Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Zack Eustis
Urban Anthropology
Professor James
Every Wednesday for a period of nine weeks, I walked out of the Bayswater Tube
Station and onto Queensway Blvd to begin my weekly bowling survey at First Bowl
Queensway. Upon exiting the tube station, bright lights accompany swarms of people,
even in the afternoon. The afternoon was when I conducted the majority of my
observations, with the exception of one weeknight visit. On the path from the
underground to the bowling alley there are several restaurants and stores. I also know
there is a movie theatre several blocks down in the opposite direction of the bowling
alley. The district seems largely based on entertainment, providing a nice location for the
bowling alley. The alley itself is just part of a larger entertainment complex. Along with
the bowling alley, there is an arcade, a rather large ice-skating rink and a small café that
specializes in fast food. My observations began each week with a trip to the front desk to
purchase my game and bowling shoes. I would start by going to my lane, taking an extra
long time putting on my shoes so as to gain extra seconds of un-noticed observation. One
of the difficult aspects of studying the bowling alley was finding a way to make subtle
observations; it’s not very common to see a person writing in a notebook at a bowling
alley. To combat this potential problem, I acted as though I was keeping track of my
score in the notebook, returning after every frame to, in actuality, write down my
observations.
I decided early on that I would not let on that I was conducting an anthropological
study. I did consider discussing my project with one of the workers, but decided against
accurate of a portrayal of how the workers went about their business and felt maintaining
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my image as a standard bowler the best way to accomplish this goal. I played on the
average one to two games per session, taking notes between most frames. These games
would usually last about thirty minutes total, though I would often stretch out my actual
time in the alley by talking with the desk workers or buying food at the café. While I did
not conduct any formal interviews, I did have extended talks with the desk workers which
usually retreat to nearby Hyde Park and try to draw some conclusions from the notes I
had gathered. I went alone on all of my bowling visits with the exception of one outing
with four of my colleagues from class. Unfortunately, that night the alley was completely
The workers themselves were a very diverse group. One of the desk workers
appeared to be Muslim, while two of the security guards and another desk worker were
black. A hierarchy seemed to exist within the workers in the bowling alley. This came
into focus in my first visit. On my very first day at the bowling alley, I walked down the
stairs and was overpowered with the stench of a stink bomb. Luckily this inauspicious
beginning did not hold true for the entirety of my study. I was fortunate to have
witnessed such an incident on my first day, as the way in which the bowling alley is run
became clear rather quickly, as I observed the employees reaction to the stench. A rather
large security man walked around the desk to discuss the stink bomb with one of the desk
workers. The desk worker appeared to have some authority over the man as she asked
him to bring in some air fresheners right away, a request that he responded to
immediately. When the security guard came back with the air fresheners, two men in
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suits accompanied him. Neither of them was at all happy and angrily stormed into an
office in the back of an alley. This day of the stink bomb was the only kind of near
catastrophe that took place during my visits. From what I witnessed that day and
throughout the ensuing weeks, I concluded that from top to bottom the hierarchy goes:
The two men in suits (owners?) > The desk-workers > the security guards > the man
dressed as the queen. This system was consistent throughout all of my visits.
Unfortunately, the two men in suits did not resurface during the duration of my study. I
found it interesting that when a crisis did arise, these two men were the ones who were in
I concluded that these men in suits are most likely the owners of the alley. They
were the only workers who seemed to have any kind of office and were far more
concerned with the stink bomb incident than the other workers. The standard workers
who appeared every day included one security guard, though at times there were two.
The security guards would deal with any overly rowdy customers or ask people who were
loitering in the alley and not actually bowling to leave. Additionally, the security guards
would assist the desk workers with any problems that were too overwhelming for them to
handle on their own. For example, during an especially busy day, one lane would not put
ten pins back down thus drawing a complaint from a customer. The desk worker, the
person usually in charge of going in the back to fix any lane problems, asked the security
guard to go back and fix the pins, and he did accordingly. These desk workers were the
people with whom I had the most interaction. The desk workers job is to greet the
customers when they first come into the alley, give them bowling shoes and a lane in
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exchange for their money, and assist them with any problems they may encounter while
they bowl. There would always be at least two desk workers at a time, though during a
busy stretch there could be as many as three to provide extra assistance. It would be
logical to have the rules for bowling at the alley displayed somewhere in the front of the
building. Interestingly, none of these rules are expressly stated anywhere in the alley, or
by the workers. However, the vast majority of the customers and all of the workers seem
to follow these rules, something that is crucial to maintaining the adequate function of the
alley. The customers earn some privileges only after they have actually paid for their
game. Once they are paying customers, they have the ability to go to their lane and bowl
however many frames they purchased. They are also free to use any bowling balls that
are not in use by any other customers. The customers are not, however, allowed to go
behind the desk or into the offices or back room even after they have paid for their game.
The purchase of the initial game is the first reason a customer will approach the
desk; another reason is when a problem such as the pin-problem arises. During one visit,
I was turning in my shoes when an American man (from a business group I discovered)
insisted that the woman who was helping me go fix their lane as soon as she could. His
demeanor was rather rude and she gave me a smirk and rolled her eyes in his direction.
This incident was a rarity as on the whole, the majority of these worker-customer
interactions were cordial and to the point, without much mention of anything except
bowling. The desk workers will also not strike up any conversations on subject matters
other than bowling and helping the customers. However, if asked a question about
something unrelated to bowling, the workers noticeably relaxed a bit and were generally
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happy to talk. This makes sense, for the desk-workers are acting out the role of being a
desk-worker and are rarely able to discuss anything aside from who wants what lane and
other bowling related subjects. Discussion on topics other than bowling seemed a
welcome relief, a chance perhaps to act more like ‘themselves,’ though they immediately
step back into their worker role when another customer approaches the desk. On the
whole, I would generalize the interactions between the bowlers and workers as polite,
rarely diverting from the subject of bowling. This being a bowling alley, bowling was
As for property barriers, few places in the alley have one place specifically
designated for one person. The workers at the front desk are the exception. They are the
only ones at the desk and even the security guards appear hesitant about entering the area
behind it. However the customers would often try to lay claim to at least their own lane
in an attempt to have some kind of space as their own. One bowling group I observed
immediately laid claim to their set of chairs by setting their coats and sneakers on as
many of the chairs as possible, even though there were only three people bowling.
However, while they claimed every chair in their half of the oval, they did not take any
space from the one man who was bowling next to them. This suggests to me a type of
undefined property line that is acknowledged by the bowlers at the alley. This type of
property barrier makes sense; in order to be sure that their own lane will not be interfered
with, it’s in the best interest of each bowler to stay confined to their own lane and set of
chairs. Often, if a group is to the lay their coats on their half of the oval arrangement of
chairs, the group bowling next to them will find some way of taking up their own
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available space up to this newly defined property line. This attempt at property
establishment is similar to From Garden Suburb to Olde City Ward, when in response to a
family’s construction of an addition on their own house, “(the) neighbor, in turn, built a
two-story apartment unit right onto the property-dividing wall” (Rosin, 181). The
response in Rosin’s article and the response of a bowling group, each when their space is
not taken over but rather a new boundary is established, re-defines their own property
line in response. With these ‘property lines,’ there is a different atmosphere at almost
every lane of the alley. One lane can be quite serious if there are four semi-pro bowlers
bowling in it, while next to them could be a group of college kids just out for a good
time, while next to that could be a family out with their children. I believe this boundary
establishment provides a feeling of safety and security amongst the bowler, thus allowing
This bowling alley is an extremely diverse place with people of all ages,
ethnicities and social classes inhabiting it. The atmosphere, is often a bit tense, especially
when two groups come into contact for the first time, thus necessitating the property
lines. The larger groups, who take up more than one lane, naturally dominate the tone of
the atmosphere. The atmosphere of the alley varied every day that I visited. Most days,
the percentage of youths in attendance was very high; thus the atmosphere was quite
jovial. At times I felt slightly intimidated by the surroundings, as I was certainly the only
person in the alley writing in a notebook between every frame. Whether the other
bowlers who were not in the majority group felt the same way as me is hard to say. By
their actions, I would say no, they did not alter their behavior, though I know I was
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considerably more self-conscious. I concluded that rather than feeling as if they didn’t
belong, these other non-youth bowlers had an increase in their desire to not cross these
property boundaries.
frustrating to me as an observer. The bowling alley was frequently noisy with chatter
from the various groups. The individual groups rarely interacted with each other, even
when placed in adjacent lanes. The only time any interaction occurred was when the
people either knew each other already, or one group needs to use something that the other
group has got (i.e. a bowling ball). The conversation within the groups tended to be very
relaxed and light-hearted, but rarely was bowling actually discussed. A typical
conversation discusses work, family or occasionally politics. One interesting group was
comprised entirely of business men. In America, and from what I understand the same is
true in England, often sporting events can be used as grounds to stage important
discussions in a more relaxed atmosphere. The bowling alley offers a cheaper alternative
to a football match while providing the same ample opportunity for discussion. If a
bowling alley may create a lighter mood for all involved, making negotiations easier to
work out.
The bowling alley also uniquely provides a very accessible after school program
facility for students. A program centered on the bowling alley provides kids with a place
to go after school to interact with other kids, take part in a fun and competitive activity,
and also serves as a way to keep kids from falling in with bad crowds. The bowling alley
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keeps the body active, keeps the mind engaged with the activity, all the while assisting
kids who are developing their social skills. Here lies the real intrigue of the bowling
alley. During my visits to the alley, I have seen people ranging from business men to
school groups to families all in the alley at the same time. Having this kind of place in
such a large and diverse city benefits the community, for it allows people who would not
otherwise congregate in the same place to do just that. While group to group interactions
are rare, I would argue that simply being around people unlike oneself is a very positive
experience that ideally would create more tolerance amongst these different groups
Few places like this exist in the city. One of the closest examples of a place that
draws such a wide variety of people is a shopping centre. A shopping centre is also
another area where people will go there by themselves or in a group, but will rarely
interact with other people who they don’t know, unless forced to out of necessity. In
Shopping, Place and Identity an interviewee when asked about community in the
shopping centre says, “Although (the shoppers) don’t identify as being in a community,
maybe they go there because they do want to be a part of it” (Miller et. al 144). One must
wonder, if this is the case for a shopping centre, those participating in a bowling activity
may unknowingly be going for the underlying sense of community. For example, take
the microcosm of the youth group. For the kids, the purpose of their trip to the alley is to
take part in their after school program and have fun bowling. While this may be the
purpose of the outing, the function is actually the strengthening of their social skills and
an increased sense of belonging within the community. By being around the diverse
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population of the bowling alley, the bowlers, through their common goal of bowling and
having a good time, may be creating a new diverse community of which they are
seemingly unaware.
While the bowling alley may function as a place of community building, its
purpose first and foremost is that it’s one of many entertainment facilities in the city.
different extent clubs. The clubs are an exception because they have much later hours
then the other places and tend to attract a more youthful crowd (i.e. 18-30) where as the
bowling alley etc. attracts crowds of all ages. Stadiums for sporting events such as
football and rugby provide the grounds for large gatherings for the purpose of
entertainment as well. The bowling alley is unique in that is a place where people of all
ages can go, virtually any time. A pub provides a similar atmosphere to a bowling alley
in that it is a place mainly used for socialization. However, the pub is not a place for
people under eighteen, thus excluding a significant portion of the population. The movie
theatre does not discriminate based on age, unless the only movies that are showing are
for people over the age of fifteen. While a movie theatre draws a similar eclectic crowd
as the bowling alley, it is not able to provide the same amount of socialization. The
purpose of going to a movie theatre (though there are exceptions) is to sit quietly and
watch a movie. Sitting silently is not really conducive to relaxed, friendly conversation.
The bowling alley’s fun, friendly and generally relaxed atmosphere makes it the ideal
If I could do it over again, I would have pushed harder from the beginning to
involve myself with other bowlers at the alley. I’ve stressed the extent to which the
individual groups did not interact with people outside of their own group. Aside from
myself, I rarely saw another person bowling alone. A single individual would be much
easier to approach. One thought I’ve had is if I had a working visa and the time to
conduct the study again, I would try to get a job as a desk worker to see the bowling alley
from the workers’ perspective. Using this method, I would be able to stay in the alley for
as long as possible; as a bowler, there was a certain limit to the amount of time that I
could spend at the alley in a given day. As an added benefit of conducting the study this
way, the financial burden of paying five pounds fifty per game would be avoided. The
next step for this study is to find more about the individual bowlers (i.e. their social class,
occupation, and especially their motivation for coming to the alley). Becoming a desk
worker would allow an ethnographer to interact with every customer who enters the
building. Engaging in constant conversation with the bowlers will provide the next step
in discovering more about kind of community is really being created in the alley.
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Works Cited
Miller, Daniel et. al Shopping, Place and Identity. Routledge, London, 1998.