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Devereux
by Alain Giami*
Biography
George Devereux was born in 1908 in Lugos in the Hungarian
Transylvania [1] . At the age of 18 he immigrated to Paris to study
physics with Marie Curie and Jean Perrin and to learn the Malesian
language. His studies led him to the works of Marcel Mauss and
Lucien Lvy-Bruhl. He was awarded a Rockfeller grant in 1932 to
carry out fieldwork among the Hopi in California and the Sedang Moi
in Vietnam. He obtained his PhD in anthropology at the University of
California (Berkeley) in 1935 and went on to train as a
psychoanalyst. He worked at the Meninger Clinic in Topeka (Kansas)
and in 1959 he established himself in New York as a psychoanalyst.
In 1962 he was invited by Roger Bastide and Claude Lvi-Strauss to
teach ethno-psychiatry at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences
Sociales in Paris. His work is still influential in France mostly in clinical
psychology and in the treatment of mental disorders among people
from non-western cultures. More recently, Devereuxs work has
received renewed attention in the US through Gilbert Herdt, an
anthropologist, and Robert Stoller, a psychoanalyst, who worked
together on the subjective dimensions of erotic culture in New
Guinea, Sambia.
Transference
countertransference
and
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framing within the social sciences and thus aim to work with a
subjects "appropriate" reactions, i.e. their compliance when
answering questions posed in questionnaires or interview schedules.
Within a positivist framing, non-responses and "don't know" response
in questionnaires are rarely considered worthy of interpretation.
However, as Giami (1996) has pointed out, "dont knows" and nonresponses should be considered as relevant research material since
they represent a statement of the subject in response to the
question of the researcher and have the potential to provide crucial
insights.
Transference affects both participants in the therapeutic setting.
This means that the analyst is not free from the unconscious and
inappropriate reactions that he/she observes in the patient. The
concept of counter-transference refers to the unconscious
processes specifically affecting the analyst. It is defined as "the
overall reactions of the analyst to the patient as a person and
towards his/her transference" (Laplanche & Pontalis, 1967).
According to this definition transference and counter-transference
refer to the reactions of the two people in the "here and now" of the
therapeutic setting as well as to the repetition of the past of both
participants actualised in the setting. Strictly speaking, countertransference refers specifically to the analysts reactions to the
patients transference. In the analytic setting, counter-transference
is thus considered a secondary process that derives both from the
analysts own neurotic conflicts and his/her reactions to the
analysand. The analysts counter-transference is normally viewed as
"inappropriate" because it may provoke negative reactions and
resistances in his/her emotional reactions to the patient. According
to Freud, the analyst should try to overcome his/her countertransference. However, since the patients and the analysts
reactions are of the same nature, there is a question about whether
or not we need to specific concepts to describe the analysts
reactions.
Some writers, such as Otto Kernberg, find it difficult to distinguish
the patients and the analysts unconscious reactions and suggest
therefore that the notion of transference should include the
reactions of both. "A totalistic concept of transference does justice
to the conception of the analytic situation as an interaction process
in which past and present of both participants, as well as their
mutual reactions to past and present, fuse into a unique emotional
position involving both of them." (Kernberg, 1965, p. 41).
This conception implies that transference also occurs in the analyst
towards his/her patient. However, if we follow this formulation, it
becomes difficult to distinguish reactions that arise from the analysts
biography from those that arise in reaction to the patient and
therefore to assess how each might be affecting the analyst's work.
Counter-transference can be differentiated from transference in so
far as it appears as a perturbation of the normal work of the analyst
involving his/her own neurotic dimensions. According to this definition
counter-transference is something "negative" that needs be
eliminated. But this raises the issue of the definition of the "normal"
work of the analyst excluding the neurotic reactions of the analyst
himself.
In a more positive vein, counter-transference can be seen to
represent the major source of information for the analyst. That is,
the way he/she reacts to the patients reactions is his/her primary
source of information. Thus, the analyst has to interpret his/her own
http://www.ethnopsychiatrie.net/giami.htm
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Counter-transference in
behavioural research
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The
analysis
transference
of
counter-
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The
components
transference
of
counter-
The researcher is, in one way or another, the subject and object of
the knowledge that he/she elaborates. The specific position he/she
occupies in the field allows at the same time for a specific kind of
focus and for specific blind spots. From any one position, there are
aspects of the world that one can perceive and aspects that one
cannot. Absolute objectivity is, by definition, impossible and one has
to find the appropriate focus, the "good distance", according to ones
research objectives. The position of the researcher in the field
defines (1) what he/she can know, (2) what he/she might be able to
know, (3) what he/she cannot know and last but not least (4) what
he/she actively refuses to know for some social or psychological
reason [2] . In some cases, researchers know what they do not
know and what they cannot know; in others they do not even take
account of what they cannot know.
In considering the researchers position the first component to take
into account is gender. Gender identity and sexual orientation allow
one to know some aspects of reality and prevents one from knowing
and understanding others.
The second component is the researchers age and position in the
cycle of generations.
The third component is the researchers position and social attitudes
towards the topic being researched.
The fourth component is the way the researchers is positioned and
understood within society as a whole.
In some instances the researcher is recognised as an individual but in
most cases he/she is referred to as a collective subject. The notion
of the researcher as a collective subject can be tracked according to
the way science has developed as technology, a processes
documented by historians of science such as Ludwig Fleck and
Thomas Kuhn. This kind of historical analysis has brought to light the
role of folk theories in the production of scientific theories on the one
hand and to the way scientific paradigms (or general conceptions)
are shared and assessed by communities on the other. What is
recognised as knowledgeable and true in one social-scientific
community, is not necessarily recognised as such in another.
These four components play different key-roles depending on the
topic that is being researched. The methodological intention that
underpins counter-transference theory is to go beyond the limitations
that the four components impose on the production of knowledge so
as to allow new ways of making sense to emerge. Thus it can be
seen that when researchers draw on research tools without this
awareness, unconscious fears surrounding the research topic and/or
ideological beliefs act to limit the production of knowledge and
methodology comes to act as a defence mechanism. Devereux refers
to this as the sublimatory use of methodology.
In research practice all or some of these components come to bear in
complex ways. Political and ideological constraints may reinforce and
justify unconscious, personal and counter-transferential attitudes of
the researcher.
I will illustrate these ideas with two examples. In the first one, I will
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interaction.
Aside from its psychoanalytical origin, counter-transference raises
the broader question about the nature and extent of human
involvement in scientific work. A serious consideration of this
question may encourage a little more modesty in the desire for
absolute objectivity in science and remind us of the limitations in our
quest for knowledge.
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Notes
[1]. I wish to thank Professor Tobie Nathan (Director of the Centre
George Devereux at the University of Paris 8 Saint Denis for
having directed me towards biographical data about Devereux. (cf.
"Sarava " pp. 229-237 in T. Nathan : Psychanalyse paenne. Essais
ethnopsychanalytiques. Editions Odile Jacob, Paris, 1988.
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Correspondance : giami@vjf.inserm.fr
re tour au site du C e ntre Ge orge s De ve re ux :
http://www.ethnopsychiatrie.net/giami.htm
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