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April, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
- Editor)
To carry forward the struggle against caste oppression and for elimination
of caste, Central Committee of CPI(ML)-New Democracy calls for organizing
meetings on April 14, 2016 on the occasion of 125th Birth Anniversary of Dr.
B.R. Ambedkar. We should intensify this struggle and also actively join other
forces fighting caste oppression. This is essential for intensifying revolutionary
movement in the country in which elimination of caste is one of the most
important components and this is of utmost importance to unite the toiling
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not allow them. He used to wash his own clothes till four years back, when
he suffered a paralytic stroke. He used to cook his food also. He did not
care about the taste and used to eat whatever food was offered to him
without making any comment on it. Because of this it was very difficult for
others to know what he liked. He used to take food in limited quantity
which is required for him irrespective of whether it was to his liking or not.
Rama
(Vice President, POW Telengana)
Some people die while still living. Some other people still live even
after their death. Comrade Rayala Subhash Chandra Bose belongs to the
second category. He thought all along his life about the people. His attention,
concern, breath and hope were the people. Whenever, any comrade
expressed any loss of confidence in the people or expressed any discontent
about them, he used to inculcate self confidence in them, narrating the
experiences of Russia, China and Telangana peasant armed struggle. He
used to often narrate the Chinese story of the foolish old man who removed
the mountain.
Study was a habit for him. He used to spend time reading books, hours
together without either respite or feeling any boredom. Not only that. He
used to discuss about that book and its content for days together. He used
to encourage the younger comrades to read that book. He used to take
classes on national and international situation and on dialectical
materialism. He made special study on Contradiction. He used to feel bad
for having failed to study anything on a particular day. He used to carry
one or two books with him during his travels also. Even when he started for
a travel in a hurry he used to make it a point to not forget to take some
books with him. He used to read Frontline and India Today English
magazines without fail. If he did not get Frontline at any time, he used to
ask for it again and again. He used to read magazines of our Party and
mass organizations, as soon as he got them, fully along with reports. He
used to express his opinions on essays in them and also used to point out
language mistakes.
Some people try to be ideal for ideal sake. They are eager that others
should recognize that they are remaining ideal. But Comrade Ravi was
totally different. Simplicity was a part of his life. He used to clean his plate
himself till his death. Even if somebody insisted on cleaning it, he used to
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He did not spend a Rupee more than what was necessary. He insisted
that every rupee spent must be accounted for. It was only for books that
he spent without any second thought. He often said that this is peoples
money. Not even a rupee should be spent in a wasteful manner. He was
very strict and serious with financial matters. He reprimanded those who
do not give their accounts in time and in a proper way.
He did not know what was fear. He was very daring. This was proved
several times. When certain forces tried to destabilize our movement in
East Godavari District, he went there and led the squads. Whenever we
faced difficulties in Yellandu area, he went there, stayed and corrected the
situation. He had told me a month back that he would go to Yellandu and
stay there for a month. I had prevented him. He used to get swelling of feet
and suffer from pain because of uric acid problem. Because of this he
could not walk. His speed in walking declined after his suffering from paralytic
stroke. I argued against his going because of these reasons. He was also
convinced and dropped his plan.
He went to Pindiporlu, his native village, exactly one month prior to his
death, i.e. on 10th February. He met those families who had given him
shelter. At that time also, his feet were swollen and he was suffering with
pain. I came to know that he went around to the houses of his acquaintances
in spite of the pain. I was not with him at that time. It was not his practice
to go anywhere without giving prior information. This was the first time that
he went to Pindiporlu without prior information. That happened to be the
last time also. Though it is accidental, he went back to Pindiporlu exactly
a month later i.e. on 10th March as a dead body. The village people, who
had seen him as a student 48 years back, had seen him again only now as
a deceased.
He used to be very careful with his health. I went to Jail in 1998,
sentenced in Velerupadu case. He had the habit of taking tea, before my
going to Jail. I was not having the habit of taking tea. I do not know what
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transpired in his mind, he stopped taking tea. He did never took to taking
tea again. I had learnt practicing Asanas in Jail. I taught them to Ravi
after my coming out of Jail. From that time on, he never stopped practicing
Asanas, except during the time of meetings. Every day, he used to get up
at 5 oclock in the morning and take a walk. Thereafter, Asanas, bath and
reading daily papers this used to be his routine. Even when he was forced
to go to sleep late, there was no change in his daily schedule. He used to
get up promptly at 5 oclock. Sometimes, when I knew that he was too
tired, I used to stop the alarm ring. It was not to his liking.
Vimala and I came into the Party in 1978. Our marriages took place on
26 th June, 1979 in East Godavari district. Our marriage and that of
Chandrasekhar (Ravis brother) and Vimala were held at the same time.
Party sent me to Yellandu area and Vimala to Bhadrachalam area within a
few days of our marriages. Since R.V. was underground, it used to be
difficult for us to meet. There were no phones at that time. Ravi used to
sent letters to me through courier mentioning when to meet and where to
meet. Whenever we met, he used to ask me which books I had read. He
used to suggest to me to read a particular book by the time we met again.
When we met again, he used to ask me about the content of the book I had
read. I used to tell him whatever I had understood, though hesitantly. He
used to explain to me about that book. Thus, I have cultivated the habit of
reading. When I expressed my hesitation in addressing meetings he used
to advise me to not entertain any inferiority complex and he used to caution
me that if we are afraid, we cannot do anything. He encouraged me to
write articles (essays) and to take classes. He impressed upon me to gain
grip over some subjects. There was a lot of effort and cooperation on the
part of Com. Ravi in my reaching to this level today.
In the same way, Com. Ravi criticized me for the mistakes I committed
in a frank and unhesitating manner. At the same time, he would not raise
those mistakes again. He was very broad minded. Whenever I had writing
work, he would say I will do the cooking, but you have to eat without any
complaint.' He would not care about taste. He said we should eat for living
but not live for eating. He used to be like that. He used to expect other
comrades also to be like that.
Com. R.V. used to be straight forward, impartial and honest. He did not
know conspiracies and intrigues. He did not know groupism. If somebody
tried to tell something about some other comrade, he used to put a barrage
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differences with us. He urged us to cultivate a habit of working together
with those who have differences with us.
Com. R.V. did not know how to think in one way in his mind and act in
another way. When he came to know that certain comrades have felt hurt
when he spoke to them in a straight forward way, he used to say he could
not help this. They should correct their mistakes when pointed out instead
of feeling hurt.
Com. R.V. used to implement party decisions, whatever may be his
opinions. He used to criticize those who violated. He remained under ground
for 48 years, as per party decisions. One can learn how an underground
comrade should be, seeing comrade R.V. He used to be very strict with
tech precautions. We had given our daughter, Spandana, to my mother for
bringing up at the age of three months. I had asked him in 1986 (at that
time, Spandana was 4 year old) to allow my mother and Spandana to stay
with us for 4 5 days. Ravi replied that your mother does not know about
us. After going from here, your mother may say to some-body that we are
at such and such place. She may not say it intentionally. She may say it
out of over anxiety without knowing that this should not be divulged.
Therefore do not entertain such an idea. On that day, I felt somewhat
pained. There-after I never spoke about this again.
Com. R.V. knew his weaknesses very clearly. He used to read English.
He used to hear English news. But he was not able to speak in English
freely. He did not hesitate to accept it. He used to say that I cannot speak
English. The reason for this is I am not able to leave my mother tongue,
Telugu. He was prepared to make self-criticism of his mistakes even before
somebody pointed them out. He used to accept whole-heartedly the things
which he did not know.
Com. R.V. used to strongly oppose careerism. Still more he used to
abhor it. He could tolerate anything but he was not able to bear the thirst
for power and doing anything for it. No recommendations used to work with
him. He used to be very strict with regard to work and discipline even
pertaining to comrades very close to him. He used to insist that all party
cadres should implement party decisions and work wherever party asks
them to work. He used to be very agitated at the weaknesses that were
being expressed amongst the comrades.
Com. R.V. had tolerance and forbearance in good measure. Nobody
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In his 68 years of life, Ravanna spent almost 48 years in underground
having limited access to a few persons. To be among his dear state
committee members in his final moments was something positive in the
negative development, in the sense that he died in the circle of his comrades.
If I can recall, it was way back in 1970 that I saw him for the first time
in Kothagudem in my cousin's place. Both were friends and my cousin
introduced him to me as Ramesh. But I realized that this man was Bose.
Meeting an underground comrade gave me a sense of great enthusiasm
and that too a comrade of whom I had heard but not met. Meeting him in
person made me happy. I could not conceal the fact that he was not Ramesh
but Bose. I straightaway put this to him directly to which he lazily nodded
but told me not to divulge this to anyone. I was in 10th standard then and
was in shorts. When I accompanied him to board a lorry, it was again I who
asked him as to when our next meeting would be. He just smiled, perhaps
at my innocence.
In 1972, he came along with Bedada Chennaiah to our village, Velidanda.
They went to the house of V.Koteshwara Rao. At that time the Progressive
Youth Association of the village was conducting a games competition and
Bose was made the referee in these matches. That was the next meeting
with him. By that time the CPI(ML) led by Com. Charu Mazumdar, to which
he owed allegiance, had suffered serious setbacks. When he was with the
dalam in the Kallur hills an encounter took place and he along with the
other members escaped. But Chinni Krishna of Atmakur village, Nalgonda
district died in this encounter. Meetings are organized every year by the
party near his memorial. Com. Ravi was critical of Com. Charu's line. Around
this time he wrote a letter to teacher Krishnamurthy, who was a strong
supporter of the revolutionary movement, stating that agricultural operations
were badly hit. This was a code language to convey something. In this
period he was drawn to CP line and a close confidante of CP, Suryaprakash,
took him to the forest to meet Com. CP. After long discussions with him he
declared his intention to join Com. CP led organization. By that time I had
already become an activist and in this backdrop our relationship grew.
During the Emergency, I went underground and along with three others
who left their degree course, moved as a team of activists. Under conditions
of heavy repression it was difficult to move openly in the plain areas of
Nalgonda district. In these circumstances one of our batch members, Com.
Anjaih (Prasad) was sent to Ravi through Com. Ramnarsaiah. Com. Bose
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these areas, teams should be able to defend themselves while organizing
and mobilizing the local people.
The policies of the Party are distinct from those of other revolutionary
organizations and the distinct feature is the resistance struggle. This
demarcates from the right and left deviations. Peoples war means war by
the people. This is what is called as the path of peoples war which is
protracted in nature. Resistance struggle means making preparations for
it. Resistance sans people is left deviation while mass line without resistance
is rightism. Both these tendencies should be opposed. Under the banner of
ML party, having electoral alliances with revisionist parties is nothing but
parliamentary path. The CPI, CPM are wedded to this path and are therefore
revisionist parties. Having issue-based joint fronts with them should not
lead to electoral fronts. We should be cautious of the attempts by these
parties to drag revolutionaries into the swamp of parliamentarism. We should
always strive for a general front with communist revolutionaries. This policy
helps us in sustaining the revolutionary party and making other
revolutionaries think positively. This also helps in the unification of the
revolutionary forces.
The Janashakti, in order to overcome its organizational crisis, declared
armed struggle not as a matter of principle but as a tactic and that too
without effecting necessary organizational steps and under conditions not
immediately suiting its launch. As a consequence it got into an irreversible
crisis and it was in this context that many units of Janashakti in different
states held discussions with New Democracy and merged with it. As part
of this we merged with ND in the beginning of 2001. In the state committee
we started to work with Bose. In 2013 Congress, he was re-elected to the
CC. Since two of us from Telangana were in the CC, there was the
opportunity to spend more time with him. Sometimes we stayed together
for a week. He used to discuss many issues during journeys. We spent
many days together in the week preceding his death. He participated actively
in the CC meeting held just three days before his death.
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Jha, Natbar Shadangi, Durga
Prasad, K Rangaiah, Ashish
Mital, Bhalachandra Shadangi,
Tarsem Peter, Ram Briksh
Ram, Dev Rao, Chief Guest
(IFTU President) Com. Aparna,
representative of Philippines
movement Com. Sylvia Morallis,
leader of Kanhar ant i
displacement movement Gambhira Prasad, UP AIKMS President Com.
Dharampal Singh and Rajasthan leader Com. Prabhu Dayal, were called to
the stage by Com. Heera Lal. The proceedings started with singing of
revolutionary songs by Munna Rahi and Bhaiyalal and other members of
Parivartan Sanskritik Manch and Comrades Rama Rao, Sriniwas and
members of Arunodaya.
Congratulating the UP AIKMS for successful organization of the rally
General Secretary Com. Sushanto Jha said that the agrarian crisis has
been intensified by the Govt.s liberalization policies, giving up on land
reforms and increased MNC penetration in agriculture. He outlined the
importance of holding this Conference at a time of this deep crisis and
issued a call to wage broad based struggles for land distribution of landlord
controlled lands, increase in agricultural wages, reduction in input costs,
waiver of loans, proper implementation of welfare programmes, end to
corruption etc.
Com. Bhalachandra from Odisha said we had all assembled here to call
for struggles through out India to save the peasantry from ongoing crises.
He said while last year every day 42 peasants were committing suicide,
this year the figure has gone up to 52 per day. The govts, both Centre and
state govts, have no solution to offer. Modi has promised a Fasal Bima
Yojna, which actually is to help the insurance companies, not the peasants.
On peasant problems, instead of offering a solution, the RSS-BJP govt is
moving to communally polarize the people in order to divert attention. This,
he said, must be challenged on the strength of an organized struggle of
peasants throughout the length and breadth of the country. He elaborated
on and hailed the anti-displacement movements in Kalinganagar, Niyamgiri
and POSCO in Odisha, the struggle for rights of sharecroppers and the
land struggles going on in tribal areas of the state as inspiring.
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to stall the Govts plans. It is only the workers and peasants who are
fighting to save the country.
She said that Hindutva agenda is leading to intensification of atrocities
on Dalits. She hailed the students of higher educational institutions who
were taking up struggles against injustice and appealed to the peasantry
to stand in solidarity with them.
Finally she raised the question of women peasants, who she said were
equal in number to men, but have no recognition as peasants and are
counted as housewives. They are paid lesser wages than men for the
same work done. Though women do more than half of the total work, they
earn less than one third and hardly own any property. Women agricultural
labourers, she said, are being pushed out of agricultural work due to
extremely low wages. She concluded by stressing that all day to day
struggles should culminate into fight for basic change of Indian society to
a New Democratic society, which provides for basic rights to Indias working
people, which she said is a common goal shared by both AIKMS and
IFTU.
Com. Ashish Mittal, National Secretary, hailed the agricultural and sand
mine labourers and peasants of Allahabad Kaushambi for building a strong
anti landlord, anti sand mafia movement. This movement was built in an
atmosphere in 2005-2007 where the only path of development being projected
was to build a strong landlord mafia control over all economic activities, to
sell off land, rivers, forests and other resources to MNCs , to uproot and
displace peasants and labourers. At such a time sand workers challenged
the powerful, politically connected mafia, prevented uprooting of Kanti Dalit
Basti and opposed the three thermal Power Plants which led to a strong
movement in Karchana. He declared that people will forcefully prevent the
building of Smart City and River Water Fronts on farm lands and river
beds. Peasantry has not assembled here to ask for alms but to demand its
due share and basic rights. It is a shame that while children are dying of
hunger, mothers are malnourished, peasants are indebted and Modi govt
is selling off resources to MNCs, RSS and BJP are demanding that people
say Bharat Mata ki Jai. People love their country and its resources are
theirs. They will not say Jai for these anti peasant policies. He hailed the
Naxalbari movement of 1967 as a glorious armed struggle by poor peasants
for land, livelihood and freedom from landlord oppression and expressed
confidence that the Indian peasantry will advance on that path.
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Auditorium. The hall was named as Com. Madala Narayana Swamy Hall
after late veteran revolutionary peasant leader, founder President of AIKMS,
an ex MP and an important leader during the Telangana Armed Peasant
uprising.
The proceedings began with the hoisting of the AIKMS flag by Com. H.
S. Sandhu. The delegates and other guests saluted the flag along with the
singing of the Internationale. Thereafter Com. Sushanto Jha garlanded
the martyr column in memory of the peasant comrades who have laid down
their lives in struggles in furtherance of the revolutionary peasant movement
in the country. Veteran cultural activist of Arunodaya Com. Rama Rao
rendered a martyrs song to pay homage to them.
The inaugural session of the Conference started at 10 am with the
Reception committee members including Sr. Advocate and PUCL National
Vice President Shri Ravi Kiran Jain, Prof Ranjana Kakkar, Prof. A.A. Fatmi,
Er. Khursheed Naqvi, special invitees and AIKMS President and General
Secretary being invited on to the stage along with the Chief Guest, former
Judge of the Mumbai High Court, Shri B G Kolse Patil.
Welcoming the Chief Guest, Reception Committee
Chairperson, Retd. Justice Janardan Sahai said it is a rare
honour to have amongst us a person like Justice Patil, who
after being appointed as a sitting Judge at the age of 42,
resigned from the position after only 5 years to associate
with and serve the peoples movements. He hailed Justice
Patil for running a student hostel for the downtrodden and
needy students. He further said we are living in a period of
deep crises which has led to peasants committing suicides.
There is massive unemployment as evidenced by the fact
that even for only hundreds of Class IV posts several lakh
applicants apply. In a country where peasantry is indebted
and conditions do not allow them to repay loans, the law states that it will
be recovered from their properties. A peasant ends up going to jail
repeatedly, spending number of days behind bars. The attitude towards
corporate houses is different. Several crores rupees of Excise duty and
other taxes are waived. For them land is acquired by uprooting peasants.
When crises is deep, the ruling classes resort to severe repression. Such
repression is either declared, as by Indira Gandhi during Emergency, or it
is enforced without declaration as today by RSS, Modi Govt.
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In his hour long speech Justice Kolse Patil dwelt at length on how the
policies pursued by the various ruling class parties in the country have
pushed agricultural sector in to a deep crisis. He said the peasant does not
have land, he does not have water, fertilizers are very costly, crop prices
are very low, so it is natural that millions of farm families are indebted and
are commiting suicides. Peasants are being looted.
He said RSS people, upper caste and upper classes are highly educated
and they consciously use it to rule over the poor. For decades Congress
has led such an anti people rule with help of police force. These forces
have deep control over all educational institutions and ruling institutions.
One brother retires from IB to join RSS, while the other retires from the
army to join BJP. Media too is under their influence. They also control and
conspire against truth, as they did against Hemant Karkare who exposed
RSS involvement in blasts.
Explaining peasants problems he said they hardly get bank loans and
have to run after getting papers in order. So they depend on private money
lenders and societies. Modi says if the peasant will spend Rs 100 we will
give them Rs 150. He is a fraud.
He also pointed to the silent attempts that are going on unabated to
increase the hold of the multinational agribusiness on Indian agriculture.
Taking a dig at the Governments argument of increasing burden of
agricultural subsidies, Justice Patil said that compared to the minimum
support prices declared by the Govt, the actual price recommended by its
own assessment in Maharasthra was higher by Rs. 1410 per quintal. If
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total loss to all peasants of only one crop is calculated on this basis, then
loss to peasants will be Rs. ten lakh crores. With such a state of affairs
talk of subsidy burden is a fraud on the people.
He said criticizing Modi govt. is not sedition. He said Babri Mosque
was demolished to unleash anti Mulsim riots. Hindutva forces created these
riots. They have acted against the interests of the people and the country
and to cover it up they blame leaders of peoples movements as being anti
national. He spoke about the struggles in Maharashtra of the poor peasants
for capturing farm land and for control over river dam reservoirs for rights
of fishing.
In the end he expressed gratitude to AIKMS for inviting him and specially
for raising the land issue for the poor, which he said is a very important
issue. He said in 1956 Maharashtra Govt. made laws to distribute land.
But today land is being given to MNCs, water is being given to them and
electricity boards are being handed over to them. He opposed MNC entry
and called for wide unity of people in struggle, cutting across caste and
religious lines.
After the Chief Guest the fraternal delegates greeted the conference.
Com. Vyas Tiwari, Vice President of IFTU said today central and state
govts are attacking both workers and peasants. GOI plans to bring Industrial
Relations Bill 2015 in the name of pro worker reforms, but all the provisions
in this are anti worker. It was time to realize that the govts. are cheating
both these toiling sections. It was time to join hands in struggles against
the Govt. policies.
Com. Raminder Singh of Naujawan Bharat Sabha, Punjab, laid stress
on understanding the problem of peasant indebtedness, suicides and the
widespread rise of unemployed youth due to agrarian distress. He highlighted
that senseless use of machines is one factor in increasing loss of livelihood
and called for building coordinated struggles on this vital issue.
Speaking on behalf of Progressive Organization of Women, Telengana,
Com. Jhansi exposed the real position of women in this period of severe
agrarian crises, particularly the condition of women from landless and poor
families. She said suicides was one big manifestation, but along with this
is the problem of severe drought where nearly one third villages have no
drinking water and the burden of walking several kilometers to fill water is
on women. Under these conditions where there is no work, women in
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Philippines Peasant Movement and from
the Asian Peasant Coalition. She presented
the international perspective of the peasant
movement and described how the peasants
in Philippines and Indonesia are fighting
despite brutal suppression unleashed by the
gover nment s. She explained t hat
Philippines too is an agrarian and backward,
semi feudal, semi colonial country where
the KMP is leading the struggle of peasants
and rural youth. It suffers from exploitation
by Trans National Companies which are
grabbing huge tracts of land and affecting
the livelihood of peasants and reducing the country to a perpetual
undeveloped state. She called upon AIKMS to support the call for Global
Day of Action for the Landless. She said 60% of the world rural poor are
landless.
She informed that in Jakarta for 6 days there was a struggle against
drought conditions and for release of food. Only few days back, in South
Phillipines, thousands of peasants blocked highways to force the govt to
release food from graineries. But they were met with bullets and 3 people
died while hundreds are missing. Calling for support to this struggle she
said that despite this despair there are deep hopes also and the Future is
Ours to Own.
The message sent by the All Nepal Peasants Association (Revolutionary)
leader Com. Bhumishwor Kandel was read out. The message highlighted
the peasantry as the backbone of New Democratic Revolution, that all
South Asian nations were exploited by feudalism and imperialism and the
so called new liberal policy of imperialism has ruined millions of peasants
all across the world. It called for building a common front of resistance
movement to liberate peasants and agricultural labourers.
Secretary of the Reception Committee, Shri Om Dutt Singh thanked
the Chief Guest and other guests for having spared their valuable time.
In the evening started the Delegate session which was attended by 625
delegates representing over 3 lakh members spread over 11 states. The
delegates elected a five member presidium comprising of Com. H. S.
Sandhu, Com Ram Briksh Ram, Com. Natbar Shadangi, Com. K. Rangaiah
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and stone quarry workers in Allahabad and Kausambhi. AIKMS has been
part of leadership in Niyamgiri of Odisha, as also supported Kalinganagar
and anti-POSCO struggles. Several other struggles including those for rise
of agricultural wages, struggle for remunerative prices for produce;
compensation for crop loss and work loss, struggle against coastal corridor
and the Polavaram Dam projects also found mention.
Finally after in depth deliberation and valuable suggestions and
constructive criticism offered by 21 delegates the draft Report was approved
to be finalized by the new CEC.
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displacement. The Conference condemned Operation Greenhunt launched
in Central India and demanded that it be stopped. The Conference also
condemned the repression on movements against power plant in Karchana
and against Kanhar dam in Sonebhadra district and expressed solidarity
with struggling people in these places and elsewhere.
All India Conference condemned the fascist drive by the communal
forces led by RSS and for their attacks against the minorities, oppressed
castes and other toiling sections. Conference condemned repression on
the students in Hyderabad Central University, JNU and other premier
educational institutions and expressed solidarity with the students. The
Conference resolved to intensify struggle against the fascist drive of Modi
led Govt. and decided to cooperate with other forces in this struggle.
All India Conference called for a propaganda campaign over three months
on the demands listed in the Call approved by the Conference and in the
resolutions approved. Conference also decided to launch a countrywide
struggle on these issues after that period. The third All India Conference
concluded on April 4, 2016 with call to launch struggle on the immediate
issues of peasants including sharecroppers/tenant peasants and agricultural
labourers.
CPI(ML) Organs
New Democracy
Pratirodh Ka Swar
Voice of New Democracy
New Democracy Bulletin
Biplabi Ganaline
Inquilabi Sada Rah
Lok Yudh
Sangrami Ekta
April, 2016
English
Hindi
Telugu
(Telengana)
Telugu
(Andhra Pradesh)
Bengali
Punjabi
Marathi
Odia
NEW DEMOCRACY
input sectors to multinationals.
A strong argument was built up against agricultural price support and
the meagre subsidies that agriculture received - in the form of subsidies on
fertilizers and water and electricity. In the beginning, some economists
made the argument that these subsidies violated WTO norms but this was
soon disproved by rigorous analysis. Nevertheless, policies of the past
and present governments have continued to gradually withdraw support to
agriculture - through less and less public investment and withdrawal of
subsidies on fertilizers and irrigation. Subsidies on phosphatic fertilizers
were entirely withdrawn. The agricultural price support system today benefits
only a small percentage of small and marginal farmers. Results for 201213 show that 22 % farmers sold wheat to procurement agencies at MSP. In
the case of paddy, only 3.2 % farmers sold to procurement agencies (0.9
% farmers owning less than 1 ha land; 25 % farmers owning more than 10
ha land).
The opening up of agriculture aligned Indian agricultural prices much
closer to international prices, which are subject to manipulation by a few
multi-national agri-business firms. Fluctuations in agricultural prices in India
were dictated more and more by fluctuations in international prices, rather
than by weather conditions. Forward trading has increased speculation and
further served to increase the fluctuation in prices. But the private market
operates in such a way that when prices fall, the entire burden is passed
on to farmers, and when they rise, farmers gain very little. Nonetheless,
international prices and trade, and market incentives, have induced farmers
to shift to high value crops requiring higher investments in seed, water,
fertilizers and pesticides. In many regions of the country, land rentals have
also increased. In states like Andhra and Marathwada, farmers have to
make huge investments in deep bore wells which may not even yield water.
Cost of seeds, fertilizers etc can also be very high. Fertilizers, seeds and
pesticides are purchased from private sources and are often fake and
ineffective. The banks want to make money and are not interested in lending
to farmers. Under the priority sector targets, 18 percent of their lending has
to be made to agriculture. The RBI has extended the definition of agriculture
to include even purchase of trucks so that banks can meet the target. So
farmers have to approach private moneylenders to meet their credit needs.
The smaller the farmer the more likely is it that he/she will have to borrow
from private sources. This implies that farmers have to depend on loans.
Recent results show that only 48% loans to agricultural producers were
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who are more than ninety percent of all agricultural producers are not even
able to meet their consumption expenditure from agricultural income. In
other words, these farmers have to either use income from non-agricultural
sources, such as income from wages and salaries, or borrow, in order
meet agricultural expenditures. The income of an average farm household
is just over Rs.6,400 a month, including income from all sources. Only
households with over one hectare make more from all sources than they
spend, on consumption, and they constitute less than 35 per cent of all
farm households.
I must point out that there is less land to cultivate not only because
there are more families. Land is being acquired and is being diverted to
other uses, tribals and farmers are being displaced, and the landless are
losing jobs. Of course some of this is happening through commercial
processes. But most of this is being abetted by the state. Agricultural
land, forest land, other types of land are being acquired by the state to
provide these at highly subsidised prices to developers, mining corporations,
and industrialists. Farmers and labourers - tribal and non-tribal - have been
displaced in large numbers in the name of development. The environmental
costs of such development affects even those who live in adjoining areas,
affecting their livelihoods as well.
Farmers earn from both crop and non-crop sources. Animal husbandry
is an important component of agricultural incomes. Agricultural households
who possess less than one acre (0.4 ha) earn more from farming of animals
than from cultivation. Overall, agricultural households earn about 45 %
from cultivation, 12 percent from animal husbandry and 33 percent from
wages & salaries. But farming animals is becoming more and more difficult
for farmers to meet the cost of maintaining livestock. This is pushing
pressure on incomes, employment, particularly of women, and livelihoods.
Animals have a productive life cycle and the buying and selling of animals
helps farmers manage their farm economy. Livestock trade has now come
under grave risk from fanatics and goons, and this will undoubtedly add to
the pressure on farmers. Only recently there was news that a bunch of
thugs murdered two persons in Latehar, including a twelve year old boy,
who were taking bullocks to a cattle fair for sale.
The poorest families in the rural areas, whom you also represent, are
casual labourers. The smaller agricultural producers earn more from wages
than they do from agricultural production. More than a third of rural
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Surat and Delhi. Schools, therefore, were rapidly emptying out. I know that
there are comrades from both these regions in this conference.
In Marathwada, there is such a severe shortage of water even to drink
that farmers are simply letting their cattle wander off - as I have pointed,
fanatics have made cattle trade a big no-no. Just two days ago, you must
be knowing that over 30,000 farmers demonstrated near Latur. There is
severe drought and water shortage in 8 districts of Marathwada. The water
level is at 5 % level in most reservoirs across the region.
Till the Supreme Court and other courts started taking notice, the drought
has hardly been talked about in our media which is busy making immense
noise over non-issues. It has been argued that this is because it is a peculiar
drought. Farmers lives are collapsing around them but urban consumers
(and this is where the media and political class is located) are not affected
because prices are not rising as much. This drought, which has affected
yields, is also combined with exceptionally low prices for farmers for most
crops because of global downturn in prices (March 31, Indian Express).
Farmers in Maharashtra are today selling cow milk at Rs 15-16 per litre,
compared to Rs 25-26 a year ago. This, despite a severe fodder shortage
that would also mean higher production costs. In most crops whether
cotton, rubber, basmati, guar seed or even potatoes, apples, kinnow and
pineapples producer realisations are below what they were a couple of
years ago. The only reason nobody is talking about onion these days is
because the bulb is being sold in Maharashtras Lasalgaon market at below
Rs 7/kg, as against Rs 12 last March, and Rs 45-plus in early September,
when 'pyaaz' was grabbing all the headlines.
But the rural distress has finally prompted the Government to sit up and
take notice. Mt Jaitley announced his budget as a farmers budget. He
says that policies of this Government will double farmers income in five
years. As I told you earlier, governments take the name of farmers and sell
dreams so that capitalists can continue to accumulate wealth and income.
What is in this budget that can increase farmers income by 15 percent
every year?
The first trick was that the interest subvention which was in the Finance
Ministrys budget was transferred to agriculture to make it appear that there
has been a huge increase in the budgetary allocation to agriculture. The
Ministry of Agricultures allocation on paper increased from Rs 22,959 crore
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Simultaneously, there was declining share of public investment - from over
20% in 2004-05 to 16.8 % in 2013-14.
To conclude: the government has no weapons in its armoury, only
dreams - and diversions. Just reflect on the diversions. The Finance
Minister, who in the last few weeks spoke almost a dozen times on a few
individuals allegedly raising anti-national slogans in JNU, has not addressed
the issue of the drought even once in his speeches, outside of his budget
speeches. You must have read the papers today. Slogans dominate the
speeches and the statements of the public figures in the ruling party, but
there is nothing about the drought or agrarian distress.
In good times and bad, there is another way that the governments
distribute incomes in favour of the poor - through programmes of social
security and social protection which should be essentially rights based.
Our rights include the right to food, to social security, to health, and so on.
We struggled to get the MGNREGA and we will continue our fight for the
dignity of every individual who has the right to a pension, to access to
health, to maternity benefit, and so on.
But despite the governments claim, the MGNREGA is not being
implemented and is being squeezed. 55 % wage arrears are already reported.
A whopping Rs 10,588 crore is currently pending in payment delays (Indian
Express, April 1). Nine crore workers in 25 states are facing illegal delays
in wage payments. More than half of this amount is in drought-affected
states. The FM claims that he has made the highest ever allocation to
MGNREGA (Rs 38,500 crore). But this does not take into account wage
arrears and is certainly not even remotely the highest in real terms. The
amount is well short of levels achieved earlier under the UPA, amounting
to only 0.25 per cent of the GDP compared to 0.59 per cent of the GDP in
2009-10.
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Panama Papers
The 'Panama papers' are 11.5 million documents which were leaked
from a year ago to a German newspaper. They are documents of a law firm
named Mossack Fonseca based in Panama and pertain to accounts in
British Virgin Islands, a British colony and a tax haven. Tax havens are
places where accounts can be maintained either anonymously or secretly,
paying little or no tax. One can be a citizen of any country and yet open an
account in these havens.
The 'Panama papers' are lists of accounts maintained through this law
firm in the tax haven. They are an exposure of how the rich and politically
powerful the world over connive to avoid paying taxes i.e. for social expenses while availing the most exclusive facilities created in their respective countries using people's money. In fact these sections corner the maximum benefits from facilities created by using other people's paid taxes for
their own comforts and benefits. 140 senior Govt. officials of over 50 countries stand implicated by these lists, apart from other powerful and famous
people.
And this pertains to only one of the tax havens. There are over sixty
such in different parts of the world. Mossack Fonseca is one of the large
firms managing these accounts (infact fourth largest) while there are many
many more. One can only try to guess the total extent of this fraud on the
people of the different countries. Panama papers reveal merely the tip of
the tip of the iceberg which sits heavy on the back of the working people
world over.
The German newspaper which received the documents shared it with
the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists of which it too is
a member. This is a coalition of media houses, including India's Indian
Express, in which are 107 reporting houses spread over 78 countries. The
Consortium conducted months of investigations before making the lists
public on 4th April 2016. Over 500 Indians are on the lists.
British Virgin Islands, Caymon Islands, and also certain states in America
like Wyoming state and Delawre state, are among the tax havens. Companies ae floated here and used to move money from other countries into
these areas. The European Union also has countries which give banking
secrecy like Luxembourgh, Switzerland and Andorra. In a manner, these
countries are the precursors of the tax havens.
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The effects
Non taxation widens the already yawning class gap in every country.
On a world wide scale three aspects are important. First, the Panama papers have again brought out the massive tax avoidance by the rich. Second, it has highlighted conflict of interest. For example, the President of
Iceland had offshore companies here which had bonds in Iceland's banks.
When he took policy decisions and the taxpayers money was poured into
backing the banks during the economic crisis, his own assets were saved.
Thirdly, the lists have exposed the intermingling of drug cartels, politicians
and powerful mafia outfits.
The publication of the Panama papers took its toll worldwide. The PM
of Britain, David Cameron (Statesman, 7 April) held stakes (30,000 pounds)
in offshore funds set up by his father. He sold them off four months before
becoming PM. There was a storm of criticism with Labour leader Corbyn
calling on Cameron to take a stronger stance with British crown territories
and make them implement British tax laws. The revelations forced the
President of Iceland and two other cabinet members to resign due to popular upsurges. The lists raised questions about involvement of the President of Ukraine. Former President of Egypt Hosni Mubarak's son and Syrian leader Bashar-al-Assad's cousin are on the lists as are heads of seven
African countries. The President of Argentina, elected three months earlier
on an anti corruption platform, had to resign. Bernie Sanders has used the
revelations to attack Hillary Clinton saying that while he opposed the Panama
Free Trade Agreement because it would make it easier for corporate to
avoid tax, she supported it after initially opposing it. The Director of the
Austrian Bank and the French Bank's Societyie Generale are also named.
Senior Chinese politicians figure in the list. 200 lawyers, judges and politicians of Pakistan are also on it. Putin has also been linked to the offshore
accounts; although his name is not present, his close friend and confidante figures in the list. Ofcourse every one of those named have denied
their involvement and alleged conspiracies. First there was some astonishment that no American was on the list, to be quickly supplanted by the
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realization that Americans have their own tax havens.
Over 500 Indians have been named in these lists as having accounts.
These include a brother of Modi confidant Adani, K P Singh (owner of
DLF), filmstar Amitabh Bachchan and his family.
India's erstwhile FERA had restricted residents from transferring funds
abroad due to foreign exchange shortage in the country. It is another matter that money still escaped from the country. In 2004, rules were liberalized and now upto 250,000 dollars can be taken out. Besides this, the
'Mauritius' route is used by foreign money investing in India to avoid taxes
and though exposed it could not be closed due to MNCs' armtwisting. Modi
Govt. continues this route and assures foreign capital that no retrospective taxes will be imposed. In fact the Supreme Court had complained of
lack of support from the Govt. to unearth black money.
Most of the Indians have stated that investigations will show that they
took out money only under the RBI's liberalized scheme. The Indian Express said it took 8 months to carry out investigations. Many named said
we did not setup offshore companies (which would be illegal) but acquired
them (which is legal)!
Opposition parties have exposed that the son of the BJP CM of
Chattisgarh, Abhishek, is the same as the Abhishek named as a promoter
of a leading sports management company which has floated offshore companies in Panama. It has been exposed that the address is the same as
that used by the CM's son for his other businesses. This sports company
was handed over the three year contract for advertising by the Delhi Cricket
Board in 2000. The meeting of the Board where this contract was awarded,
was chaired by current Finance Minister of India, Arun Jaitley. As usual
Jaitley has denied any wrong doing, but the Chattisgarh CM's son has not
denied his involvement with the sports company.
Narendra Modi had raised the issue of black money during the 2014
elections. Later BJP President Amit Shah called that talk a jumla. Finance
Minister Jaitley and former CAG call the NPAs and bank fraudsters as
failure of business models. Such failures are not permitted to peasants or
common people. With RSS-BJP Govt. favouring the tax defaulters, black
money owners and general fraudsters, nothing is expected of the enquiry
ordered by Modi Govt. When the accused themselves are prosecutors what
else can be expected from them!
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S.S. Mahil
In the recent budget session of Punjab Vidhan Sabha, Akali BJP govt.
led by Parkash Singh Badal got a Bill passed denotifying the land acquired
by Punjab govt. for construction of Satluj-Yamuna link canal and returning
it to the original owners of the land. This stirred a hornets nest in the
politics of Punjab and Haryana. Indian National Lok Dal, a family enterprise
of Chautala clan, declared breaking off of political relations with Akali Dal
but not family relations with Badal clan, which are above all based on
mutual business interests. All parties including ruling BJP raised a volcano
of wordy dust on this issue. All MLAs belonging to Haryana demonstrated
in front of Punjab Vidhan Sabha. Similarly both the states accused the
ruling dispensations of betraying the interests of the state.
As Punjab is going to have assembly elections within the year, a dog
fight on this issue is particularly very sharp and furious with Akalis blaming
Congress for giving water of Punjab rivers to other states- Haryana, Delhi
and Rajasthan- without any justifiable basis, with discriminatory and
repressive attitude toward Punjab. On the other hand Congress is blaming
Akalis and particularly Badal for helping the loot of waters of Punjab rivers
because of his personal and family friendly relations with Chautala family
particularly Chaudhary Devi Lal. Aam Aadmi Party which is also a major
player in coming assembly elections and hopes to form government in
Punjab is in catch twenty two situation and is trying gimmickry in an utterly
opportunistic method. Kejriwal, when in Punjab, gave a statement that only
Punjab has the right over its river waters, but when he reached Delhi, he
said that Haryana and Delhi should also get water from Punjab rivers. In
the Supreme Court, the attorney of Delhi Government of Arvind Kejriwal
opposed Punjab and supported Haryana baring its real character as a ruling
class opportunistic party.
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Though Congress and Akali party are accusing each other of loot of
river waters of Punjab, the truth is that both are responsible for this
predicament, Congress being mainly responsible. In 1966 Congress
government at the Centre got Punjab Reorganization Act passed resulting
in creation of Haryana and Himachal from erstwhile Punjab. According to
Section 246 the river water was retained by Central government. Though
control of head works in Haryana and Himachal is with those states but
control of head works of Punjab is with the Centre. Indira Gandhi led
Congress government was at the Centre and Giani Zail Singh led Congress
government in Punjab in 1976 when Indira Gandhi gave an award giving 3.5
million acre foot water each to both Punjab and Haryana and announced
construction of Satluj- Yamuna link canal. It was none other than Indira
Gandhi who inaugurated the digging of SYL at village Kapuri in Patiala
district in 1980 and it was Captain Amrinder Singh who published a poster
welcoming it. So Congress and its present leader in Punjab are mainly
responsible for the SYL issue and the water crisis in Punjab.
But Akali Dal too is not free from the blame and is partly responsible for
SYL issue. After 1977, when Congress was defeated in assembly elections
after its defeat in Lok Sabha election, Akali-Janata Party coalition came to
power in Punjab and Parkash Singh Badal became chief minister. Similarly
in Haryana Janata Party government came to power and Ch. Devi Lal
became the chief minister. At that time Badal took rupees two crores for
the construction of SYL. After a prolonged agitation and so much bloodshed
in Punjab, an accord was signed by the then Akali Dal President, Sant
Harchand Singh Longowal and then Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, popularly
known as Rajiv- Longowal accord, in which apart from other items, one
was that SYL will be completed within a stipulated period. Thus Akali Dal
committed itself to construction of SYL. Twice National Democratic Alliance
government assumed power at the Centre while simultaneously Akali Dal
was holding reins of power in Punjab but it never did anything to undo the
injustice meted out to Punjab by various governments at the Centre. It did
not even raise this issue with its leading coalition partner but consigned
the matter to cold storage. When Captain Amrinder Singh, as Chief Minister
of Punjab, got an Act enacted by legislative assembly terminating all the
agreements on water sharing then Akali Dal felt that Amrinder had
highjacked this important issue. Now with defeat looming large in coming
assembly election Badal has tried to grab this issue and put his opponents
on defensive.
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privatization, Punjab government has handed over 27 government
departments, mostly related to public welfare, to the Panchayats. As these
Panchayats are not allotted any additional funds for these departments
and Panchayats dont have any credible and sufficient resources of their
own, so the functioning of these departments is generally bogged down.
Public water supply is in such a situation that running of this is funded by
user charges and poor people are mostly not able to pay these charges.
So electricity bills are generally not paid and electricity connections are
snapped and people remain without water for long periods or are dependent
on rich class/upper caste people who have submersible pumps in their
houses. A similar situation arises when there is some break down.
Thus if such a situation continues unabated then Punjab will become a
desert in the near future. So more availability of surface water and recharging
of water table is a must to save Punjab from becoming a desert. While
ruling class parties play their political gimmicks, the water question is of
life and death for the people of Punjab.
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Minister Rajiv Gandhi. It envisaged that Satluj-Yamuna link canal would be
completed by August 15, 1986. A Commission was to be appointed to
ascertain the water surplus of being utilized by three states and to distribute
this surplus water between Punjab and Haryana. In pursuance of this
agreement a one man Commission of Justice Bala Krishna Iradi was
appointed on 2nd April, 1986. The Commission submitted its report to the
Central Government on 30th January 1987. But Justice Iradi artificially
increased the total availability of water. It arbitrarily increased the water
flow in Ujh and Basantar streams in Nrot Jaimal Singh block of Gurdaspur
district (now Pathankot district) whereas these were only seasonal streams.
Commission distributed the water in the ratio of 70:30 to Punjab and
Haryana. Thus Justice Iradi distributed an imaginary amount of water which
did not exist on the ground. Construction of SYL canal continued. Khalistanis
fired and killed workers involved in construction of SYL; since then work
on this project has remained at a stand-still.
In 1996, Haryana government approached the Supreme Court pleading
to order the Government to urgently complete SYL canal. Supreme Court
directed Punjab government to complete construction of SYL within one
year and also directed Union government that if Punjab government fails to
complete the work then Union government shall get it completed by its
own agency. This judgment was given on15th January 2002. But
construction of canal did not start despite this Supreme Court judgment.
Meanwhile Congress government led by Captain Amrinder Singh came to
power in Punjab. This government got an Act passed by Punjab assembly
terminating all the agreements signed by Punjab government on sharing of
river waters since 1981. When this Bill was sent to the Governor for his
assent, he sent it to the President of India. President approached the
Supreme Court for advice. He asked the Supreme Court's advice on the
following points: (1) Whether the Act passed by Punjab assembly is within
the purview of the constitution or not? (2) Is this Act violative of Water
Dispute Act 1986, Punjab Reorganization Act 1966 and notification of 1976?
(3) Does Punjab Government have legal right to terminate the agreements
of river water distribution? Has Punjab government become free from the
Supreme Court verdicts of 15 January 2002 and order of 4th June 2004?
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Rajasthan ignoring all the established principles of water sharing and without
any judicious basis is a clear case of vendetta and discrimination against
Punjab. On humanitarian ground drinking water can be given to these states
but giving water for agriculture or industrial purposes has no legal basis.
No law provides for the giving of water for irrigating the fields of non-riparian
states at the cost of parching and making barren the green fields of the
riparian state.
Other principle regarding water is the basin principle, which means that
all the rivers which have one basin are to be considered one water and if
any of the rivers of one basin passes through some states then that state
has the right on the water of all the rivers of that basin. Looking from this
angle also Haryana or Rajasthan have no right on the river water of Punjab
rivers. It is more than clear that Punjab is situated in the Indus river system
whereas Haryana is located in the Yamuna basin and Rajasthan is in no
basin. So according to basin principle too Haryana and Rajasthan have no
right on Satluj-Raavi and Beas waters.
As earlier said, when World Bank team came to settle the water
distribution between India and Pakistan, both sides tried to artificially inflate
their claims. N.D. Gulati, who represented the Indian side, in his effort to
inflate Indias claim tried to present Ghaggar as a river belonging to the
same delta i.e. Indus system rivers. He tried to argue that as Ghaggar
touches Rajasthan also so India needs water for Rajasthan. Haryana tries
to base itself on the argument of ND Gulati ignoring that this argument was
not accepted and India could get only 31 million acre feet water. Leaving
aside history, let us base on facts. The fact is that Ghaggar is not a river,
it is only a seasonal stream which passes through Punjab and Haryana
and withers away in Rajasthan.
Another argument put forward by Haryana is that at the time of carving
out Haryana from Punjab all the assets were divided in the ratio of 60:40,
60% for Punjab and 40% for Haryana, so water should also be shared in
the same proportion between two states. But this argument is basically
misplaced and untenable. Assets divided between two states are those
that are human creations and water is not an asset in that sense but is a
natural resource which cannot be shifted from one place to another. If
those are to be shared that can be on the basis of universally accepted
and implemented principle and that principle is the riparian right principle.
As discussed earlier Haryana has no right on river water of Punjab.
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CC Statement
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West Bengal
CPI(M) led Left Front has forged electoral understanding with Congress
in West Bengal. It is for the first time that these two parties are fighting an
election together in West Bengal. This electoral understanding between
the party which has been the pioneer of new economic policies and the
parties which pride themselves for being NEP's opponents shows that for
the parties of Left Front the only consideration is their lust for power within
this system. They are projecting this alliance with Congress as necessary
to save democracy in West Bengal which, they say, is being threatened by
Trinamool Congress rule
Though they are going the whole hog in West Bengal in their tie-up with
Congress, even promising a coalition govt. after the election, they are giving
many a spin to it elsewhere in the country particularly to befool the people
who are raising eye-brows at this alliance. For this they have two
considerations. Firstly in other states like Kerala and even Tripura they
face Congress as the main electoral adversary and some among them fear
that such an alliance may hit their prospects in these states particularly
Kerala. Second, the parties of Left Front including CPM and CPI do not
have a large base in other states and fear that such an alliance will
jeopardize their chances of gaining cadres and strength in these states.
While these considerations do weigh with them and are responsible in
downplaying their West Bengal alliance, the CPM leaders well understand
that their standing in the ruling class politics is critically dependent on their
parliamentary strength and they would go to any extent to retain their
relevance in the ruling class politics in the country. They have observed
their declining importance in this arena after 2009 elections and particularly
after losing power in West Bengal. After their disastrous electoral
performance in 2014, their importance in ruling class politics has declined
further and this has been the subject of many deliberations and treatises
by their leaders, sympathizers and apologists.
CPM led Left Front's electoral alliance/seat adjustment has been in the
making for a long time. Inner party contradiction in CPM on this issue has
been there for quite some time. In a way it was a continuation of the struggle
within CPM on how best to play their role in the ruling class politics in the
country. A section of the leadership was content to play their role by running
April, 2016
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the state govts. and playing a supportive role at the Centre by aligning with
other ruling class parties. Growing instability of the ruling class politics
after 1989 had given an opportunity in 1996 to Jyoti Basu of CPM to lead a
Govt. at the Centre but CPM then decided against it citing that they did not
have the strength to decisively influence the Govt. at the Centre. After that
CPM had conducted a Conference to review the Programme at
Thiruananthapuram. In that meeting CPM changed many provisions which
were mainly carry overs of the past including their stance on land reforms,
foreign trade and above all on Govt. formation. Though CPM had readied
itself to meet the situation like 1996 but the opportunity did not come again.
2004 parliamentary elections saw defeat of BJP led NDA while Congress
did not do any better. Elections gave a larger number of seats to regional
parties including parties of the Left Front. Left Front parties supported
Congress led UPA in the formation of Govt. Left Front parties did not take
up ministerial positions but they set up a coordination with Congress led
UPA to run the Govt. and their nominees adorned various state bodies. It
was then that CPM led Govt. in West Bengal took to giving land to corporate
forcibly displacing peasants. CPM leadership wanted to prove to the ruling
classes that they could deliver where other ruling class parties were fumbling
i.e. in handing over land to corporate. It was a deliberate step by the
'pragamtic' CPM leadership. Peasant resistance to the forcible displacement
in Nandigram and Singur are well known. They showed the revisionist
leaders in their true colours and brought down the emperor who was lording
over them for over three decades. With parliamentary elections less than a
year away, CPM led Left Front moved to occupy the opposition space and
withdrew support to UPA Govt.
This withdrawal of support which brought Congress and TMC together
in West Bengal was opposed by the West Bengal unit of CPM who had
sensed the declining position of the Left Front and feared that they could
not withstand the combined strength of TMC and Congress which they did
earlier. This has been a serious point of dispute within CPM i.e. between
two ruling class options of aligning with Congress or leading a third front of
regional ruling class parties. The situation became worse after 2014 elections
when CPM and the Left Front led by it was reduced to its lowest ever
strength in Lok Sabha. The dispute arose particularly sharply before the
last Congress in 2015 in Vishakhapatnam. Poltiburo draft which held the
line practised since 1978 as mainly responsible for the decline was rejected
by the CC as the rival section led by West Bengal leaders held the
April, 2016