Reconstructing Archangel PDF

Reconstructing the Archangel: Corelli 'ad Vivum Pinxit'
Author(s): Peter Walls

Source: Early Music, Vol. 35, No. 4 (Nov., 2007), pp. 525-538
Published by: Oxford University Press
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Peter Walls
Reconstructing the archangel: Corelli 'ad vivum

pinxit'
JOHN Smith's beautifully executed mezzotint
of Arcangelo Corelli (illus.1) is inscribed, 'H.
Howard ad vivum pinxit' and 'I. Smith Anglus
Maratti (1625-1713), who has been described as 'the
fecit', phrases that might loosely be translated (and
whose 'pre-eminence among the artists of his time
expanded) as 'painted from life by H[ugh] Howard'
marks the triumph of classicism'.5 Maratti's general
last major Italian artist of the classical tradition

that had originated with Raphael' and as a painter
and 'engraved by J[ohn] Smith, Englishman'. The
demeanour in his 1684 chalk-on-paper self-portrait
Howard painting to which this inscription refers

is familiar to Corelli scholars as one of the items in
Howard portrait. Both belong to the same genre (the
the Oxford Music Faculty collection (illus.2). It has
portrait of an artist, or even just the portrait of an
(illus.6) is strikingly like that of the Corelli in the
been reproduced many times (on the cover and as
important person). The sideways glance and flowing
the frontispiece of the Corelli Catalogue raisonne, for
hair are echoed in numerous drawings and paintings
example')-and, in the 18th century, achieved wide
of the late 17th and early 18th centuries.6
circulation in engraved copies by William Sherwin,
incorporated as frontispieces to numerous Corelli

editions (illus.3-5).2 But was this portrait really 'ad
Maratti was particularly distinguished as a portrait painter, an occupation that gave him ready
access to the great and good. His subjects included
Pope Clement IX and Cardinal Antonio Barberini.
vivum pinxit'?
He also painted a number of the British elite passing
An outline of Hugh Howard's early life is given in

Horace Walpole's Anecdotes ofPainting in England:
through Rome as part of their Grand Tour. Grove

Art Online notes that Maratti's portraits idealize
HUGH HOWARD ... was born in Dublin Feb 7, 1675. His father
the subjects and often incorporate references to the
being driven from Ireland by the troubles that followed the

Revolution, brought the lad to England, who discovering a
disposition to the arts and Belles Lettres, was sent to travel in
1697, and on his way to Italy, passed through Holland in the
train of Thomas earl of Pembroke, one of the plenipotentiaries at the treaty of Ryswick. Mr Howard proceeded as he had
intended and having visited France and Italy, returned home
sitter's occupation.7
Thomas Cole and Gerard Vandergucht that were
in October 1700.3
Maratti is known to have painted Corelli and

that portrait may have been taken to England by
Lord Edgcumbe, a keen amateur musician who had
taken lessons from the great violinist and who may
also have had access to Maratti's circle (given the
painter's involvement with other well-bred English
'Home' initially meant Ireland, but before long

Howard returned to London where he became rea-
gentlemen). The painting in question was lent by

the earls of Mount Edgcumbe for exhibition at the
sonably well known as a portrait painter. In 1714,

however, he married an heiress, secured an appoint-
Royal Academy in 1876 and again in 1938 but then

seems to have been destroyed by the bombing of
ment in the civil service, and more or less gave up
Mount Edgcumbe in World War II. The Academy's

catalogue for the 1938 exhibition describes the paint-
painting for good.4
During this sojourn abroad, Howard spent
some time in Rome where he studied with Carlo
ing in terms that suggest that it might well have pro-
vided an exemplar for Howard: 'A long half-length,
Early Music, Vol. xxxv, No. 4 @ The Author 2007. Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved.
doi: 10.1093/em/cam089, available online at www.em.oxfordjournals.org
525
1 Mezzotint of Arcangelo Corelli by John Smith after Hugh Howard (reproduced by kind permission) (London, National
Portrait Gallery)
526 EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 2007
2 Hugh Howard, Portrait of Arcangelo Corelli (Oxford Music Faculty Collection, Ecta EKT547) (reproduced by kind permission of the Bodleian Library, University of Oxford)
EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 2007 527
4 Engraving of Arcangelo Corelli by Thomas Cole after
Hugh Howard (reproduced with permission) (London,

British Library)
3 Engraving of Arcangelo Corelli by William Sherwin after Hugh Howard (reproduced with permission)
(London, British Library)
the body full face, the head turned slightly to the left;
in black dress with white bands. He holds a sheet of
music.'8
copying the works of great painters (the standard training for a painter at the time, of course).
There are Howard copies of paintings by Van Dyck,
Correggio, Raphael, Guercino, Carracci, Rubens

and many others."o Among Howard's exercises is
a black chalk on blue paper drawing of his teacher,
Carlo Maratti. But this (as Michael Wynne pointed
out in 1969) was executed, not from life, but from
But back to the Howard portrait. Sir John
another more elaborate Maratti self-portrait (illus.7
Hawkins gives the following account of its genesis:
and 8).1 Just when he could quite easily, one would

have thought, have painted his teacher 'ad vivum',
During the residence of Corelli at Rome, besides those of his

own country, many persons were ambitious of becoming his
disciples, and learning the practice on the violin from the
greatest master of that instrument the world had then heard
of. Of these it is said the late Lord Edgcumbe was one; and
that the fine mezzotinto print of Corelli by Smith, was scraped
from a picture painted by Mr Hugh Howard at Rome for that
nobleman.9
The portrait in question would have had to have
been completed sometime between 1697 and

Howard's return to Ireland in October 1700.
Let us consider Howard's preparation for this

assignment. As a student of Maratti, he had set about
Howard was being made to reproduce a painted

image.
What, then, if Howard's Corelli turned out (pace
Hawkins) not to have been painted 'ad vivum', but
to have been copied instead from the Maratti portrait of Corelli? After all, it strains credibility that
the illustrious Arcangelo Corelli would have agreed
to sit for a portrait by an obscure Irish dilettante.
Carlo Maratti, on the other hand, enjoyed fame as a
painter that paralleled Corelli's as a musician. Moreover, the two were close personal friends. Maratti
of his mezzotint had been painted 'from life'. For

Hawkins, this statement was quite uncomplicated.
He adds, in a footnote to the passage quoted above,
'That Corelli sat for Mr Howard it is certain, for in
the print after it is this inscription: "H. Howard ad
vivum pinxit"'. The inscription might, however,

originate in anxiety rather than certainty. Perhaps
the phrase 'ad vivum pinxit' should alert us, not to
the origins of the painting, but to some other kind of
claim to authenticity.
'Ad vivum pinxit' does, after all, promise a kind

of quasi-photographic accuracy. It might be read
as a guarantee that the painting is a life-like image,
not an interpretation. But, as Roland Barthes has
reminded us, even photographs are not neutral witnesses. Barthes writes of 'the photographic paradox'
where we find 'the co-existence of two messages, the
one without a code (the photographic analogue), the
other with a code (the "art", or the treatment, or
the "writing", or the rhetoric, of the photograph)'.13
The real photograph is a special case (since the image
is captured mechanically not humanly); as Barthes

5 Engraving of Arcangelo Corelli by Gerard Vander-
explains, 'there is no drawing, no matter how exact,
gucht after Hugh Howard (reproduced with permission)
whose very exactitude is not turned into a style
(London, British Library)
(the style of "verism")'.'4 In the case of the Corelli

portrait-and, in particular, the version of it seen in
the Smith mezzotint-an assertion of documentary
is said to have given Corelli quite a number of his

paintings. According to Hawkins, Corelli
reliability should not distract us from the purposeful
died possessed of a sum of money equal to about six thousand

pounds sterling. He was a passionate admirer of pictures, and
lived in an uninterrupted friendship with Carlo Cignani and
Carlo Maratti: these two eminent painters were rivals for his
favour, and for a series of years presented him at times with
analysis, more interesting than speculation about

whether or not Corelli was actually prepared to sit
for Hugh Howard.
pictures, as well of other masters as of their own painting. The
consequence hereof was, that Corelli became possessed of a

large and valuable collection of original paintings, all which,
together with the sum above-mentioned, he bequeathed to
his dear friend and patron, Cardinal Ottoboni.12
It is obviously not impossible that Hugh Howard

painted Corelli from life. It is conceivable, I sup-
pose, that such a painting might have resulted

from his having had the opportunity of observing
Corelli outside a formal sitting. But, given what we
know of Howard's painting activities in Rome, my
guess is that his Corelli portrait is already at one
rhetoric of the image.'5 This rhetoric is, in the final
The purpose or point of the portrait comes

through more clearly in the engravings than in the
Oxford Music Faculty's painting. As mentioned

above, all of the engraved versions of the portrait
extend downwards to the waist and depict Corelli
holding a music manuscript. They thus transform
an apparently uninterpreted head-shot into a statement about the subject's profession (very much in
the manner of Maratti's own portraits).
The precise relationship between the original

oil painting and the various engravings has posed
something of a puzzle, however. Hans Joachim
remove from its subject.
Marx in two essays on Corelli iconography argued
Of course, that cannot be proved one way or the

other. But even the possibility does prompt a question about John Smith's insistence that the source
that the earliest of the frontispieces (inscribed

'H Howard pinx. W Sherwin sculp') derives not
directly from the painting, but from the Smith
6 Carlo Maratti (1625-1713), self-portrait 1684 (chalk on paper, 37 x 27 cm) (London, British Museum) (@The Trustees of
the British Museum)
7 Carlo Maratti, self-portrait (Brussels, Musee des Beaux-Arts de Belgique) (reproduced with permission)
mezzotint.16 The Smith mezzotint and the Sherwin
the new Orpheus of the age. Interestingly, this little
engraving clearly are related. They share a Latin

epigraph, an arabesque on the idea that Corelli was
poem also asserts the reliability of the image: 'We

believe now that Orpheus has departed the abode of
of the Smith mezzotint and for the way it appears to
elaborate on the original image. There are, in fact,

three paintings of Corelli attributed to Howard, and
two of these depict the composer from the waist up
holding a music manuscript. Besides the Oxford

portrait, there is a similar painting that now belongs
to The Royal Society of Musicians (illus.9) and

another in the possession of the National Gallery
of Ireland (illus.io).19 Of these three paintings, two
(those in the Oxford Music Faculty and the National
Gallery of Ireland) have Corelli looking to his left,
while the Royal Society of Musicians' version has
him looking to his right.
On the face of it, the Royal Society portrait
8 Hugh Howard, Portrait of Carlo Maratti, black chalk
emerges as the most likely exemplar for the Smith

mezzotint. There are a few complications relating
to provenance, however. The Royal Society's portrait was presented by Redmond Simpson, principal oboist in the Covent Garden orchestra. Simpson
on blue paper drawing from Carlo Maratti, self-portrait
had married the daughter of Matthew Dubourg
(reproduced with permission) (London, Courtauld Insti-
in Dublin in 1753. Dubourg, like his teacher,

Francesco Geminiani, had been a collector of
tute Gallery)
paintings. It seems likely, therefore, that Simpson acquired the Corelli portrait from him. If so,
the Underworld and dwells on Earth in this shape
and form' (see illus.2 and 3).17 The Smith mezzotint
has Corelli looking to his left whereas in the

Sherwin version he looks to his right-exactly as
one would expect of an engraved copy (given that
copying directly on to a copper plate will produce
an inverted image when printed).
Marx credited Smith (who was a distinguished

artist in his own right) with the idea of extending
the Howard portrait downwards to depict Corelli
holding a music manuscript.'8 His thesis, in other
words, was that Sherwin copied from Smith who,
in producing his own mezzotint directly from the
the painting may well have remained in Ireland

(together with its companion, still at the National
Gallery in Dublin, throughout the first half of the
18th century).20 Given that the earliest of the edi-
tions with an engraved frontispiece dates from

around 1705, it is quite hard to construct a scenario
that provides a straightforward explanation. If the

Oxford portrait has, at some point, been cut down,
we still have to explain the wrong orientation of

the Smith engraving. If the Smith is based on a lost
Maratti painting, we then have to explain why he
and William Sherwin (Howard's contemporaries,

after all) could have become confused about whose
painting, decided to develop the composition to

show Corelli holding an emblem of his art. This
that Smith had access to Howard's work in Ireland.
genealogy seems unlikely for the simple reason that
Howard did, however, make several trips to Ireland
Smith's mezzotint is orientated in the same direc-
between 1700 and 1711. It is not unlikely, I suppose,

that he had the Royal Society of Musicians' version
with him in England (where Smith could have copied it) before taking it across to Ireland.
It must, in any case, have been the painter's idea
to include the symbols of Corelli's profession (to
have him holding a music manuscript) and it seems
tion as the Oxford Music Faculty painting (with

Corelli looking to his left), not-as we would expect
in an engraved copy-a mirror image. Smith would
surely have had to be copying something other than
the Oxford portrait.
It turns out that there could be quite a straightfor-
ward explanation both for the 'wrong' orientation
work they were copying. And there is no evidence
highly likely that, in this as in other features, Howard
9 Hugh Howard, Portrait of Arcangelo Corelli (reproduced by kind permission of The Royal Society of Musicians of Great
Britain)
10 Hugh Howard, Portrait of Arcangelo Corelli (photograph courtesy of the National Gallery of Ireland)
was copying or at least influenced by a Maratti origi-
nal. Maratti, after all, was in the habit of including

references to his subjects' occupations in their portraits and the Royal Academy's description of the
now-lost Maratti portrait of Corelli mentions that
'he holds a sheet of music'.21
Given the near-impossibility of reaching a definitive conclusion about the relationships between the
lost Maratti portrait, the three Howard paintings

and the various engraved versions, what becomes
most interesting in the end is the story that these
pictures tell about Corelli reception. They implicitly
reject the image of a wild, possessed artist suggested
by Nicola Haym (in his early 18th-century English
translation of Raguenet) in favour of the idea of a
painting is particularly interesting. Its representation of Corelli adds nothing more to the other versions that depict him holding a manuscript, but its
decorative border serves to underline the musical
subject matter (illus.11). The bottom panel, in particular, has two violins facing in towards the centre, both with silver wound G strings standing out
clearly. (Why, though, is the E string of the violin on
the left a dark colour?) There is an open manuscript

in the centre of the panel.
This manuscript is full of interest. It can be seen

that on the left-hand page of the opening there are
instrumental designations alongside each staff; the
lowest is the easiest to read: 'Organo'. At the top

of the page, the words 'Opera' and 'Sonata' can be
controlled, urbane and learned musician.22 They
made out, though the writing becomes teasingly
contribute to the construction of Corelli as 'chaste
indistinct at the point where we might have expected
and faultless' (to quote Charles Avison), an elegant,
it to reveal exactly which sonata of which opus. In

fact, though, the music itself is clear enough to be
identified as the opening of the Sonata in E minor,
op.3 no.7 (ex.1).25 Op.3 had been published in 1689a decade before Howard supposedly painted Corelli
educated, composer whose music (according to

Hawkins) 'Men remembered, and would refer to ...
as to a classic author'. And they reinforce the image
of a performer who avoided lavish embellishment
and all other forms of vulgar ostentation.23
With Raguenet's French/Italian binary still in

mind, it is interesting to note the following lines
from John Gay's 'Epistle to the Right Honourable William Pulteny' where he satirizes 'a famous
French dancing master':
So strongly with this prejudice possest
He thinks French music and French painting best.
Mention the force of learn'd Corelli's notes
Some scraping fidler of their ball he quotes ... 24
'from life'-so its inclusion here is consistent with a
pre-1700 date for the portrait.

On the right-hand opening, however, is the second
movement (Allegro) of the Sonata in A major, op.5

no.6 (illus.12). The distribution of the music across
two systems here makes it absolutely clear that this
is not intended to be recognized as a facsimile of the
first printed edition or, for that matter, of any other
subsequent edition. Nevertheless, the fact that an op.5
Note, Corelli the learned violinist.
sonata is depicted means that this painting must date

from after 1700. In other words, it could not be the
In advancing the idea of Corelli as a learned and

decorous composer, the National Gallery of Ireland
derive in any way from the artist's visit to Rome).
first of the three Howard paintings (if, in fact, these
11 Hugh Howard, Portrait of Arcangelo Corelli (detail) (photograph courtesy of the National Gallery of Ireland)
12 Arcangelo Corelli, Sonate a violino e violone 8 cimbalo (Rome, 1700), Sonata in A major, op. 5 no. 6, ii, Allegro (reproduced
with permission) (London British Library)
Given that no functional manuscript would ever

include the first eight bars of a sonata a3 and then
move straight to the second movement of one of the
op.5 sonatas, the question arises as to why these particular movements have been chosen. The opening
prelude of op.3 no.7 has more contrapuntal interest
Ex. 1 Sonata in E minor, op.3 no.7, first movement, opening

Grave
Violino I
ViolinO 11
Violone 0
ArcileutoI
76
76
76
Organo
666 6
5
9 8
5
6 76 7 76
5
#
6 6
5
6 98 6 76 7
5
5
0
than any other first movement from the 12 sonatas
that comprise op.3-and it has few rivals in op.1.

It is genuinely a sonata a3. The three upper voices
(the two violins and the violone/archlute part)

engage in strict imitation across the first two sets
of entries. The organo part has a distinct function
as basso continuo. (It does, however, reinforce the
violone/archlute line once that enters with its imitative entries in bars 3 and 7.) Corelli is at pains here
than the opening of Sonata no.7 is in the context of

op.3). Like all the corresponding movements in the
first part of op.5, the one reproduced in the Dublin
painting is fugal.
Clearly, whoever was responsible for the border
on the National Gallery of Ireland painting wanted
to depict Corelli as a learned musician, someone

fluent in counterpoint and interested in complex
musical structures.
to distinguish between a thematic/melodic voice in
As Corelli-related claims go, 'ad vivum pinxit'
the bass register and a functional basso continuo

that provides the foundation of the harmony. This
is the only first movement in op.3 to differentiate
bass-line functions in this way.26 By comparison,
the other opening movements in both op.1 and op.3
probably warrants at least as much scepticism as

Roger's assertion that the 1710 graces were composed
by Corelli 'as he plays them'. Perhaps underlying the
insistence in so many of these engravings that they
are only at one remove from a life portrait is a wish
seem much simpler, homophonic preludes. The
to gloss over the extent to which they are actually less
choice of the second movement of op.5 no.6 seems

to emphasize a similar view of Corelli (though it
poser than they are with constructing an image of a
is admittedly less distinctive in the context of op.5
sophisticated, learned musician.
concerned with the physical appearance of the com-
Peter Walls is the author of Music in the English courtly masque (Oxford, 1996), History, imagination,
and the performance of music (Woodbridge, 200o3), and numerous articles on 17th- and i8th-century
performance practice. He is Emeritus Professor of Music at Victoria University of Wellington, New Zealand, and currently Chief Executive of the New Zealand Symphony Orchestra. Peter.Walls@vuw.ac.nz
This article is a companion piece to my
'Constructing the archangel: Corelli in
18th century editions of opus 5', in
arcangelo Corelli-fra mito e realtai
storica: Nuove prospettive d'indagine
musicologica e interdisciplinare nel 3500
anniversario dalla nascita, Proceedings

of the International Corelli Congress
(Fusignano, 10-14 September 2003), ed.
G. Barnett, A. D'Ovidio and S. La Via

(Florence, 2007), pp.233-48.
1 Hans Joachim Marx, Die Uberlieferung

der Werke Arcangelo Corellis: catalogue
raisonne (Cologne, 1980).
2 Gerard Vandergucht (1696-1776)

engraver and print-seller was the eldest
son of Michael Vandergucht (166o1725), with whom he studied. Given that
the first edition to use the Vandergucht
engraving was The Score of the Four
Operas, Containing 48 Sonatas Compos'd

by Arcangelo Corelli (London: Walsh,
c.1735) it seems probable that it was
Gerard, rather than Michael, who was
responsible for the engraving. See
'Gerard Vandergucht', Grove Art Online,
Oxford University Press [2006], http://

www.groveart.com.
3 Horace Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting

in England; with some Account of the
Principal Artists; and Incidental Notes on
other Arts; collected by the late Mr. George
Vertue; and now digested and published

from his original MSS. By Mr. Horace
Walpole, 4 vols. (London, 2/1765), iii,
p.156.
4 See Walpole, Anecdotes of Painting in

England, and M. Wynne, 'Hugh
Howard: Irish portrait painter', Apollo,
xcii (1969), PP-314-17; also A. Puetz,
'Hugh Howard', Grove Art Online.
5 M. B. Mena Marques, 'Maratti,

Carlo', Grove Art Online.
6 See, for example, in the National
Portrait Gallery's collection on line
(www.npg.org.uk) NPG 4994 'Henry

Purcell' by John Closterman, black
chalk, probably 1695; NPG 1352 'Henry
Purcell' by or after John Closterman,
oil on canvas, oval, 1695; NPG D5218
'Henry Purcell' by Robert White, after
John Closterman line engraving; NPG
3794 'Sir Godfrey Kneller, Bt' by Sir

Godfrey Kneller, Bt, oil on canvas,
feigned oval, 1685; NPG D1365
'Unknown man, formerly known as
Sir Godfrey Kneller, Bt' by Unknown
artist, oil on canvas, c.1700.
7 Maratti depicts the art historian
Giovanni Pietro Bellori, for example,
seated in front of his own books.
8 Catalogue of the exhibition of 17th-
century art in Europe (London, 1938),

p.123, item 311. Interestingly, the same
exhibition included, as item 303, a selfportrait of Carlo Maratti, also lent by

the Earl of Mount Edgcumbe, and
described as follows: 'A long halflength, seated behind a table and
wearing black with white bands. He
looks up, slightly to left, and is drawing
with a crayon on a sheet of blue paper'

(p.123). The Corelli portrait had
already been exhibited at the Royal
Academy in 1876; see Exhibition of
works by the old masters and by deceased
masters of the British school (London,
1876), p.5 (item 19).
9 Sir John Hawkins, A General History

of the Science and Practice of Music
(1776) 2 vols. (New York, 1963), ii, p.675.
to See Wynne, 'Hugh Howard', p.314.

11 Oil painting now at the Muste
Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique in
Brussels.
12 Hawkins, A General History, p.676.
21 See above, note 8. It should be

noted that Wynne ('Hugh Howard',
p.315) writes of the now-destroyed
Mount Edgcumbe painting that 'On

the basis of a photograph Maratti
specialists today are not prepared to
give the work to him; it is a much
more polished work than any of the
other three Corelli portraits'. I have
not been able to trace any photographs
13 R. Barthes, 'The photographic

message', in Image, music, text, trans.
S. Heath (New York, 1977), PP-15-31, at
p.19. See also 'Rhetoric of the image',
in Image, music, text, pp.32-51, at p.44.
of this painting.
14 'The photographic message', pp.17-18.
great influx of Italians and their

instrumental music into London,
1701-1710', Studi Corelliani VI: Atti del
15 'Rhetorique de l'image' is the title

of an essay by Barthes first published
in Communications, iv (1964), pp.
40-51; Eng. trans. as 'Rhetoric of the
image', in Barthes, Image, music, text.
16 The National Portrait Gallery in
London lists locations of the John Smith
mezzotint on its website (see note 6).
17 'Liquisse Infernas, iam Credimus

Orphea Sedes I Et terras habitare,
huius sub imagine formae. I Divinus
patet Ipse Orpheus, dum numine
digna I Arte modos fingit, vel chordas
mulcet utramque I Agnoscit Laudem
meritosque Britannus honores.'
Translation by Peter Gainsford,
Victoria University of Wellington.
For Berardi's use of the 'new
Orpheus' image, see P. Allsop,

Arcangelo Corelli (Oxford, 1999),
p.40o.
18 See H. J. Marx, 'Probleme der

Corelli-Ikonographie', Nuovo studi
corelliani: Atti del secondo congresso
internazionale, ed. G. Giachin
(Florence, 1978), p.18.

19 On the Royal Society of Musicians'
painting, see B. Matthews, A history of
the Royal Society of Musicians 1738-1988
(London, 1988), pp.56, 58-9. The

society was founded in 1738.
20 The National Portrait Gallery in
London gives the following information
about this painting: 'Half length portrait
by Hugh Howard in the collection of
the National Gallery of Ireland, Dublin
22 On Nicola Haym as the translator

of A Comparison Between the French
and Italian Musick and Opera's

(London, 1709), see L. Lindgren, 'The
sesto congresso internazionale, p.476.
23 Charles Avison, An Essay on Musical

Expression (London, 3/1775), p.46;
Hawkins, General History, i, p.677. The
strand of Corelli reception in the 18th
century that represented him as a
violinist who eschewed decoration is
explored further in 'Constructing the

archangel', in Arcangelo Corelli-fra
mito e realtil storica.
24 John Gay, Poems on Several
Occasions (Dublin, 1729), p.192. See also

Thomas Tickell, 'To Mr Addison on
his Rosamond', in The Dramatic Works
of the late Right Honourable Joseph
Addison (Glasgow, 1750), p.cix: 'No

charms are wanting to thy artful Song |
Soft as Corelli, but, as Virgil strong'.
25 Sonate a tre, doi Violini, e Violone, o

Arcileuto col Basso per l'Organo, op.3
(Rome, 1689), Sonata VII.
26 Three opening movements in

op.i assign a distinct thematic
role to the Violone o Arcileuto part,
but they are all departures from the
customary Grave prelude:
Sonata no.4 (whose first movement is
a binary Vivace), Sonata no.7

(which also begins with an Allegro
movement) and Sonata no.9 (which
has a nine-bar opening fanfare with
the Violone o Arcileuto part
punctuating the Organo part's
sustained tonic pedal).
(ace. no.773), probably a copy of the

portrait by Carlo Maratta [sic] formerly
in the collection of the Earl of Mount
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Reconstructing the Archangel: Corelli 'ad Vivum Pinxit'

Author(s): Peter Walls

Reconstructing the archangel: Corelli 'ad vivum

Maratti (1625-1713), who has been described as 'the

fecit', phrases that might loosely be translated (and

whose 'pre-eminence among the artists of his time

expanded) as 'painted from life by H[ugh] Howard'

marks the triumph of classicism'.5 Maratti's general

last major Italian artist of the classical tradition

and 'engraved by J[ohn] Smith, Englishman'. The

demeanour in his 1684 chalk-on-paper self-portrait

Howard painting to which this inscription refers

Howard portrait. Both belong to the same genre (the

the Oxford Music Faculty collection (illus.2). It has

portrait of an artist, or even just the portrait of an

(illus.6) is strikingly like that of the Corelli in the

been reproduced many times (on the cover and as

important person). The sideways glance and flowing

the frontispiece of the Corelli Catalogue raisonne, for

hair are echoed in numerous drawings and paintings

example')-and, in the 18th century, achieved wide

of the late 17th and early 18th centuries.6

circulation in engraved copies by William Sherwin,

incorporated as frontispieces to numerous Corelli

He also painted a number of the British elite passing

An outline of Hugh Howard's early life is given in

through Rome as part of their Grand Tour. Grove

the subjects and often incorporate references to the

being driven from Ireland by the troubles that followed the

Thomas Cole and Gerard Vandergucht that were

Maratti is known to have painted Corelli and

'Home' initially meant Ireland, but before long

gentlemen). The painting in question was lent by

sonably well known as a portrait painter. In 1714,

Royal Academy in 1876 and again in 1938 but then

ment in the civil service, and more or less gave up

Mount Edgcumbe in World War II. The Academy's

painting for good.4

During this sojourn abroad, Howard spent

some time in Rome where he studied with Carlo

ing in terms that suggest that it might well have pro-

vided an exemplar for Howard: 'A long half-length,

526 EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 2007

EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 2007 527

4 Engraving of Arcangelo Corelli by Thomas Cole after

Hugh Howard (reproduced with permission) (London,

Correggio, Raphael, Guercino, Carracci, Rubens

But back to the Howard portrait. Sir John

another more elaborate Maratti self-portrait (illus.7

Hawkins gives the following account of its genesis:

and 8).1 Just when he could quite easily, one would

During the residence of Corelli at Rome, besides those of his

The portrait in question would have had to have

been completed sometime between 1697 and

Let us consider Howard's preparation for this

Howard was being made to reproduce a painted

528 EARLY MUSIC NOVEMBER 2007

of his mezzotint had been painted 'from life'. For

vivum pinxit"'. The inscription might, however,

'Ad vivum pinxit' does, after all, promise a kind

The real photograph is a special case (since the image

is captured mechanically not humanly); as Barthes