of "true
tokensof exchange"(n.d.b: 8) in the formof axemonies as simplyanotherindicationof the complexityof coastalchiefdomsof thelateperiod.The
sheer numbersin which they were accumulated
and buriedand theirwide geographicdistribution
suggeststhattheymay have servedas an item of
tribute. The "quasi-monetary"role of chaquira
whichSalomon (1986, 1987) describesformost of
Ecuador may have been sharedby axeprehistoric
monieswithinthedomainof coastalchiefdoms.In
fact,Salomon (1986: 91-96) draws an interesting
analogy between, on the one hand, the chaquira
local lords at centerslike Salango,Agua Blanca, treasure-bead
complex so widespreadin the cenManta,Colonche,Chanduy,and Puna controlled
tral
and
north
Ecuadorianhighlandsand along the
laborand resources
over areasthatincludedmany
features
were Pacificlittoraland, on the other,what mightbe
smaller
settlements.
The mostelaborate
in Manabi and the Guayas calledthehatchet
achieved,predictably,
complex. Chaquiracame in three
a pattern
ofeconomicspecialBasin,buteverywhere
forms:
beads
of gold, of reddishor white
primary
recordpoints
izationdiscernible
in thearchaeological
of the sys- bone, and of mullu(Spondylus
to an unprecedented
centralization
shell). They seem to
at thelocallevelwere be, he argues, "glosses of a common concept"
tem.. . .industries
operating
inthe
athigher
levels,resulting
apparently
organized
thepeoples using any one bead system
movementof textiles,shell,salt, shell beads and (1986: 92),
aware
of those used by their neighbors.
into
from
the
and
quite
ornaments,
producer
pearls pottery
thehandsoftheelite.A heightened
degreeofdifferen-Hatchetsappearto have operatedin a similarway,
and differentkinds
tial accessto goods is clearin the residences
being treasuredin differentreburialsat Mantenoand Huancavilcasites.(Stothert
gions. "Here too it would seem thatthereis in the
n.d.b:8)
backgrounda shared concept of the hatchetas a
The Cacique Guayas tomb is an excellentexample treasure,yet the sierranhatchet,less portable,
num- divisible,and specializedthanthecoastal 'hatchetofsuchdifferential
access,withitssurprising
bers of heavy gilt copper nose rings,open rings, coin' [axe-money],is notlikelyto have been made
- hundredsof pieces and kilo- fortransportand circulationoutsideits own provclavas de insignia
of
much
of it in copper(Holm 1978), ince" (Salomon 1986: 93). Salomon is quite clear
grams metal,
thatin thecase of beads and hatchets,as withother
or,as we suspect,copper-arsenicalloy.
These late chiefdomsrequiredthe construction highlyvalued exotic goods such as coca and cerof large earthmounds (tolas)for theircult, their tainpersonaladornments,northAndean highland
houses, and theirburials.They had set in place a nobilityhad unique procurementand distribution
for building and advantages,expressingtheirpersonaland political
vast agriculturalinfrastructure
maintainingthousandsof hectaresof raisedfields power in disposingof thesepreciousitems (1986:
camellones
(1
) (Holm 1978). Stothert(n.d.b) points 96).
We oughtnot to expectin Ecuador the equivato yet anothergroup of specialists,traders,who
were vitalto the system,operating,at leastin the lent environmentfor the use of axe-monies as
highlands,in theserviceof theeliteand underthe Hosier has establishedforMexico. But it is impor-
55
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Qj
55
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it,*cS < o
of a crosssectionremoved
fromtheblade of theaxe shownin Figure34. The
section
wascutfromthebladetip,atthemidpoint
ofthe
blade.The alloy,highin arsenic,is highlysegregated,
andvestigesof thedendrites
in theoriginalcastblank
andvisible,particularly
arestillpresent
at thetipitself.
The originalcaststructure
is severely
deformed
as the
metalunderwent
considerable
working,withthedendritesalignedina parallelfashion
of
alongthedirection
metalflow.Thetiphasbeenhammered
intoa blunt,flat
actiondeforming
the metaland
edge, the upsetting
the
dendrites
at rightanglesto those
orienting vestigial
in thebodyof theblade.Magnification:
11. Etchant:
+ ferric
dichromate
chloride.
potassium
of a crosssectionremoved
illustrated
inFigure2.
fromthebladeoftheaxe-money
The vertical
correorientation
ofthephotomicrograph
ofthecut:fromtheshoulder
of
spondsto thedirection
the blade straight
down throughthe blade tip. The
raisedflange(top)and thebroad,flattip(bottom)are
aboutthreetimesthethickness
ofthebodyoftheblade.
Bothendswerethickened
The flowlines
by upsetting.
ofthehighlysegregated
comalloyrevealtheextreme
ofthemetalas itwas hammered
to shape.The
pression
of thesection(see
on bothsurfaces
sharpindentations
to thelocationsofhorizontal
striaarrows)correspond
tionsinthisportionoftheblade(seeFig.2). Alloy:Cu,
11. Etchant:alcoholicferric
chloride.
O w*73
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fromBabahoyo,Ecuador.
Fig. 39 Typeib axe-money
Notethejaggedvertical
bitesof
edgesleftbyindividual
a sharpchiselandthefinesurface
striations
hammered
intothethinsheet.Collection:Museo Antropologico
del Banco Centraldel Ecuador,Guayaquil,Ecuador
(MIT 3454).
i
S-S 8 Si 4 -2 S
Sij-SB'S.-'1>-S^'s<sc^'s
a *-s-s 1 3-g
g ii^-s-sf
^
ci-:
*-s
|i! * ^ ^ >> o
0--^ c
O-H^J
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^^ J3
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in
Fig.41 Another
regionofthecrosssectionillustrated
wastakenata location
Figure40. Thephotomicrograph
on thesectionwheretherearetwodeepsurface
grooves
The metaldirectly
beneaththesegroovesis
(striations).
muchthinner
thanthatof theadjacentareas,having
been severelycompressed
by the strikeof the tool.
Individualgrainsin thesecompressed
regionsare so
deformed
thattheycannotbe distinguished;
the
instead,
darketching
zonesarecharacterized
by denselyspaced
lines.By contrast,
themetalbetweenthe
deformation
twins.
groovesexhibits
equiaxedgrainswithannealing
Thusthesheetwas leftin theannealedcondition
once
was complete.
The grooveswere
shapingoftheartifact
detail.Nonmetallic
addedas thefinalsurface
inclusions
orientedin the directionof
appearas long stringers
metalflowand indicatehow severelythe metalwas
workedto formthe thinsheet.Magnification:
200.
Etchant:
alcoholicferric
chloride.
ofa longitudinal
crosssection
Fig.42 Photomicrograph
cut alongthemidlineof thepacketof Typeib axeinFigure12
Ecuador,illustrated
monies,fromChurute,
runsfromthebuttendof
attheleft).Thesection
(packet
thebladeend;thephotomicrothepacket(top)through
to theplane
on thepageto correspond
graphis oriented
leavesarestacked
inthis
Fifteen
individual
ofthesection.
of
most
leaves
and
the
the
thickened
Note
edges
packet.
totheedgeshape
ofsuchedges,similar
form
rectangular
showninFigure
40.Alloy:Cu-As;As variesfrom0.7 to
leaves.Magnification:
7.5. As pol1.5% in individual
ished(MIT 3436).
of a transverse
crosssection
cut acrossthe shankof the packetof Type ib axein Figure
monies,fromBabahoyo,Ecuador,illustrated
ii (packetat farleftofbottomrow).The sectionruns
acrosstheentirewidthof theshankat its midpoint.
in thepacketheldtogether,
in
Thereare18axe-monies
productsthathave formedbepart,by thecorrosion
ofa typical
leafis 55^ (0.055
tweenthem.Thethickness
mm)at thecenterand90fx(0.09 mm)at thethickened
edges.Alloy:Cu-As; As variesfrom1.2 to 2.5% in
8. As polished(MIT
individual
leaves.Magnification:
3453)-
C nx U i
^ r| v)
1 " M a a'S S i <
O
I -!
r Uti>
cni D
2l^fND
u?2 oc* oc/3rt
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tantto observethatin all cases in whichEcuadorian artifacttypesin metalwere introducedto and

later manufacturedby West Mexican smiths
tweezers,open rings,needles theywere used in
Mexico forpurposesquite similarto thoseof their
Ecuadorian counterparts(Hosier 1986, 1988c).
Axe-monies are among such items, as Hosier
(1986) has observed.
Peru
Naipesare not axes, nor do theyresembleaxes.
Neitheraretheytools. The onlyalternative
suggestion as to a possible semi-utilitarian
functionwas
made by Wassen (1972) in describingan object
reportedto be from a grave near Sipan in the
Lambayeque valley. It consistsof an arrayof 49
naipesheld togetherwith metalstaples(1972: fig.
1). Wassententatively
suggestedthatthiscomposite mightrepresenta portionof ceremonialplate
armor; and Shimada, noting the Middle Sican
occupationat Sipan, arguesthat"thisobject casts
doubt on the monetaryfunctionof the naipes
,
although we must consider the possibilityof
moneyused ornamentally"(Shimada 1985a: 389).
Pedersen(1976) stronglysuspectedthatthispiece
was newly assembledfromindividualnaipesthat
had issued from the Huaca Menor tomb. He
argued,first,thatno naipesexceptthosecomprissecond, thatthe
ing thisobject have perforations;
is
built
of
a
mix
of
the
various
object
subtypesof
naipehe had recognized,whereasno such mixing
exists in the original packets of Huaca Menor
material(Pedersen1976: 67). In 1973,beforepublishinghis article,WassensentLechtmana copy of
thetext,a photographof thepiece,and thechemical analysis carried out in Stockholm and later
reportedin his publication.This showed thesubstantialpresenceof zinc (0.79%) and the absence
of arsenicand antimony(1972: 31) in the metal.
On the basis of what was thenknown about the
composition of copper alloy objects from the
Peruviannorthcoastdatingto theMiddle Horizon
and later,Lechtmanreplied:"As faras thechemical analysisis concerned,an unusualfeatureis the
presenceof zinc in low concentration.I have not
foundanyzinc in theanalysesI have carriedout of
Moche or Chimu period copper artifacts.... I

have foundthatthecopperof N. Peruvianartifacts
of the Chimu period almost invariablycontains
arsenicand can be calledarsenicalcopper. . . . My
feelingis thatthe metal of which your object is
fabricatedis certainlyatypicalbut not impossible
for an artifactmade during the preColumbian
period" (Lechtman, 1973, correspondencewith
Henry Wassen). On the basis of the composition
of Huaca Menor naipesreportedhere in Table 2
and of the analysesof those fromthe Huacas La
Merced and Las Ventanasreportedby Shimada
(1985a: table 16.3), all of which are characterized
of arsenic,trace amounts
by high concentrations
of antimony,and no zinc, it seems clear thatthe
"
"
naipes in the piece in question are unlikelyto
have come fromany of thosesitesand could well
be modernforgeries.
We have not studied a sufficientnumber of
in producnaipesto commentupon standardization
tion. The production material is uniformly
bronzewith a relativelyhigh arsecopper-arsenic
nic contect.The average arsenicconcentrationof
nine examples analyzed fromthe threehuacasat
Batan Grande (MIT and MASCA laboratories)is
3.55 weight percent,with a range from2.45 to
4.47% (only one example fell below this range:
contrastwith
1.15%). This providesan interesting
theEcuadorianmaterial.The 24 axe-moniesfrom
Ecuador reportedherein Table 2 have an average
arseniccontentof 1.39 weightpercent,less than
halfthatof the naipes,with a range from0.65 to
3.14%. An arseniccontentof 3.6% would have
imparteda pale pinkcolor to thenaipes,in marked
contrastto the colors of silver (or a surfaceenrichedcopper-silveralloy), gold, tumbaga,or
copper itself.The Ecuadorian items would have
looked muchmorecopperyred.
In a certainsenseone mightarguethatof all the
artifact
typeswithwhichwe are concerned,naipes
are most standardized.They occur in only one
shape and exhibitthesmallestrangein size (range
of lengths:4.2-10.0 cm), with no miniaturesreportedthusfar.All are made of thinsheetmetal,
hammeredand annealed to achieve the singular
form. Their edges are thickened,sometimesby
upsetting,as the fairlythick(0.078 cm) example
66
from Vicus clearly demonstrates(Fig. 45). The arsenicalloy;second,becausemostof thesecopper

microstructure
ofthisnaipe(3.57% arsenic)reveals alloy artifactsretrievedarchaeologicallyare from
extensivedeformationof the highly segregated burials,it is too earlyto estimatewhat portionof
metal as it was hammeredinto increasinglythin the totalSican productionwent forfunerarypursheet;but thenaipewas leftin an annealedcondi- poses and what portionfor otheruses (Shimada
"
tion once shaping was complete. Some of the 1987b:20). Nevertheless,it is clearthat naipeshad
BatanGrandenaipes, considerablythinnerthanthe importantculturalvalue and were differentially
secVicusspecimen,exhibitareasof localizedworking distributedand accumulatedamong different
of
items
tors
Middle
Sican
final
thinner
the
anneal.
The
to
society"(1985a: 386).
subsequent
Of the various copper-arsenicalloy offerings
are also observed to exhibitthe central,oblong
bubble.It maybe thatthebubble (a wave configu- buried in Middle Sican tombs- such as agriculrationin cross section)servesas a corrugationfor turalhoes and digging-stickpoints,knives, long
- it is only
the thin sheet, much as in the case of the thin spears or lance-likepoints,and naipes
the naipe that is almost entirelyrestrictedto the
Guerreroaxe-monies,to providerigidity.
to naipesin the Lambayeque valley,with a modest presencewe
We would not expectreferences
ethnohistoricliterature,since naipes are known are just beginningto witnessin the upper Piura
archaeologicallyonly fromthe Middle Horizon, region. All the other items are found in large
associatedwith the Middle Sican presencein the numbersat least as farsouth as the Moche valley
Lambayeque valley from about a.d. 900-1100 (Lechtman 1981), where they are also often re(Shimada 1985a). They do not appear among the portedas havingbeen buriedin surprisingquantilater Sican or Chimu cultural materials at ties. The naipe has not appeared in controlled
Lambayeque or elsewhere: thus they were not excavationsor as occasional or looted findsanysaved or copied by laternorthcoast dwellers.In where else in Peru or anywherein Ecuador. On
spiteof Shimada'surgingthatnaipesbe interpreted thebasis of theevidenceto date, we would argue
as primitivemoney (1985a: 358, 376, 386), that thatnaipeswerea clearand, it seems,a veryspecial
they constituteda medium of exchange and a formof wealthamong theMiddle Sican; thatthey
between"Ecuador" and were an importantsymbol of status; that they
standardof value in traffic
"Peru" (1985a: 390, 392; 1987a), and that the were amassed in lifeforburial at death; and that
Middle Sican polityservedas the hub of a grand theypossiblyserveda ritualfunctionas partof the
tradenetworkwhich ex- elaborate burial custom of elite Sican society.
maritimeand terrestrial
tendedfromPortoviejoin Ecuador to Chinchaon There is no directevidence, however, that they
the south-centralPeruvian coast and which in- circulatedoutsideof theLambayeque valleycomvolvedtheproductionand distribution
by Sican of plex. In the upper reaches of the Piura river
naipes(and presumablyother axe-monies)as the approximately190 km northof the Lambayeque
keyitemof exchangeto keep thisnetworkoperat- valley naipesarereportedas occurringonlyin the
ing (Shimada 1985a: 384, 391), we see a farmore contextof late Middle Sican shafttomb burials,
limitedand even restricted
presenceforthe naipe, where they are present in modest numbers
as
well
as
(Shimada n.d.b). The geographic restrictionof
temporally.
geographically
of
In assessingthe culturalaspects Sican copper naipesessentiallyto a single valley argues against
metallurgy,Shimada (1987b) makes two salient theiremploymentas primitivemoneyor as items
points:first,that"an importantpartof themetal- of exchange in the way that hachuelascertainly
lurgicalproductionwas directedtowardsthisex- were in Mexico and thataxe-moniesare likelyto
panded and persistentfunerarypractice"(1987b: have been in Ecuador. Furthermore,we wonder
20; translationby Lechtman)which includedthe whethernaipescirculatedwithinSican societyitin largenumbersnot only of naipesbut selfas a standardof value or of exchange. They
interment
of agriculturalimplements,spear points, tumis, may have constituteda formof tribute,but they
and other presumed tools, all made of copper- seem unlikelycandidatesforprimitivemoney.In
67
thatthe metalworkingtradispeculatingupon a reportby Schaedel (n.d.) of a amplydemonstrated

burial unearthed in Tumbes which contained tion was overwhelminglya sheet metal tradition
"Lambayeque"vesselsand Ecuadorianaxe-monies (Lechtman1980, 1988) and one of greatskill and
(Shimada n.d.b: 9), Shimada poses the key prob- sophistication.The Moche and Lambayeque valof thattradition.Whatwe
lem: "It is not clearwhy ceramics,and not naipes, leyswerefountainheads
cross-cutthe Peruvian-Ecuadorianculturalfron- see among naipesand feathersand, perhapssometier that apparentlyexisted somewherebetween whatlater,amongaxe-moniesis a focuswithinthe
Tumbesand Piura" (Shimada n.d.b: 9). Merelyto traditionwhichaccordedspecialplace to thinness:
raise the question is to suggestits answer:naipes thinnessin and of itselfhad value. One of the
did not circulateand were not exchanged.They requisitesof thatsystemof value was apparently
may have been too ritual-ladento move outside thatit be expressedin objects made of especially
thinsheetmetal,and the metalhad to be coppertheburialcontextthatbound them.
Shimada acknowledgesthat thereis no direct arsenic alloy. If thinnessis a value sought in
and independentevidencethatlinkstheSican naipe production,then the amassing of metal or the
to the Milagro/Mantenoaxe-money (Shimada hoardingof metalmeanstheaccumulationof large
1985a:388-389). His argumentthatnaipes"served numbers of items, since wealth in metal was
as 'primitivemoney'is based on theirsimilarity
in clearlyreckonedby weightor mass.
to the abunThe bulk form of thinnessis the packet: the
form,material,and manufacturing
dant 'copper axe money' specimens. . . [from] stacking,tying,and bundlingof manyindividual
coastalEcuador" (Shimada 1985a: 386). The simi- leaves- leaves of naipes, leaves of feathers,leaves
- was necessaryto aggregatemass
in the of axe-monies
larityin formis nonexistent;thesimilarities
materialand in its processingare producedin theformofhundreds,thousands,tens
manufacturing
the stacking,packeting, of thousandsof individualitemswhich were too
Furthermore,
significant.
and buryingor hoarding of these items in ex- thin by themselvesto maintaintheir integrity.
tremelylarge numbersis also an importantcom- Packeted, however, they assumed a new form,
mon featurethatnaipesand featherssharewiththe which,among otherattributes,facilitatescirculaEcuadoriancorpus.
tionand exchange.Such a systemis quitedifferent
The continuitieswe see fromthe Lambayeque fromone in whichwealthis concentrated
in a few
of form; or unique items,such as thecast giantEcuadorian
valleyto WestMexico arenot continuities
they are continuitiesin metal usage and in the axes (Fig. 10), each made in a singlepour.
consequencesof a thin smithingstyleof artifact The metalhas to be an alloybecause,as Hosier's
elaboration.In termsof chronology,it is not yet studieshave shown (1986, 1988a), thethindesign
clear whetherthe naipe and the featheras stack- requiresa materialstrongand tough enough to
packetitemshave precedenceover theEcuadorian survive thinness,the very quality of which the
axe-money,simply because we do not have the designis an expression.Here, in theselectionand
tighttemporalcontrolovertheEcuadorianmateri- productionof thealloy of copperand arsenic,the
als thatShimadahas forBatan Grandeand forthe Middle Sicanpeoplesmade thesinglecontribution
Lambayeque valley as a whole. From the dates thatallowed thewidespreaddevelopmentand use
suppliedby theAyalan(Ubelaker 1981) and Loma of thin-style
smithingand of the rangeof objects
de los Cangrejitos(Marcos 1981) excavations,one thatissuedfromit.
Thinness,as a qualityof axe-moniesand their
mightwell arguethatthephenomenonof copperarsenic alloy thin smithingand stack-packeting relatives,disseminatedas a value fromsouth to
was roughlycontemporaneousin theentirenorth north.Thin-stylesmithing,as equivalentto value,
Andeanarea,fromLambayequeto Manta. On the was undoubtedlya Sican export. Whether the
otherhand,we arediscussingobjectsand metallur- copper-arsenicmetalit reliedupon was similarly
gical stylesof practicethatarose in thecentraland exportedfromtheLambayequevalleyto Ecuador,
north-centralAndean zone, where it has been however,remainsin question.
68
crosssection
of a transverse
cutthrough
one longsideof theVicusnaipeshownin
runsvertically
fromtheupperedge
4. Thesection
Figure
ofthenaipedownto itsmidline,
butonlythethickened
here.Thenonmetallic
inclusions
edgeisillustrated
(possiarestrungoutin thedirection
of
blycopperarsenates)
metalflow.Withinthe shankitselftheyare aligned
to theaxisofthesection,
butnearthethickened
parallel
ordered.Atthe
edgetheybecomesomewhat
randomly
theinclusions
arealignedperpendicular
tothe
edgeitself
axisofthesection
andtotheprevailing
orientation
ofthe
inclusions
in theshank.Thisconfiguration
is typical
of
metalthathasbeenupset;theedgemetalwashammered
to compress
theedge.The alloy
it,thereby
thickening
(Cu, 3.57% As) is highlysegregated.
Althoughnot
evidentin this photomicrograph,
furtheretching
out thefinestructure,
of equiaxed
consisting
brought
twins.The microstructure
ofthis
grainswithannealing
fromthatof mostEcuadorianaxenaipeis different
monieswhichareleftintheworkedcondition.
Thispiece
hasbeenleftannealed.
50.Etchant:
Magnification:
potassiumdichromate.
The
Technologies
This long reviewoftheethnohistoric,

archaeological, and laboratoryevidence pertainingto axemonies and theirrelativessuggeststhatthe phenomenon of the axe-money as an item with
exchange value, circulatingthroughone-to-one
transactions
as well as by tributeon a largerscale
and at a higherorganizationallevel, developedin
stages. It seems to have had its technological
beginningsin Lambayeque, was rapidlyassimilated and transformed
into somethingclose to its
final aspect by the growing chiefdomsof the
centraland southernEcuadorian coast, and ultimatelyfollowed a maritimeroute to the Pacific
coast of Mexico where it achieved its fullest
expression.The featuresat the core of the complex that traveled from south to north were
currentduringtheMiddle Sican presenceat Batan
Grande and remainedinvariant,in spite of the
diversityof culturesand social systemsthatused
and elaboratedupon thecore: (i) thinnessas value
(and the thin-smithingstyle as appropriateto
production);(2) copper-arsenicalloy as the single
and exclusivematerialformanufacture
of objects;
and
of
finished
thin
(3) stacking,tying
packeting
items into groups which are oftenbundled into
larger aggregatesand sometimes covered with
cloth;and (4) hoardingof individualitems,packets and bundles usually, but not exclusively,in
burials.Severalotherfeaturesmightbe appended
to the core, for example, the single-purposeuse
of the item, with the exceptionof feathersthat
were assembled in headdress arrangementsand
perhapscertainformsof Mexican axe-moneythat
may have serveddouble duty.The destinationof
items as tributeis another possible feature,althoughfeathersseem more likelya statusitemof
of Exchange
adornmentultimatelycollectedas wealth,and the

use of naipesin tributeis uncertain.
Value inhered as much in the copper-arsenic
alloyand in thethinnessofplate,sheet,or foilas in
form.Indeed,formis notone of thecoreinvariant
featuresof the complex. But all the formschosen
forthin-style
smithinghad specialculturalsignificance in the Andes and in Mexico- the axe, the
feather,the mushroom,thellama. Only the naipe
remainsenigmaticin thisregard.
Althoughwe believe thatthe use of naipesas a
mediumof exchangeis unlikely,it is clearthatthe
in groupsof ten
packetingof naipesand of feathers
or multiplesof ten was translatedin Ecuador to
thepacketingofaxe-moniesin standardsetsapparentlybased on fiveor ten. The decimalsystemof
accountingon thequipuwas in place in thecentral
Andesby theMiddle Horizon (Conklin 1982),and
it is no surpriseto finda base-10 reckoningand,
we might ventureto call it, "storage" system
in a Middle Sican context(see, e.g.,
functioning
Netherly1977: 307). In fact,Conklin has shown
that certaincomplex Middle Horizon wrapped
quipususe threeinformation
recordingsystemson
a single quipu: base-fivemost frequently,
binary
systems next, and finally a base-10 system
(Conklin 1982: 277). Priimers(n.d.) may be correct in suggestingthat the numbers of leaves
withinpacketsor bundlesof axe-monieshad relibuttheymayrepresent
gious significance,
nothing
morethanan accountingdevice.
There is sufficient
substantialevidence of exin
elite
change
goods between the Lambayeque
valley and coastal Ecuador duringthe tenthand
eleventhcenturiesto warrantthepremisethatsuch
relativelyfrequentcontact,maritimeor terrestrial,
70
stimulatedthe transferof the core axe-money tant"chief's"burialof theIntegrationperiod.The

complex to the Milagro/Mantenopeoples from feathersmay even be importsfromLambayeque;
the Sican polity.Or it may be thatthe complex the toberasare likelyof local manufacture.Holm
was currentand contemporaneousthroughoutthe (n.d.) has collectedmanyotherexamplesof toberas
northernAndean coastal zone, fromLambayeque fromthe La Tolita area of Esmeraldas,on the far
- not surprisingin view of
to Manta, spurredby interregionalexchange in northcoast of Ecuadoreliteitems. Shimada (1985a) cites the presenceof the considerablegold and gold-platinummetalSican ceramicware on theIsla de La Plata, located lurgy practicedthere (Bergsoe 1937; Scott and
offthe centralcoast of Ecuador, betweenSalango Bray 1980)- but theirdatingremainsuncertain.
and Manta, as well as the inclusionof "Spondylus Other metalitemsof copper-arsenicalloy attest
shells,coral, emeralds,and various semi-precious to the close contact between the Lambayeque
stones [fromEcuador] ... in Middle Sican elite valleyand theEcuadoriancoast duringthe period
tombs"(1985a: 391), as indicationsthatsuchtraffic in question. Two types of heavy copper-arsenic
took place. Pedersenrecords the burial of large socketed "points" common to the Lambayeque
quantitiesof chaquira,made from shiny shell in valley,made and buriedthere,and foundburiedin
red, white,and black colors in the huge tomb at large quantities in the Moche valley as well
the Huaca Menor (Pedersen 1976). If any of the (Lechtman 1981: figs. 10, 12, 15), are cited by
items in that extraordinaryburial possessed ex- Pedersen(1976: 63-64) as havingissued fromthe
change value, chaquiradid, and they could well Huaca Menor tomb,wheretheyformeda considerable part of the 500 kg lot of "copper" burial
have been made and broughtin fromEcuador.
However, thereis even more directevidence, offerings.The single "point" Pedersenillustrates
associatedwith metalitemsand with the produc- (1976: 71, seconddrawingfromtop) is identicalto
tionof metal,thatbearswitnessto Sican-Milagro/ one illustratedby Emilio Estrada (1954: grabado
Mantenocontact.We have alreadymentionedthe 40, objectat bottomof illustration).The Ecuadorsocket-endfeathers(Fig. 19) excavated fromthe ian example is associated with Milagro cultural
Cacique Guayas tomb at La Compania, Los Rios materials,but Lechtman considers it an import
Province,whichareidenticalto otherscommonto fromthe Peruviannorthcoast. She has seen sevtheBatanGrandearea (Fig. 18). In thatsame tomb eral otheridenticalobjects in the Museo de Arte
Meggers, Evans, and Estrada (n.d.) recovereda Prehistoricode la Casa de la Culturain Guayaquil.
numberof ceramicblowpipe tips(toberas
) (Fig. 46) Finally,Meggers, Evans, and Estrada (n.d.) colsimilarin formto those same itemsfoundabun- lected threeobjects, which we illustratehere in
dantlyat the metal productionsites of Cerro del Figure47, fromburialurns originallyinterredin
Pueblo, Batan Grande,and at thenearbyprocess- moundA at La Compania and latterscatteredover
ing sites of Cerros Sajino and Huaringa (Epstein the surface of the site by bulldozer activity.
and Shimada 1983: fig. 12; Shimada 1985a: fig. Lechtman (1981: figs. 17, 18) illustratessimilar
in thecollectionsof
16.5; Shimada 1987b:figs.5, 6; Bray 1985:fig.9). examplesfromPeru,presently
The Lambayeque toberasare refractory
tips that the Museo Arqueologico Bruning, Lambayeque
were fittedto the ends of long hollow canes used and the St. Louis Art Museum. Those analyzed
as blowpipes in various stages of metal produc- thusfar,includingone of theLa Compania objects
tion: to raise the temperatureof ore smelting (see Table 2), are made of copper-arsenicalloy.We
furnacesin the extractionprocessand of charcoal are uncertainabout the use of these objects (rebeds in the cruciblemeltingof metal,and in the ferredto as tabletsor tabletas
), but theirshape and
the
of
manufacture
of
frequentincorporation reliefdecorationin
(Epstein
annealing objects during
It
the
form
of a lizardon one surfaceare distinguishand Shimada 1983; Shimada 1985a, 1987b).
The Peruvianand Ecuadorian
and ing characteristics.
seemsespeciallytellingthattwo items toberas
- so directlyassociatedwithSican copper- examplesare close in all respects.
feathers
It seems clearthattherewas ample opportunity
shouldbe includedin an imporarsenicmetallurgy
7i
bronze was as common in the sierra as on the

coast. Of 60 excavatedcopper-baseobjects from
the Canari-Inkasite of Ingapircain the southern
highlands(Escaleraand Barriuso1978), all butone
contain arsenicin substantialamounts: approximately65% have arsenicconcentrationsranging
between1 and 4%, 30% containarsenicat theo. 1copper-arsenicalloy (we referto the alloy as 1.0% level, and the remainder exhibit trace
arsenicbronze when the arsenicconcentrationis amountsof arsenic(0.01-0.1%). One tin bronze
above approximately0.5%, by weight). But an needle (9.7% tin) contains no arsenic, but a
equally significantissue in the context of this copper-tinalloy pin (3.5% tin) with round head
discussionhas to do withthecircumstances
behind does, indicatingthat tin in lower concentrations
the developmentof axe-monies as a medium of was added to arsenicalcopper. The objects anaexchangewithinMilagro/Mantenosocietywhena lyzedfromIngapircaincludeloops, needles,tupus,
similardevelopmentappearsnot to have occurred bells,and variousadornments.
in Sican, in spiteof thepresumedgenerationthere
Scott's analysesof artifactsfromEcuador supof thecore conceptsand technologicalexperience. port the findingsfromIngapircaand broaden the
Shimadaargues:
rangeof analyzedartifacttypeswe can includein
the Ecuadorian corpus (Scott n.d.). His work
thereis a strongpossibility
thattheMiddleSican
on axes, the majorityfromthehighof a key mediumof concentrates
politycontrolled
production
of value (copper-copper
exchange/standard
alloys) land provincesof Azuay and Canar. Except for
thatis believedto havebeenusedin an Ecuadorian- those made of tin bronze,an
alloy introducedby
Peruvianexchangenetwork.. . . we mustexplore
the
all
of
the
Inka,
highlandand coastal curved
the possibility
that,in additionto producingthe
naipes,theSicanpolityexportedtheraw materials blade and flatblade axes Scottexamined(33 items
(blanksheets,ingotsofcopperandarsenical
copper) analyzed)are made of copper-arsenicbronze with
to be processedfurther
forexample,on arsenic
elsewhere;
presentin therangeof0.5-4%, by weight.
coastalEcuador.(Shimada1985a:390,392-393)
The onlyunalloyedaxes he studied,fromPindilig,
These suggestionsmustbe consideredin termsof near Azogues, Canar Province,are copper axes,
what we know about the metallogenesisof the manywithgiltsurfaces(Scottn.d.).
northernAndes, about the metalsand alloysused
Our own analysesof axe-monies,curvedblade
and
about
their
axes, the fourgiantMilagro-Quevedo cast axes,
by Milagro/Mantenopeoples,
metallurgicaltechnologies.In none of theseareas severalfeathers(possiblyfromLambayeque), and
do we have the rich fund of informationthatis one tableta(withouta lizard),all fromtheEcuadoravailable for the central Andean situation,but ian coast, expand the geographicand typological
some data are beginning to set a context for spreadin theEcuadoriancorpusof analyzedInteIntegration
periodmetalworking.
grationperiod copper alloy objects. As Table 2
Two alloy systemsformthebasis of Ecuadorian indicates, all the coastal items are made from
metallurgyduringtheperiodin question:copper- copper-arsenic
alloys.
arsenicand copper-silver(Hosier 1986, 1988b). It
All four laboratorystudies- those of Hosier;
is becomingclear thatin Ecuador, betweenabout Escalera and Barriuso; Scott; and Hosier, Lechta.d. 900 and 1400,by farthemajor proportionof man, and Holm- leave no doubt thatthe alloy of
materialfora
objects made of copper alloys was manufactured copperand arsenicwas thepreferred
fromcopper-arsenic
metal.This is particularly
the diverserange of implements,adornments,ritual
case foraxes and axe-moniesand foropen loops or items, and items of exchange, including axerings; but a few bells, needles, and occasional monies, used by coastal and highland peoples
adornmentswere also made of the alloy (Escalera duringthe Integrationperiodin ancientEcuador.
and Barriuso1978). The widespreaduse of arsenic It was preferred
notonlyforitsmechanicalproperfor Milagro and Manteno peoples to have had
accessto and perhapsadoptedthecore axe-money
complexfromtheirSican neighborsto thesouth.
it to
They elaboratedit and eventuallytransmitted
WestMexico. Shimada (1985a) has raisedthematterof the source of the single raw materialupon
which all axe-money manufacturewas based-
72
ties,as a truebronzealloy,but forthesilvery-pink arsenicalloy. Table 2 indicateshow tightlyclusto silvercolor the metal develops as the arsenic teredthe chemicalanalysesare, with arsenicconcontentincreases (Lechtman 1988, and personal centrationvaryingbetween0.30 and 0.50%. This
communication;Hosier 1986, 1988a). Is Shimada correspondsto the lower limitsof copper-arsenic
preparedto argue that all this metal used in the alloy compositionfoundby Escalera and Barriuso
northAndean zone during the time in question (1978) in theIngapircamaterial(30% of theobjects
was produced in Batan Grande, supplied and they analyzed contain arsenic at the 0.1-1.0%
shippedby Middle and Late Sican polities(or even level) and by Scott (n.d.) in thesouthernhighland
laterby theLambayequeChimu)?That is whathis cast axes (Scott's analysesrange from0.5 to 4%
suggestion (1985a, 1987a), cited earlier, would arsenic).
The relativelylow concentrationof arsenicin
imply,giventheanalysesnow availablefora wide
these
of
Ecuadorian
ingotsprovokesspeculationabout thesource
objects, many
range representative
of which are contemporarywith naipesand with of theverybroad spectrumof arseniclevelsexhibited by copper alloy objects of the Integration
axe-monies.
Because our data on metalproductiontechnolo- period,runningfrom0.01 to 5%, by weight.Had
gies for Ecuador are meager, we cannot go far smelted and refinedstock ingots (or blanks, or
toward answering the very question we have sheet)of copper-arsenicalloy been obtainedfrom
raised:werenorthAndeansocietiesmining,smelt- the south by northAndean metalworkersforuse
ing, and extractingcopper-arsenicmetalfromits in object manufacture,we would expect fairly
ores, or were theyimportingthe alloy fromthe tightclusteringof alloy compositionamong the
south,where we know it was being producedin objects. Tight clusteringwould result, first,if
have not some level of controlhad been exercisedover the
largequantities?Althoughceramictoberas
or
from
been
any workshop smelting compositionof theingotsat theproductionsitesin
yet
reported
contextwithinEcuador, we can assume thatthey thesouthbeforethemetalwas shippednorth,and
wereused in meltingand annealingmetal,ifnotin second,ifnorthAndean smithssimplymeltedthe
thedirectsmeltingof ores. Among coastalmateri- ingotsdirectlyin orderto castcertainobjectsor to
of sheetmetal.
als we have examined that are associated with provideblanksforthemanufacture
of arsenicin the originalstock
metalproductionare fourroughlyplano-convex The concentration
ingotsand one artifactthatmay be describedas a ingotscould be expectedto drop appreciablyonly
metalpour or run.Two of theingots(Fig. 48) and if such ingots were added to molten copper,
the pour were among the items in the Cacique therebydilutingthe arseniclevel of the resulting
Guayas burial at La Compania (Meggers, Evans metal. Barringsuch dilution,the rangeof arsenic
and Estrada n.d.). The other two ingots were concentrationexhibited by Ecuadorian objects
collectedin Manabi. Given the shape and surface could be expected to fall somewhere between
characteristics
of thefourcake-likeingots,theyare about 1 and 4 weightpercent,thelikelyand useful
to
more likely be crucibleproducts,formedby range of alloy composition of copper-arsenic
meltingmetal, than furnacesmeltingproducts, bronzeto be used in hammeringobjects to shape.
The composition range that characterizesthe
obtainedin theextractionof metalfromore.
Ecuadorian
reof
examination
corpusofobjectsis,however,considersamples
Metallographic
wider.
Low arsenic alloys, containingberevealed
all
five
moved from
ably
objects (see Fig. 49)
themetalto be quite clean, with few nonmetallic tween o. 1 and 0.5% arsenic, were quite comparticlesof anykindotherthanoccasionalcuprous monlyused, and about fivepercentof objects are
oxide (Cu20) and copperarsenateinclusions,lend- made of arsenicalcoppercontainingtraceamounts
of these of arsenic(0.01-0. 1%). This is thekindof compoing supportto the tentativeidentification
all five sition arrayone would expect of metal won diingotsas crucibleproducts.Interestingly,
or rectly from its ores, especially copper-arsenic
from
the
same
batch
cast
to
have
been
appear
similar batches of molten low arsenic copper- metal likely to have been manufacturedby co-
73
smeltingoxide ores of copper and sulfideores of

arsenic-bearingcopper (Lechtman 1981, 1988;
Hosier 1986, 1988a, 1988b). Such smeltingregimes are known to produce a broad range of
alloy compositions,dependingnot
copper-arsenic
onlyupon thequalityof theore but also upon the
relativelyoxidizing or reducingenvironmentof
the furnace.The low arsenic levels in the five
Ecuadorianingotspresentedherecould easilyhave
been producedin a directco-smeltingprocess:the
initialfurnaceproductswould undergorefining
to
achievetheclean metalingotswe have examined.
Ifwe concentrateon axe-moniesalone, neglectingforthemomentthewide varietyof Integration
period materialculturein metal which serves as
theircontext,and considerthema specialcategory
of object thatmighthave been made fromhigh- at leastinitially,
before
status,importedmaterial
northAndean metalworkerslearnedto smeltthe
alloy from appropriatelocal ores- is thereevidence to suggest that such material may have
come from the Lambayeque valley? The set of
histogramspresentedin Figures$0, 51a, and 51b is
instructive
in thisregard.Each set is derivedfrom
the data on artifactcompositiongiven in Table 2
and plotsthepercentageof objectsanalyzedwithin
of
anyone groupas a functionof theconcentration
arsenicin the alloys of which the objects in the
groupare made. In thecase of theMexican material (Fig. 50), the finalhistogramsummarizesthe
analysesof 35 objects, integratingthe data from
thefoursubtypesstudied.The finalhistogramfor
theEcuadoriancorpus(Fig. 51a) sums thedata for
24 axe-moniesand six relatives,30 objects in all.
arenot as good forthenaipes
Comparablestatistics
as
we
have
availabletheresultsof only
(Fig. 51b),
nineanalyseswithwhich to plot thehistogram(5
objectsreportedherein Table 2; 4 objectsreported
by Shimada 1985a: 387). Nevertheless,as the
Batan Grande naipesanalyzed come from three
distinctburial mounds- the Huacas Menor, La
- we can assume that
Merced, and Las Ventanas
of naipesat thesite.
theyare representative
The Mexican histogramcan serveas a frameof
since we know Mexican metalworkers
reference,
weresmeltingtheirown local ores- mixedoresof
copper (likely chalcopyrite)and arsenic (likely
whichco-occurcommonlyin West
arsenopyrite),
Mexico- to producecopper-arsenic
alloys (Hosier
1986, 1988a). The alloys used in the manufacture
of axe-moniesof all foursubtypescover a broad
composition range, from several tenthsof one
percentto 6.5% arsenic, by weight. The large
majorityof objects is, however, made of a lowarsenic alloy: 40% fall in the 0.1-0.5% arsenic
concentrationrange and 23% in the 0.5-1.0%
arsenicrange.The lattergroup can be considered
arsenicbronzes.There is a fairlyuniformbut low
distributionof objects in the alloy concentration
ranges that begin at 1% and increase to 6.5%
arsenic.Clearly,most of theMexican artifactsare
made from metal smelted from a mixture of
copper and arsenicminerals.Upon directsmelting, such ores yieldalloys with relativelymodest
but significant
concentrations
of arsenicfromthe
of
view
of
their
mechanical
point
properties.
The histogramforthe Ecuadorian materialdepartssomewhatfromthe Mexican picture.Here
there is a general shifttowards higher arsenic
the bulk of all objects fallingbeconcentrations,
tween the 0.5 and 2.5% arseniclevels. Interestingly,none of theEcuadorianaxe-monieswe have
analyzedthusfarcontainsless than0.5% arsenic.
Aside fromthe generallyhighervalues of arsenic
in the Ecuadorian corpus as compared with the
Mexican group, the overall trend of the north
Andean plot is similarto thatof the Mexican: the
large majorityof objects falls withinthe 0.5 to
2.0% arsenicconcentrationrange, and thereafter
thereis a rapidfalloff
ofitemsas arsenicconcentrationincreases.
Even in spiteof thefarsmallernumberof naipe
analysesavailable forthe plot of Figure 51b, the
shape of the naipehistogramis almost the mirror
image of thatcorrespondingto the northAndean
corpus of objects and, similarly,presentsthe reverse of the Mexican array.Thus far,no naipes
have been studiedwhose arsenicconcentrationis
below one weightpercent,and the bulk of these
objects (78%) are made of alloys with quite high
arsenicconcentrations,
runningfrom4 to 5%, by
It
is
difficult
to
assess to what extentthe
weight.
naipehistogrammay be affectedby the relatively
smallnumberof objectsanalyzed,althoughin the
74
case of the Ecuadorian materialthereare only 11 to coastal Ecuador is the absence of any ore
on theEcuadoriancoast. His interType i a axe-moniesand n Type ib axe-monies mineralization
of
in
the
two
Ecuadorian
represented each of
upper histograms pretation
geology and ore mineralplottedin Figure51a. The naipehistogramcan be ogy is based on a passage in whichHolm assessed
comparedwitheitherof thosein termsof statisti- thepossiblesourcesof raw materialforthemanufactureof coastal "copper" money-axes in the
cal meaningfulness.
is
not
era.
the
Whatis strikingabout
prehistoric
naipehistogram
only its dramatic differencefrom those of the
. . . we do not knowof anycopperore, or native
Andeanzone and of Mexico, but itsclear
northern
withinthis[Milagro-Quevedo]
culdeposits,
copper
departure from the histograms published by
turalarea,nor are theylikelyto be foundas the
Lechtman(1981: fig.38) fora groupof 50 copperconsistsmainlyoffluvial
andalluvialplains
territory
. . . The nearestavailable
offairly
recentformation.
arsenic alloy objects, both cast and worked to
depositsseem to have been those of the Andes
shape, fromthe region between the Moche and
eastof theMilagro-Quevedo
area,more
highlands,
in the presentCanar and Azuay provLambayeque rivervalleys on the northcoast of
specifically
inces. . . The foreign[i.e., highland]
what is today Peru. Many of these objects are
originof the
raw
the
would
of
course
tendtobe a
material,
copper,
with naipes.The data show a fairly
contemporary
factorin the value of the money-axes.
stabilizing
continuousrangeof arsenicconcentration
140-141)
among
(Holm1966/67:
all the objects,froma low of a few tenthsof one
percentto a highof six weightpercent.Lechtman In a later publication about axe-monies Holm
concluded (1980, 1981) that these alloys were (1978: 352) refersto the zones around Toachi and
made by the direct smeltingof arsenic-bearing Macuchi, on thewesternslopes of theEcuadorian
Andes, as containingcopper,silver,and gold ores
copperores.
No naipeswere available for studyat the time which were exploitedduringthe Colonial period
the analysesof the Peruviannorthcoast material and on a small scale duringWorldWar II; but, he
were carriedout. The analyticalresultsreported notes, we do not know if theseores were mined
herein Table 2 and Figure51 thusallow consider- prehistorically.
The resultsof the recentlaboratoryanalysesof
ationof how the naiperelatesto thislarge variety
of northcoast arsenicbronzes. Though relatively axe-moniesand of a wide varietyof othercopperfewin number,theseresultsstronglysuggestthat, alloy objects fromancientEcuador allow the forunlikewhat obtainsformost otherobjects of the mulationofmuchmorefocusedquestionsconcernperiodin question,a higharsenicalloywas deliber- ing the raw materialsfrom which such objects
atelyselectedat Batan Grandeforthemanufacture were made. The questionforgeology is whether
onaipes.It is, however,nowhereevidentthatthat thegeologic environmentand theore mineralogy
same high-arsenicalloy was shipped north,and ofEcuador aresimilarenoughto thoseof northern
fora similarpurpose.There are fewnorthAndean Peru thatboth regionscould be expectedto yield
axe-moniesmade of such alloys (see Fig. 51a). On the same varietyof ore mineralswhich ancient
the contrary,most never reachedan arseniccon- minersmighthave encountered.The questionfor
tentgreaterthan2.5%. Whethersuchhigharsenic archaeologyis whetherprehistoricminersin the
alloys, produced in Lambayeque, were added to area of modernEcuador could have mined or did
moltencopper by Ecuadorian smithsto achieve mine ores that, upon smelting,would produce
alloys.
alloysof lower arseniccontentis certainlya possi- copper-arsenic
An answer to the geological question can be
bility,but thedata thusfaravailabledo not lead to
foundby comparingrecentmetallogenicmaps for
thatconclusion.
One of the several argumentsShimada cites Ecuador (Paladinesand Sanmartin1980) and Peru
(1985a: 388; 1987a) in supportof his suggestion (Ponzoni 1969). The maps indicatethat,mineralthat arsenicbronze metal was being shipped in ogically and geochemically,the two regions are
ingot or semi-processedformfromLambayeque quite similar.The ore mineralsand theirgeologic
75
different Ag-As formation. . . with enargite,tetrahedrite,

setting(host rocks) are not significantly
withinthe areas representedby modernEcuador and proustite as the primary minerals; with
and Peru. The same basic geological makeupand bornite,covellite,and chalcociteas secondaryminthesame typesof ore depositsoccurin bothareas, erals. Galena and sphaleriteoccur in unimportant
arrangedwithin zones that run roughlynorth- quantities."UlrichPetersen(personalcommunicasouth,followingtheAndeanCordillera.Severalof tion, 1988) interpretsPillzhum as essentiallyan
thosezones, of interestto thediscussionhere,are: enargite(copper sulfarsenide:Cu3AsS4) ore delike thoseat Hualgayoc and Quiruvilca, or
1. Metamorphicrocks in the highlandsand east- posit,
of
theothermajorPeruvianmineslocatedin
ernslopes of theAndes runcontinuouslyfrom many
the highlandsfurther
to the south thatare richin
Peru into Ecuador. This is a zone in which
minerals.
arsenic-bearing
coppersulfarsenide
placergold depositsare foundin both regions.
Thus not only do we findthe same generalore
2. Mesozoic rocks in the highlands containing
depositsin Ecuador as in Peru, but the kinds of
tertiaryintrusivesand ore depositsof copper,
ores thatare characteristic
of Peru,
copper-arsenic
lead, zinc, silver,and gold also run continuin
abundant
the
central
and
northern
especially
ouslyfromPeruinto Ecuador.
of theEcuadorian
highlands,are also characteristic
3. Volcanicfieldsin the highlands,overlyingthe sierra.
Lechtman(1976, 1981) has argued thatthe
Mesozoic rocks, contain copper, silver,gold,
arsenic-bearing
copper ore likely to have been
andlead-zincdepositsinbothPeruandEcuador.
smelted in the Moche-Lambayeque area as the
4. Igneous intrusiverocks in the highlandsand
source of arsenic in the productionof
westernslopes of the Andes containporphyry primary
copper-arsenicalloys is enargite,the sulfarsenide
copper depositsin Ecuador, a continuationof of
foundin the highlandsof
copperso plentifully
the same zone in Peru. For example, the distheJequetepequevalleyand the mountainsto the
seminatedcopper deposit at Chaucha is like
north.As we see, thissame ore typeis availablein
Peruvianporphyrycopperminesat sitessuchas
Ecuador.
Michiquillay (Petersen 1970) and Turmalina
The issue of whetherthe Ecuadorian copper(Ponzoni 1969).
arsenicores were mined prehistorically
turns,in
The area describedby Holm in the passage cited part, on the quantityof ore that is potentially
earlier(1966/67)is characteristic
of Ecuador and is exploitable and its accessibility(see Goossens
notfoundin Peru. It is limitedto thesouth-central 1972a, 1972b). Based on his thoroughknowledge
coast, roughlyfromthe latitudeof Guayaquil to of the metallogenesisof the entireAndean zone
thatof Portoviejo further
north.The basalticrocks (Petersen1965, 1970, 1972), Ulrich Petersenbein thiszone were once partof theocean floor,and lieves that most of the ore deposits in Ecuador
thereare no importantore depositshere. Thus all were not discovereduntilratherrecentlybecause
the ores of consequence in Ecuador are in the of thevegetationcover over muchof thearea (U.
Petersen,personalcommunication,1988). Unless
highlands.
Metallogenic maps may be misleading,how- themineraldepositsoccurat highaltitudesso that
with care, as they erosionexposes them,or in desertconditions,like
ever, and must be interpreted
tendto listthemodern,commerciallyminedmet- those along the Peruviancoast, where they may
als at a site,oftenignoringthebasic mineralogyof also be visibleforlackof soil and vegetationcover,
thearea. The largemineraldepositat Pillzhumis a ores are difficult
to findbecause theydo not crop
good example. The 1980 Mapa Metalogenicodel out. The extensivedepositsat Chaucha, forexamEcuador (Paladinesand Sanmartin)designatesthis ple, were not discovered earlierbecause of the
as a AgPbZn (silver-lead-zinc)ore body, as those extent of the vegetationin the area, and this
are the primaryeconomic metals presentlyin conditionin theEcuadoriansierraholds trueas far
exploitation.But Sauer (1971: 236) accountsfor northas La Plata in the highlandsof Cotopaxi
thebasic mineralization
at Pillzhumthus:"A Cu- Province. In the most northerlysector of Peru,
76
wherethedense vegetationcover in thehighlands

resemblesthatof the Ecuadorian sierra,the porphyrycopperdepositsrecentlydiscoveredon surveys run by the Peruvian governmentwere not
seen beforebecause they were covered over (U.
Petersen, personal communication, 1988). At
Hualgayoc, by contrast,the extensive enargite
depositsare exposed because the ore is at a high
elevation (ca. 3800 m) (Ericksen, Iberico, and
Petersen1956;Cabos 1982;Vidal and Cabos 1983).
The situationwith respectto Ecuadorian mining, whetherprehistoricor contemporary,rests
neitheron the kinds of ores available nor on the
amounts of
extentof the ore deposits; sufficient
ores are present.It
copperand coppersulfarsenide
has to do rather with their identificationand
We will not know whethersuch ores
accessibility.
were mined during the Integrationperiod until
carefulgeologicaland archaeologicalsurveyshave
been carriedout in those highlandzones potentiallymost likelyto have been exploited.Pending
thatfieldwork,the issue of the wholesale movement of copper-arsenicalloy metal from the
Lambayequevalley to the north,in the considerable quantitiesin which we can now reckon its
passage, is likely to remain unresolved. On the
otherhand,studiesof lead isotoperatiosof typical
copperores fromPeru
copperand arsenic-bearing
and Ecuador can help establish the geographic
distribution
and possibleclusteringof thoseratios
and Macfarlane1987; MacfarPetersen,
(Marcet,
lane and Petersenn.d.). It may thenbe possibleto
seek correlationsbetweentheisotope ratiosof the
oresand thoseof theobjectswithknownPeruvian
or Ecuadorian provenience. We are planning a
pilot study of this kind to test its usefulnessin
of
the source of the ores, and therefore
clarifying
the metal that constitutedwealth among such a
diversityof societiesin thenorthAndeanarea.13
Althoughat presentthe natureof Ecuadorian

activitiesdurmining,smelting,and metalworking
is
ing the Integrationperiod entirelyopen, we
know fromHosier's research(1986, 1988c)thatthe
technicalknowledgebehind mining,the productionof alloys,and thefabrication
of metalobjects
was transmitted
to WestMexican societiesin large
part throughtheirdirectmaritimecontactswith
peoplesfromEcuador.The breadthand sophisticationofthetechnologiesimpartedcould hardlyhave
issuedfrommetalworkers
whoseexposureto metal
was limitedto the meltingand workingof stock
copper-arsenicalloy obtained fromthe south. In
whateverformand at whateverscale Ecuadorian
metallurgicalactivitiesmay have proceeded, we
- wealth in
can use the resultof those activities
metal- to explorea largerissue:the
copper-arsenic
withinwhichtransactional
circumstances
arrangements,based on ascriptionof exchange value to
conventionalformsofwealth,developedalongside
theaccumulationandhoardingofthatwealth.Ifwe
are correctin arguingthat naipeswere not axemonies primarilybecause, though hoarded, they
did notcirculateas itemsofexchange,whatfactors
withinthe Ecuadorian experiencestimulatedthe
use of axe-moniesin thatmode?
The appearanceof axe-moniesoutside the core
Milagro-Quevedo culturearea, such as at Tumbes
and Talara (see map, Fig. 13), is theresultof active
trafficby these coastal peoples who sailed balsa
wood raftssouthto what is today northernPeru,
and northas faras Mexico. If we considerjust the
inventoryof naturaland culturalmaterialsfrom
Ecuador common to elite Middle Sican tombs in
theLambayequevalley- emeraldsfromtheEsmeraldas regionof thefarnorthcoast, Spondylus
shell,
we
have
often
worked
from
Spondylus
chaquira
one exampleof theextentof thismaritimeactivity
which already had considerable chronological
depthby the onset of the Middle Horizon in the
centralAndean area.
13Ulrich
Petersen
of Harvard
University
joinsus in this
ratios
theleadisotope
work.Wehavebegun
bycharacterizing
whichtheoresderived
thatproduced
of geographic
zonefrom
oresfrom
thenorth
coastandnorth
ofcopper
highlands
theEcuadorian
bronze
ofcopper-arsenic
Peru.Nexttheisotope
objects thosealloys.Onlythenwillwe consider
profiles
a recent
ofthePh.D.
and material.
Andrew
willbedetermined
north
coastcultures
from
thePeruvian
Macfarlane,
recipient
sciences
at Harvard,
initiated
thelead
willbe degreein geological
material
oftheores.ThePeruvian
withthose
compared
as a research
fellowat the
whileworking
we can isotopeanalyses
withcareto evaluate
studied
(1) howsuccessfully
Research
inArchaeology
andEthnology
forMaterials
and coastalores and (2) Center
differentiate
betweenhighland
the atMIT.
whether,
uponstudyof thealloys,we candetermine
77
The EcuadorianscholarJacinto
Jijony Caamano,
with his profound knowledge of his country's
and ethnohistory,
coinedtheexpression
prehistory
de
mercaderes"
"liga
league or confederationof
merchants to describetheeconomicactivitiesand
politicalrelationsamongthePre-Columbianchiefdoms of theEcuadoriancoast, withspecificreferenceto theMantenosand Huancavilcas(Jijon1941:
in
2: 91-92, 101). The extensivemaritimetraffic
which thesepeoples engaged became a historical
fact in 1526 when Bartolome Ruiz de Estrada,
FranciscoPizarro'schiefpilot,encountered
a native
South American seagoing balsa wood raftnear
Punta Galera, as it sailed northwardalong the
Ecuadoriancoast. The home portofthevesselmay
have been theancienttown of Salango14or one of
theothertownson thecentralcoastofEcuador (see
map, Fig. 8) thatfiguredin the Manteno senorw
(dominion) of the Lord of Salangone (Oviedo y
Valdes 1945;Jijon 1940-1947: II: 87-103; Marcos
1978;Norton 1987). Ruiz calledthevessela "navio
de tractantes,"
a merchantvessel (Oviedo y Valdes
11:
1945: 220-221). Having capturedit,he notonly
describeditscrewand themerchandise
on board(it
had a 30-tonelcapacity),but also as a sailor commentedupon itsconstruction
and rigging(Oviedo
Valdes
Samano-Xerez
1945;
1937:65-66). Made
y
oflargewood logs lashedtogether,
theraftfeatured
cottonsails, masts, riggingmade of a hemp-like
cordage, and rudders. Its cargo of elite goods
includeda wide varietyofobjectsofgold andsilver,
richlydecorated cloth of many colors, mirrors
framedin silver, emeralds, balances with small
weightsforweighinggold, and much more. And
all this,Ruiz reports,was beingtransported
north
to exchange for a type of sea shell, fromwhich
whiteand orangecolored beads were made- and

the vessel was fullof such beads. Ruiz described
chaquira,tiny white-orangeand reddish orange
beads made fromSpondylus
shell.
There is by now a considerableliteratureabout
the large Ecuadorian balsa wood sailing rafts,
steeredby moveable centerboards (guaras
) and
witha Marconi-riggedsail, such as theone Bartolome Ruiz interceptedand which we find frequently described by the early chroniclers(E.
Estrada 1955; Edwards 1965; J. Estrada 1988).
Smallerversionscontinuein use as riverinefishing
vesselsin theEcuadorianprovincesof Guayas and
Los Rios (J. Estrada 1988) and offthe farnorth
coast of Peru,in theDepartmentof Piura (Sabella
1974). An even more impressiveliteraturehas
built slowly about the single item- Spondylus
shell- whose acquisitionand exchange was vital
to these long-distancevoyages that eventually
linkeda networkof actors,fromMexico to southcentralPeru (Holm 1953; Murra 1975; Paulsen
1974; Marcos 1978; Norton 1987; Cordy-Collins
n.d.).15
As early as 1953 Holm pointed to the close
connectionsamong Spondylus
, balsa wood, and
the developmentof a sophisticatedtechnologyof
raftbuildingand of open-oceannavigationamong
the coastal populations of prehistoricEcuador.
The warmtropicalwatersthathug theEcuadorian
coastprovidea naturalhabitatforthetwo varieties
of the seashell, SpondylusprincepsBroderip (the
"thornyoyster")and Spondylus
calcifer
Carpenter,
thatwere exploitedand disseminatedby Ecuadorian coastal dwellers.16Equally importantto the
in Spondyluswas the
widespreadmaritimetraffic
I5Care
is needed
whenreading
andeven
sixteenth-century
lateraccounts
of indigenous
methods
of oceannavigation,
deSamano
several
of because
usedtheword"balsa"whenever
(Samano-Xerez
1937)identifies
I4Joan
Spaniards
theyobthesailorscaptured
fromtheraftas fromthe"pueblode served
a craft
which
wasneither
a European
vessel
nora native
"... enaquelpueblode calangome
dondeellos canoe.It madenodifference
tothemifthevesselwasa raft
calangome":
sonhaycuatro
ofbalsawoodlogs,a netfilled
withdried
a
juntostodosde unsenorquesonel constructed
pueblos
gourds,
dichocalangome
formed
twoinflated
sealionskins
witha
[Salangone]
y tusco[Tuses]y êracapez smallcraft
byuniting
..." (1937:68).Presley
Nor- wooden
board
ontop,orevena "caballito
demar
," thePeruvian
y âlango
[Seracapez]
[Salango]
tonbelieves
that
theancient
tothe totora
reedfishing
craft.
Allwerebalsas.
Balsa,thetimber,
cityofSalango
corresponds
extend
overtwosmall, becamesynonymous
whoseremains
withanyseagoing
vessel.(Thesame
largeurbancenter
bahias
located
theIsladeSalango
andslightlyequivalence
theBrazilian
wasmadewith
andthetimber
adjacent
opposite
jangada
tothesouthofthemodern
townofSalango(Norton
1987). usedinitsconstruction.)
Theportofembarkation
ofthecaptured
raft
couldhavebeen l6Thenatural
habitat
of bothtypesof Spondylus
is the
thiscoastalsiteor oneoftheothers,
farther
waters
fromtheGulfofGuayaquil
to theGulfof
north, offshore
slightly
which
Norton
hasidentified
onhissurveys
ofthearea.
California
coastofMexico).
(Pacific
78
availabilityon or just inlandfromthe Ecuadorian

littoralof a complex of materialsessentialto the
constructionof ocean craftthat would survive
long voyages on the open sea. Balsa wood
(Ochromasp.) was chiefamong these, but bamboo, cottonforsails, and a smoothand extremely
to as
resistant
reed,whichBartolomeRuiz referred
"henequen"(hemp) used for cordage and lashings
(Zevallos M. 1988), were equally vital to raft
constructionand were in plentifulsupply on the
Ecuadoriancoast. Balsa wood as a botanicalspecies is foundfromsouthernVeracruz,Mexico to
thejungles of easternBolivia. It requiresmoisture
and sunshine,and consequentlyis completelyabsentalong the coastal desertof Peru and Chile. It
growsabundantlyalong thehumidtropicalPacific
coastof Ecuador. As it is a self-sowingtree,a field
abandonedthroughthe practiceof slash and burn
forexample,turnsquicklyintoa solid
agriculture,
stand of balsa. When crowded, balsa can reach
about 10 m in heightand attaina diameterof some
10 cm within a few years. Trees in more open
standsreacha diameterof 25-30 cm in fiveto eight
years, and old trees have been reported with
diametersup to 1.2 m (United StatesDepartment
of Agriculture,ForestService 1947). The logs are
straight,of low density,and, when green, will
continueto floatforwell over a year (Heyerdahl
1955). They were the primaryconstructionmaterial forthe large sailingraftsof the Manteno and
Huancavilcachiefdoms.
There is now abundantarchaeologicalevidence
attestingto the early use of Spondylusin coastal
and highlandEcuador fromabout 3000 to about
1100 B.C. (Paulsen 1974; Marcos 1978). The Early
Horizon in thecentralAndean area saw theintroductionof theshellfromEcuador and itsconsiderable use both in thehighlandsand along thecoast
of present-dayPeru. From the Middle Horizon
forward,however,thecentralAndeandemandfor
the shell increaseddramatically,and it was supplied in vast quantitiesto the Inka state (Murra
1975; Marcos 1978). Thus by about a.d. 900, at
the beginningof the Integrationperiod in Ecua- coastalpeopleswitha
dor,suppliersof Spondylus
- met the
highly developed nautical technology
increasingdemands from the south not only
throughexploitationof the shell beds off their

own shoresbutalso by sailingnorthto obtainnew
sources of supply,probablyfromMexico or via
tradepartnersin Panama (Marcos 1978). Such was
evidentlythepurposeof thevesseltakenby Bartolome Ruiz. Whetheror not the powerfulManteno/Huancavilcachiefdoms had formed some
sortof politicalunityor economicorganizationof
merchantports such as the league suggestedby
Jijony Caamano, it seems clear thatthesesailors
thathad become
controlledthesourceof Spondylus
a vital ritual and political item throughoutthe
centralAndes, and thattheydominatedthe traffic
along extensivestretchesof the Pacificlittoralfor
more than half a millennium(Marcos 1978; see
also Pease 1978: 98-99).
As we have alreadynoted,notall thepreciousor
exotic materialstransportedby Manabi sailors
along well-usedmaritimenetworkshad exchange
value or may have served as primitivemoney.
Chaquiraprobablydid, and we expectaxe-monies
did also, though theydid not travelso far. The
transactionalaspect of the axe-moneydeveloped
withinthe contextof a societyengaged in active
by preeminentseafarerswith
long-distancetraffic,
an intensemaritimeexposure stimulatedby exchange. The material itself- copper-arsenic
bronze- had inherentvalue, and the formwhich
expressedthatvalue was bound to a widespread
culturalcommitmentto the axe as a signifierof
wealth,status,perhapspoliticalacumen, and the
becementingof social relations.The difference
tweenchaquiraand axe-money,as is evidentfrom
thearchaeologicalrecord,is thatchaquira
, like unworked Spondylus,moved far to the south, well
outsideof equatorialwaters(Murra 1975; Paulsen
1974; Marcos 1978; Marcos and Norton 1981; see
also Netherly1977: 266-269); axe-moneydid not.
In the Andean region,axe-moniesare widely dispersed within the Milagro-Quevedo/MantenoHuancavilcageographiclimitsand occasionallybeyond those limits. But they do not appear at
Lambayeque.Perhapsthatwould have been bringing coals to Newcastle.17
Bartolome
I7Wewishto be quiteclearthatin associating
ofmerchants"
Ruiz'"merchant
andJijon's
with
vessel"
"league
79
When we look northfromEcuador to Mexico, metallurgyin West Mexico (approximatelya.d.

however,thepictureis quitedifferent.
Metallurgi- 800 tOA.D. 1200-1300),
the
southern
cally speaking,
portion of what is
the resemblance
with the metallurgy
of southern
Ecuador
can
be
considered
the northern- Ecuadoris most
today
In WestMexicoduringthis
striking.
most limit of the centralAndean technological
tweetime,bells,needles,openrings,anddepilatory
as
as
well
and
occasional
fishhooks
zers,
axes,
awls,
of
metal
The
(Lechtman
1988).
style
handling
constitute
the basic constellation
of objectsmade
same alloy systemsand the same overallcommitfrommetal.In southern
Ecuadorduringandpriorto
mentto a traditionof shapingmetalby working
thisperiod,metalwas used to fabricate
thissame
thatexhibit
thesamedesign
characterisit were currentthereas they were to the south,
inventory
ofobjects
(Hosier1988c:
techniques.
where these alloys and manufacturing
traditions ticsandthesamefabrication
835)
developed. Because of theirpivotalrole in Pacific
maritimeexchange, at the center of a long- The principalmetal used in West Mexico at this
distancenetworkthat specializedin the acquisi- time was copper; silverand gold were also occation and distributionof Spondylusshell (Holm sionally employed. In the case of some object
1953; Murra 1975; Paulsen 1977; Marcos 1978), types,such as open ringsand depilatorytweezers,
thepowerfulchiefdomsof the Manabi coast were the archaeologicalcontext,and presumablythe
in a positionto transmitmore thangoods to West social function,of theseitemsis identicalin southMexico, the most northerlyoutpostin the mari- ern Ecuador and in West Mexico. Hosier argues
time chain (Fig. 8). Hosier's recentstudyof the thatthe same correspondenceis likelytrueof the
origins, technology,and social constructionof other artifacttypes (1986, 1988c). At the same
West Mexican metallurgy(1986, 1988b, 1988c) time, she is carefulto point out that the West
attestsunequivocally to the historicalrelations Mexican objects are not exact replicas of their
between West Mexican metallurgyand that of Ecuadorian counterparts,
which served as protoEcuador. She furtherdemonstratesthatthe tech- types for objects subsequentlymanufacturedlonological underpinningsof West Mexican metal- cally. "It seems clear that,forthe most part,it is
in large partfromsouth- knowledge- not objects- that was imparted[to
lurgywere transmitted
ern Ecuador via a maritimeroute. Ecuadorian West Mexico], knowledge of smeltingtechnolopeoples, receivingtechnologicaltraditionsfrom gies, of mineral and ore types, of fabrication
thesouth,conveyedthemnorth.
techniques,and of thekindsof objects thatcould
Hosier plots the developmentof WestMexican be made frommetal,whichwere,of course,those
metallurgyin two stages, each of which corre- veryobjects thatwere produced in Ecuador and
sponds to specificinfluencesfrom metallurgical Colombia" (Hosier 1988c:843).
cultureareasto thesouth- initiallyfromEcuador,
Althoughaxe-moniesor the axe-moneycomand
Central
and
later
from
Colombia,
America,
plex were not among theinventoryof objectsand
those same regions but also includingsouthern uses of metal that reachedWest Mexican shores
Peruand Bolivia (Hosier 1986, 1988b,1988c). The on thisfirstwave of metallurgical
experience,it is
introductionof the axe-moneycomplex belongs importantto sense the qualityof thatexperience.
to the second of these stages. During the initial For example, a 1525 document from Zacatula,
of near the mouth of the Balsas river in Mexico,
period,whichcorrespondsto theestablishment
describeswhatmay well have been an Ecuadorian
there.The Indians in the reaxe-monies
no argument
is beingmadethatManteno/tradingexpedition
told
the
Huancavilca
weretrading
foreconomic
Spaniards that their grandfathers
navigators
gain.We gion
readthesixteenth-century
mercar
andmercader
assigni- and fathershad traded with mariners
Spanish
bringing
Andean
forms
ofexchanging
onesetofitems
foranother,
fying
rich
from
in
the
south
canoes
cargoes
eachofwhich
had
a
different
set
of
values.
Social
and
large
probably
or ritual
value,andthe ("grandes
and
that
these
political
traders
prestige,
scarcity,
religious
some"),
piraguas
material
nature
oftheitemsthemselves
metal,
shell; times
(cloth,
five
to
six
months
in
West
Mexican
spent
musthaverepresented
thestandards
of
color,texture,
form)
measurement.
ports (West 1961: 133). There was adequate time
80
Peruand southernEcuador;
forManabi sailors,traders,and presumablymetal- spreaduse in northern
workersto share culturalattitudes,materialcul- the technicalaspectsof theirproductionand hanture,and technologicalknow-how with peoples dling were almost certainlytransmittedto West
Mexico from Ecuador along maritimechannels
in WestMexico.
It is not surprising,then,that duringthe sec- long in use. As in thefirstperiod,the most direct
ond periodof elaborationof WestMexican metal- connectionswe can observebetweenWestMexico
lurgy,when the axe-money complex was intro- and South America at this later time occur with
duced fromsouthernEcuador, it took root and coastalEcuador. Strikingcases are foundin theuse
developedrapidlyalong its own lines. In Hosier's in both regions of copper-silveralloys for sheet
view, the greatestsimilaritywithinall categories metal ornamentsthatare oftenvirtuallyidentical
of materialculturebetweenWestMexico and the with respect to dimensions, fabricationtechAndes occurs in the axe-money.That is certainly niques, and material,and in the abundantuse in
trueformaterialculturein metal. In at least one West Mexico of copper-arsenicalloys for two
case the formselaboratedin the two regionsare common typesof Ecuadorianartifact:axe-monies
extremelyclose (WestMexican Type3a and Ecua- and loop-eyeneedles(Hosier 1986, 1988c).
On the other hand, the appearance in West
dorianType 2), and Ecuadorian axe-moniesmay
have travellednorth on Manteno balsas. There Mexico during this second period of yet other
was a common conceptualcurrencysurrounding artifactdesignsand of the alloy of copper and tin
these objects that was shared by both culture (tinbronze) providesthe best evidenceof contact
coast of Peru and the adjawith the south-central
areas.
Andean
was
cent
when
the
The period
highlands.For example,certainWest
axe-moneycomplex
introducedto WestMexico is of particularinterest Mexican shell tweezersare exact replicasof tweewiththeentry zers foundonly in southernPeru; theyare absent
becauseofitsnearcontemporaneity
area. Other artifacttypes,such
as
a
scene
of
Chincha
the
major actor in in the intervening
upon
as
tin
bronze
in
the
maritime
traffic
Pacificcoast, long-distance
loop-eye needles, which were not
centraland northAndean zone. Hosier sets the made in the north,are identicalwith respectto
devel- form,fabrication
secondperiodofWestMexicanmetallurgical
technique,and materialin southin
and
West
Mexico (Hosier 1986, 1988c).
ern
Peru
to
a.d.
1200a.d.
as
1525
1300
opment spanning
Andean alloy,knowledgeof
is
a
south
Tin
bronze
(Hosier 1986, 1988b). The basic technologicalrepertoirethat had defined the metallurgyearlier which reached West Mexico from the southespeciallyin theutilization centralAndeanarea.
expandeddramatically,
The existenceof a more southerlyarm of the
of alloys of copper for the manufactureof many
and copper- Andean long-distance maritime exchange netcopper-arsenic,
objects;copper-silver,
tin were the threebinaryalloys employed. New work, which connectedEcuador with southern
artifactdesignsappeared- such as tweezersmade Peru duringthe Integrationperiod, was revealed
fromextremelythinmetal with blades of double in 1970 by Maria Rostworowski.She publisheda
curvature(shelltweezers)and loop-eyeneedles,as mid-sixteenth-century
Spanishdocumentthatdiscusses Chincha, a large and wealthykingdomon
needlesdistinctfromthe earlierperforated-eye
coast of Peru (see map, Fig. 8),
whichwere subtypesof previousartifact
typesbut the south-central
which
flourished
mechanical
the
whose formand functionrequired
during the Late Intermediate
propertiesconferredby the alloys (Hosier 1986, period (ca. a.d. 1000-1476) and continuedas a
1988a, 1988c). Several completelynew artifacts major economicforceinto theLate Horizon (a.d.
appearedin the WestMexican corpus at thistime 1476-1532). Accordingto thedocument,Chincha
as well: copper-silversheet ornaments,lost-wax was an active port in which residedsix thousand
castornaments,and axe-monies.As we have seen, "merchants"(" mercaderes
") who engaged,perhaps
thealloys of copper and silverand of copper and full time, in long-distancemaritimetrade with
arsenic (arsenic bronze) were already in wide- pointsnorth,using fleetsof balsa rafts(Rostwor-
81
owski 1970: 150-1 51).18The document specifi- such as south coast shell tweezers, as well as
cally names Quito- that is, the Audiencia de knowledgeof the southAndean tin bronze alloy,
which correspondsapproxi- could have been transmittedto West Mexico.
Quito, the territory
to
the
modern
mately
RepublicofEcuador- as the Though thedistancesare great,such objects were
destinationof the goods thesebalsas carried,and probablytransshipped
byEcuadoriantradersto the
cites Portoviejo,a town which is today slightly north togetherwith axe-monies, copper-silver
inland from the Manteno seacoast capital of sheet artifacts,loop-eye needles, and so forth
Manta, on the centralEcuadoriancoast, as one of throughColombian, Costa Rican, and eventually
the ports of call. The document does not state WestMexican ports(Hosier 1986, 1988c).
The Chincha documentis of particularinterest
explicitlythatmullu(Spondylusshell)was brought
to ChinchafromEcuador,but we may safelyinfer to any discussionof axe-monies,because it states
thatit was, and undoubtedlyin largequantities.It thatin all of Tausantinsuyu,
only the merchantsof
as
Chincha
used
moneda
de
oro
and
emeralds
mentionschaquira
"); theyboughtand
money("
precious
itemstransported
to the south. It makes no men- sold in copper (Rostworowski1970: 171), appartion, however, of what traveled north from entlyusingcopperas a valueforexchange.FurtherChincha, in exchange. Bartolome Ruiz' descrip- more, each copper token or item of currency
tion of the cargo aboard the large northbound (" marco
") had a fixedvalue (Rostworowski 1970:
19
sailingrafthe interceptedoffPunta Galera -just 171). Rostworowski(1988) speculatesabout the
as she
south of Esmeraldas, on the far north coast of formin whichsuchcopperwas transported,
Ecuador- providessome of thatevidence.Among argues thatit was chieflycopper, which she bethe metal objects listed on board are silver and lieves the Chincha merchantsobtained from the
gold crowns, tiaras, tweezers, bells, and bands southernhighlandsand altiplano(Rostworowski
(Samano-Xerez 1937: 65-66). Copper objects are 1970), that was the primarygood they shipped
notlisted,but theSpaniardsmaynothave thought northto exchangeforwarm-watermullu.Oberem
and Hartmannecho this conclusion (1982: 147).
themworthyof mention.
whichhas not been estabChincha emergedas a powerfulcoastal stateat "Is therethepossibility,
Inka
lished
a.d.
and
the
1200,
archaeologically,that they [the Chincha
during
approximately
so-called"axe-monies,"
was
allowed
to
continue
its
activities
merchants]manufactured
hegemony
Pacific similarto those in Ecuador, and that these were
becauseofitskeypositionin theflourishing
ofas impor- used for purposesof exchange?"(Rostworowski
coastnetwork.The activefunctioning
tanta maritimeexchangeorganizationas thatcen- 1988: 279; translationby Lechtman).To date, no
teredat Chincha plausiblyexplainshow artifacts copper or copper alloy objects resemblingnaipes
or axe-monies have been found south of the
comments
thatintheir
seavoyages
l8Rostworowski
north, Lambayeque valley,nor have any other artifacts
of
madeofreedaswellasthose
Chincha
traders
usedrafts
surely
in been uncoveredarchaeologicallyin this area that
attention
tothetrip
made
balsawoodlogs(1970:154),calling
north
in
raft
from
on
the
Gene
a
reed
1969by
Salaverry,
Savoy
mightprovoketheimaginationas havingservedas
coastofPeru,
toPanama
(1970:155,fn.10).Itcanbedone,but metalstandardsin
exchange.The excavationsand
observation
that
"the
wasitdone?
theinteresting
Oviedomakes
from
the
river
carried
out
from1983 to 1988 by Heather
instead
of
balsas
useinthese
(sic)they
parts
ships,
surveys
Chira
toward
thesouth,
aremadeofreeds"
(1945:12:122).The Lechtman and Craig Morris in the Pisco and
river
flows
outofthehighlands
ofwhat
istoday
southern
Chira
coastof
Ecuador
anddischarges
intotheseaonthefarnorth
border.
When
itcomes
to
Peru.
Itcutsthepresent
Ecuador-Peru
trataban
conmoneda,
obtained
their
balsa I9".. . soloellosenesteReyno
thequestion
ofwhere
Chincha
navigators
porque
concobrelo que aviande
thetimber
wasacquired
from entre
elloscompraban
that
y vendian
logs,Rostworowski
suggests
lo [que]valfacadamarcode
thetropical
coastofpresent-comer
"northern
inother
words,
y vestir,
y teman
puesto
ports,"
inthis
havebeenthecase. cobre
(1970:155,fn.11).Thatmust
onlythey[theChincha
merchants]
dayEcuador
ofSan kingdom
transact
withmoney,
inthefishing
hamlet
because
themthey
whohasworked
Sabella,
recently
amongst
the bought
andsoldwith
whatthey
coastofPeru,describes
needforfoodanddress
Pablo(Piura),
on thefarnorth
copper
" used thelocalfishermen:
"balsillas
thevalueofeachquantity
. . ."]
arefashionedandhaddetermined
ofcopper
"These
rafts
by
from
from
a braceoffivebalsalogstransported
1970:171;translation
Guayaquil,(Rostworowski
byO. Holm).
"Moneda"
alsobetranslated
"coins."
..." (Sabella
Ecuador
1974:199).
might
82
Chincha valleys have revealedno such materials

Axe-moneyis a phenomenoncloselyrelatedto
Nevthe
communication,
(Lechtman,personal
1988).
systemof maritimeexchangestakingplace in
as
is
Hosier
out
it
the
north
Andeanzone fromtheLate Intermediate/
ertheless,
(1986, 1988c),
points
tellingthat the axe-money complex was intro- Late Integrationperiods until the Spanish invaduced to WestMexico, albeitby Manabi traders, sion. Certain featuresof the core complex may
at about thetimethattheChincha maritimepres- have been setin Lambayeque,but developmentof
ence was feltin the north,and may perhapshave the practicaland symbolicaspects of the objects
beenencouragedby it. It is also quitepossiblethat was in the hands of seafaringcoastal Ecuadorian
the Chincha merchants took their cue from peoples and theirWest Mexican trade partners.
Manabi and enteredthe copper alloy exchange The extentto which Chincha as a Pacific coast
systembecauseof itsspecialsymbolicand transac- maritimeactor may have influencedthe dissemitionalimportancein thenorth.Whatis not clearis nation of axe-moniesnorthwardis still unclear.
the form the metal took, whetherit was used Given thispicture,we findit difficult
to entertain
in
a
much
Chincha
wider
Shimada's
or
primarily
suggestion, though "highly speculaenjoyed
circulation.Any direct relation,if such exists, tive" (1985a: 391), "... of an extensive prebetween the copper "moneda"of the Chincha hispanic economic exchange network that may
mercaderes
and thehachasmonedas
of thepeoples of have linked coastal Ecuador and the northern
Ecuador and West Mexico is nowhere apparent. NorthCoast, South Coast, and North Highlands
Weshouldpointout,moreover,thatbothEcuador- of Peru" (Shimada 1985a: 391) during the late
ian and West Mexican axe-monies are made of Middle Horizon, with Batan Grande at its hub,
arsenicbronze.The alloyof copperand arsenicis a "not only in termsof geographicallocation but
centraland north Andean alloy and was barely also productionand distributionof a (if not the)
used in thesouthernAndes (see Gonzalez 1979for key item of exchange" (Shimada 1985a: 391)exceptions),wherecopperand tin(tinbronze)was namely, axe-monies and copper-arsenicalloy.
the alloy of choice from the Late Intermediate None of the evidence we have presentedhere
period onwards (Lechtman 1979, 1980). It is supportsthatstance. It should also be noted that
thatChinchamerchants Lambayeque is not mentioned in the Chincha
highlyunlikely,therefore,
- thoughShimadaclaimsit is (Shimada
were transporting
arsenicbronze fromthe south, document
and in any case therewas no need to do so as the 1985a: 389; 1987a: 142)- which describes the
northernsupplies were abundant.West Mexican Chincha economic scene duringthe last years of
arsenicbronze was produced fromlocal ores: it the Inka empireand which probablyreflectsthe
was not an importeditem (Hosier 1986, 1988a, situationduringthefourteenth
and fifteenth
centu1988b,1988c). At thesame time,we have thusfar ries, which we take to be the apogee of Chincha
to discoveranycaches,hoardsor otherevidenceof economicand politicalsway. The coastal Andean
tin bronze on the north Peruvian coast or on exchangenetworkdidhave considerableantiquity,
coastal Ecuador that mightserve as a markerof but its originslay in the warm equatorialwaters
Chincha presence and trafficin that alloy. The farther
north.
" remainsa
Chinchacopper"moneda
puzzle.
83
measures
0.53 cm. Photograph
Fig.46 Twoceramic
) areamonga tobera
by CarlosMora.
blowpipetips(toberas
delBancoCentral
MuseoAntropologico
del
groupof foursuchitemsexcavatedfromtheCacique Collection:
Ecuador.
Guayasurnburialat thesiteofLa Compania,Los Rios Ecuador,Guayaquil,
Province,Ecuador.The bore diameterof thelonger
bronze"tabletas"
excavated
atthesiteof
Fig.47 Arsenic
Ecuador.The use of
La Compania,Los RiosProvince,
in the
Twobearrelief
theseobjectsis unknown.
figures
formof a lizard,andaresimilarto othersof thesame
fromthenorthcoastof
generalshapeand decoration
Peru.The middleexamplewas analyzedandis madeof
an alloyof coppercontaining
1.59% arsenic.Photograph by Carlos Mora. Collection: Museo
Antropologicodel Banco Central del Ecuador,
Guayaquil,Ecuador(GA 161.914.78; GA 162.914.78/
MIT 3507;GA 160.914.78).
aaJu b ^(S
in-rÔ
b)T3
rti_J
W)nO
o 3 oo
2 CLi
I>
JO O rrj4
. <3
^î5 '3
a>
a1
rtoo
T3
>*N
*5O
etf
D
1/3
3 <
1|5
4
c ^go
>
^
> o
W
;3 m
.c
O
i>
r
> ww h
|3?I
^ *
. ^
2 ti
PQ *73
8* <3 5
4->
V)ftHH
S -B C
2M
U (S
C3
PQ
(S fn
U ' U >N>!>
j2
~ a2 'Tf
o .a
>
d s ^ ^
2
5 B
<2 o <L)
a >o
-a
T3U ^ <U^
- 1-1
<12n <
5 <^_i
rt?t-i
H
aaw)
>< <L>
Oh
w
rtCLTJ
.t!
O
5/5
O S>
c/i
<L>
^
8
o_
60*5X .
.5 E-1c ,~
^ _ *-l5/3
'3
*8
gl-f
i g |
A E WS?
C
u o-o
c33 cT
I.S.S fflI
| 3 2i
fEoa-fS g>
OO3 o . '
"Jr* g-g
SPO 2o .3
SP8
tE
Fig. 49. Photomicrograph
removedfromtheingotat therightin Figure48. The
segregated,
alloyis porous(largeblackareas)andhighly
a networkin the
themetalhigherin arsenicforming
interdendritic
spaces.At thelowerlefta smallzone of
metalhasconcentrated
enougharsenicto haveprecipitatedtinyspecsofa secondphase(Cu3As).Alloy:Cu,
50. Etchant:potassium
dichromate.
OF ARSENIC
MEXICAN
RANGE
60_
o_
lilll
llliiisa
O'II2I3I4
60~
&
111
^20^
Ills
II
Hi
esj
5I6I7%As
All axe-moniesanalysed:
Typesla, 2a, 3a, 5c
(35)
0_
IN
Type la axe-monies
(24)
S 40'o 20-
CONCENTRATION
AXE-MONIES
r-~i
0ll'2l3l4l5l6l7%As
(35)
- 60"
U
<u
iT 40$
'
0
200-
'
2
'
3
'
5
'
6
' _
7 % As
ofMexiFig. 50. Histograms

showingthedistribution
can axe-monies
as a function
of thearsenicconcentrationinthemetalofwhichtheyaremade.A separate
plot
fromWestMexico.
represents
Typeia axe-monies,
RANGE OF ARSENIC
CONCENTRATION
IN ECUADORIAN
AXE-MONIES
AND RELATIVES
60~
2
40-
s
'o 20^
Type la axe-monies
(u)
I! !| i| ||
0
60
b _
I40
^
0-
'
6 % As
111
l
60ss
nil
MM
^20t.
Type lb axe-monies
(11)
m
rn 1:
20_
^
3
6%
As
1 J
Types la, lb, 2
(24)
RANGE
OF ARSENIC
CONCENTRATION
IN
NAIPES FROM BATAN GRANDE
and
vicus
60-
I40'
"o 206%
As
*0 u
All axe-moniesand
relativesanalysed
52
.O 40f
I
1
rn
2
H
1
H
2
<3
y 40?
1
3
II
I
5%
As
60-
Jl
WW;
(9)
1
..
__
All naipesanalysed
(3)
60-
All naipesanalysed:
MIT and MASCA
/g'
6%
As
ofEcuaFig. 51a Histograms

dorianaxe-monies
as a function
ofthearsenic
concentrationin themetalofwhichtheyaremade.Typesia and
ib axe-monies
havebeenplottedindividually,
and the
bottomhistogram
includesall Ecuadorianaxe-monies
andrelatives
andreported
inTable2.
analyzed
I
rr~
012345%
As
of naipes
Fig. 51b Histogram
as a function
ofthearsenic
concentration
inthemetalof
whichtheyare made.The dataare fromTable2 and
Shimada1985:387.
Acknowledgments
Over theyears,manycolleaguesand studentshave gations by a number of individuals,including:

contributed
to the researchreportedhere,and we Edward J. Barry,Jr. and WalterCorreia (MIT);
wish to thankthem for theirhelp and participa- WendyErb, Ellen G. Howe, Blythe McCarthy,
tion. Dorothy Hosier thanks especially Otto JeanneMandel, FrankH. Westheimer
(all ofwhom
Schondubeand FredericoSolorzano of the INAH analyzed axe-monies at MIT); Robert Ogilvie
at the Museo Regional de Guadalajara, Guadala- (MIT and the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston);
jara, Jalisco,Mexico fortheirencouragementand AlfredoGarcia, CarolinaJervis,and Pablo Lopez
access to the museum's collections.The authors (Laboratoriode Investigaciones,Museo Antropocollectivelythank the personnel of the Centro logico del Banco Centraldel Ecuador,Guayaquil);
Regional de Oaxaca, Oaxaca, Mexico; Hernan Jaime Barrera (Laboratorio de Materiales de
Crespo and VicenteSierraof the Museo Arqueo- Ingenieria,ESPOL, Guayaquil); the personnelof
logico del Banco Central del Ecuador, Quito; the Taller Mecanico, Facultad de Ingenieria
Felipe Cruz of the Museo Antropologico del Mecanica,ESPOL, Guayaquil;and AndresRosales
Banco Central del Ecuador, Guayaquil; Resfa (Laboratoriode Conservacion,Museo Chileno de
Parducciof the Museo de Arte Prehistoricode la ArtePrecolombino,Santiago de Chile). For their
Casa de la Cultura, Guayaquil, Ecuador; Jorge assistancewithphotographyand the conservation
Marcos of the Escuela Superior Politecnicadel of damaged photographswe thankJulio Burgos
Litoral, Guayaquil, Ecuador; and the curatorial and Carlos Mora (Museo Antropologico,Guayastaffof theDepartmentof Anthropology,Ameri- quil) and FernandoMaldonado (Museo Chileno de
can Museum of Natural History,New York for Arte Precolombino, Santiago de Chile). Special
thanksfromHeatherLechtmanto Sarah Whitney
assistanceduringstudyof theircollections.
Powell
forherexquisiteillustrations.
Our thanks to John V. Murra (Instituteof
and interAndeanResearch)forhelpin translating
DorothyHosier's researchon theWestMexican
was supportedby an NSF Doctoral Disto
Ulrich
material
several
ethnohistoric
sources;
preting
Petersen(HarvardUniversity)forguidancein un- sertation Improvement grant (BSN-25022), a
FoundationforAnthropologicalRetheore geologyofEcuador; to Patricia Wenner-Gren
derstanding
Netherlyand Karen Stothert(Museo Antropo- searchgrant(No. 4149), and a predoctoralfellowlogico, Guayaquil) forallowing us to studytheir ship at the MassachusettsInstituteof Technology
excavatedartifacts;
to RichardSchaedel(University awarded by IndustrialMinera Mexico S.A. The
of Texas, Austin),David Scott (GettyConserva- technicalstudy of the Ecuadorian materialwas
tionInstitute),and Heiko Priimers(Universityof undertaken,in part, under the auspices of a
Bonn) for sharingwith us theirpre-publication convenioenteredinto by the Center for Materials
manuscripts;to Eugen Mayer (Kommission fur Researchin Archaeologyand Ethnologyat MIT
Archaologie,Bonn) and theMuseos del Banco Centraldel Ecuador for
AllgemeineundVergleichende
thepurposeof investigating
the metallurgyof the
forprovidingseveralkey photographs.
Weweregreatlyassistedinourlaboratoryinvesti- Pre-Columbianpeoples of Ecuador.
89
Table i. ChronologiesforMexican,NorthAndean,and Central AndeanPrehistory
MEXICO
WEST
Relative
Years
MEXICO
Historical Events / Cultures
Chronology
Colonial
1521!
1500I
SpanishEmpire
1400w
1300i-J
Tarascan
Apatzingan(Michoacan)
Culiacan (Sinaloa)
"3
J g
Postclassic
1200
1100>3
(V
iooo <^
OAXACA
(Mixtec)
?nte
Alban IV
,
Aztatlancomplex
900
Monte
Alban Illb
^
*
700 ^J
Classic
5 b
5
400 W
Monte
Alban V
Santa Cruz (Nayarit)
u T?
M
73 SJ
p_,
800 W
Cojumatlan
(Jalisco)
ElArenal
'I
1
^
Ameca
(Jalisco)
|_g
-3||
qu
lyion,e
Albin Ilia
300
200
100
0
Chanchopa-Ortices
Tuxcacuesco
Early Ixtlan
g
Preclassic
100
Shafttomb complex
200
(Colima, Nayarit,Jalisco)
300b
400
^
W
soo
I
San Blas (Nayarit)
90
Monte
Alban II
Monte
Albdn j
I
I CONT.
TABLE
ANDES
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Relative
Colonial
SpanishEmpire
I
I
Integration
8
>
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2
v
:P
3
^
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a
6
&
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j
CENTRAL
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Chronology
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SpanishEmpire
r-"| j
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and Weightsof MexicanAxe-Monies

Table 3. Dimensions
Type
la
la
2a
2a
2a
2b
3a
4b
5a
Length
range
[cm]
No. objects
examined
Provenience
(collection)
WestMexico
(mrg)
Oaxaca
(mrg)
Oaxaca
(mrg)
Oaxaca
(oth)
Oaxaca
(allcollections)
Oaxaca*
(oth)
Oacaxa
(mrg)
Oaxaca
(mrg)
Oaxaca
(oth)
Length
mean
[cm]
Weight
range
[g]
Weight
mean
[g]
51
12.2-17.2
15.0
3.1-8.6
5.7
14
17.6-20.5
19.6
9.2-19.8
14.9
45
11.2-15.9
14.4
43.8-75.6
54.8
27
11.7-14.9
13.1
46.0-64.0
55.3
72
11.2-15.9
13.8
43.8-75.6
55.1
88
9.4-14.2
10.9
30.8-63.4
45.5
37
13.1-14.9
14.0
42.4-68.9
52.9
10
2.3-4.7
3.9
2.1-4.2
3.0
99
8.0-13.9
9.7
5.2-17.2
10.4
KEY
MRG MuseoRegionalde Guadalajara
CentroRegionalde Oaxaca
FrisselMuseum,Mitla,Oaxaca;storagefacility,
OTH Othercollections:
*Seeabove,note11.
and Weightsof MexicanAxes

Table4. Dimensions
Provenience
WestMexico
(MRG)
Oaxaca
(OTH)
No. objects
examined
Length
range
[cm]
Length
mean
[cm]
35
6.4-16.0
11.2
25
6.0-17.0
11.7
17of25
Weight
range
[g]
Weight
mean
[g]
29-600
204
12-2000
391
KEY
MRG MuseoRegionalde Guadalajara
FrisselMuesum,Mitla,Oaxaca.
OTH Othercollections:
97
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Axe-Monies and Their Relatives

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AXE-MONIES AND THEIR RELATIVES

Author(s): DOROTHY HOSLER, HEATHER LECHTMAN and OLAF HOLM

ART & ARCHAEOLOGY

Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection

and OLAF HOLM

To Isabel Kelly and Emilio Estrada

fromcontrolledexcavations(Ubelaker 1981;Marcos 1981);theyhave been suggestedas examplesof

Axe-monies were among the Andean object

Fig. 3 Relatives,a) Naipes:The exampleat theleftis

right)is knownonlyfromPeru,b) "Hides"andinsignia. The "hide" at the rightis shownwithsurface

^.a ^I! <

Oaxaca, Mexico. CollecFig. 7 Type2a axe-money,

rives."Under thesame set of considerations,

sentsthe southernmostlimitof the occurrenceof communication,1988). Ayalan,a Late Integration

and photographthemat theAmericanMuseum of about threecubic metersfullof theseitems,often

thatcoexistedwith a Middle Sican and perhapsa

Fig. ii A group of Type ib axe-moniesfrom exceptforthesingleaxe-moneyat thefarright,the

Fig. 13 Map ofthenorthAndeancoastalzone,includnorthcoastof Peru.The

Ayalan(Anllulla)11. Puna 12. Quevedo;San Camilo

usewhoseformis reminisFig.24 Objectofunknown

The archaeologicalevidence is abundantlyclear coast, and it continuesinto the Late Horizon.

formand quantityin which copper tributefrom

design attributesand mechanical propertiesto

Table 3 presentsdata on thelengthsand weights

along with cacao beans and mantas(shawls or

ofa crosssectiontakentransFig.26 Photomicrograph

Oaxaca, Mexico.CollecFig. 29 Type3a axe-money,

Fig. 32 Type2b axe-money,

the mushroomsin the Codex Vindobonensis

scale of certainaxe types and share most of the

fewerEuropean sourcesat hand which bear upon

and no other bridewealthhad replaced it. We

associatedwith any contactperiod graves. Ubelaker(1981) foundno axe-moniesat Ayalanin the

plate or sheet. Both the raised flangesalong the

normal group); the tinyitems show a threefold literature,

changein theformalstyleand perhapsin theuse of

protectionof paramountchiefs(Salomon 1986).

tantto observethatin all cases in whichEcuadorian artifacttypesin metalwere introducedto and

Moche or Chimu period copper artifacts.... I

from Vicus clearly demonstrates(Fig. 45). The arsenicalloy;second,becausemostof thesecopper

thatthe metalworkingtradispeculatingupon a reportby Schaedel (n.d.) of a amplydemonstrated

This long reviewoftheethnohistoric,

adornmentultimatelycollectedas wealth,and the

stimulatedthe transferof the core axe-money tant"chief's"burialof theIntegrationperiod.The

bronze was as common in the sierra as on the

smeltingoxide ores of copper and sulfideores of

different Ag-As formation. . . with enargite,tetrahedrite,

wherethedense vegetationcover in thehighlands

Althoughat presentthe natureof Ecuadorian

whiteand orangecolored beads were made- and

availabilityon or just inlandfromthe Ecuadorian

throughexploitationof the shell beds off their

When we look northfromEcuador to Mexico, metallurgyin West Mexico (approximatelya.d.

Chincha valleys have revealedno such materials

ofMexiFig. 50. Histograms

ofEcuaFig. 51a Histograms

Over theyears,manycolleaguesand studentshave gations by a number of individuals,including:

Table i. ChronologiesforMexican,NorthAndean,and Central AndeanPrehistory

Historical Events / Cultures

Santa Cruz (Nayarit)

San Blas (Nayarit)

> rx. rv.>1

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