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Early Muslim conquests

The early Muslim conquests (Arabic: ,


al-Futt al-Islmiyya) also referred to as the Arab
conquests[2] and early Islamic conquests[3] began with
the Islamic Prophet Muhammad in the 7th century. He
established a new unied polity in the Arabian Peninsula which under the subsequent Rashidun and Umayyad
Caliphates saw a century of rapid expansion.

religious) coherence and mobilization was a primary reason why the Muslim armies in the space of a hundred
years were able to establish the largest pre-modern empire until that time. The estimates for the size of the Islamic Caliphate suggest it was more than thirteen million
square kilometers (ve million square miles), making it
larger than all current states except the Russian Federa[7]
The resulting empire stretched from the borders of China tion.
and India, across Central Asia, the Middle East, North
Africa, Sicily, and the Iberian Peninsula, to the Pyrenees.
Edward Gibbon writes in The History of the Decline and 1 Background
Fall of the Roman Empire:
See also: RomanPersian Wars, ByzantineSassanid
Wars, ByzantineSassanid War of 602628, and Siege
of Constantinople (626)

Under the last of the Umayyads, the Arabian empire extended two hundred days journey from east to west, from the connes of
Tartary and India to the shores of the Atlantic
Ocean. [...] We should vainly seek the indissoluble union and easy obedience that pervaded the government of Augustus and the
Antonines; but the progress of Islam diused
over this ample space a general resemblance of
manners and opinions. The language and laws
of the Quran were studied with equal devotion
at Samarcand and Seville: the Moor and the Indian embraced as countrymen and brothers in
the pilgrimage of Mecca; and the Arabian language was adopted as the popular idiom in all
the provinces to the westward of the Tigris.

The prolonged and escalating ByzantineSassanid wars


of the 6th and 7th centuries and the recurring outbreaks
of bubonic plague (Plague of Justinian) left both empires exhausted and vulnerable in the face of the sudden emergence and expansion of the Arabs. The last of
these wars ended with victory for the Byzantines: Emperor Heraclius regained all lost territories, and restored
the True Cross to Jerusalem in 629.[8]

Nevertheless, neither empire was given any chance to


recover, as within a few years they were struck by the
onslaught of the Arabs (newly united by Islam), which,
according to Howard-Johnston, can only be likened to
a human tsunami.[9][10] According to George Liska,
The Muslim conquests brought about the collapse of the unnecessarily prolonged ByzantinePersian conict
[11]
the Sassanid Empire and a great territorial loss for the opened the way for Islam.
Byzantine Empire. The reasons for the Muslim suc- In late 620s Muhammad had already managed to concess are hard to reconstruct in hindsight, primarily be- quer and unify much of Arabia under Muslim rule, and it
cause only fragmentary sources from the period have sur- was under his leadership that the rst Muslim-Byzantine
vived. Most historians agree that the Sassanid Persian and skirmishes took place. Just a few months after Heraclius
Byzantine Roman empires were militarily and economi- and the Persian general Shahrbaraz agreed on terms for
cally exhausted from decades of ghting one another.
the withdrawal of Persian troops from occupied Byzantine eastern provinces in 629, Arab and Byzantine troops
confronted each other at the Mu'tah.[12] Muhammad died
in 632 and was succeeded by Abu Bakr, the rst Caliph
with undisputed control of the entire Arab peninsula after the successful Ridda Wars, which resulted in the consolidation of a powerful Muslim state throughout the
peninsula.[13]

Some Jews and Christians in the Sassanid Empire and


Jews and Monophysites in Syria were dissatised and welcomed the Muslim forces, largely because of religious
conict in both empires,[4] while at other times, such as in
the Battle of Firaz, Arab Christians allied themselves with
the Persians and Byzantines against the invaders.[5][6] In
the case of Byzantine Egypt, Palestine and Syria, these
lands had only a few years before being reclaimed from
the Persians.

2 Military campaigns

Fred McGraw Donner, however, suggests that formation


of a state in the Arabian peninsula and ideological (i.e.
1

2.1

MILITARY CAMPAIGNS

Conquest of Syria: 634641

Main article: Muslim conquest of the Levant


The province of Syria was the rst to be wrested from
Byzantine control. Arab-Muslim raids that followed the
Ridda wars prompted the Byzantines to send a major expedition into southern Palestine, which was defeated by
the Arab forces under command of Khalid ibn al-Walid
at the Battle of Ajnadayn (634).[14] On the heels of their
victory, the Arab armies took Damascus in 636, with
Baalbek, Homs, and Hama to follow soon afterwards.[14]
However, other fortied towns continued to resist despite
the rout of the imperial army and had to be conquered
individually.[14] Jerusalem fell in 638, Caesarea in 640,
while others held out until 641.[14]

2.2

Conquest of Egypt: 639642

Main article: Muslim conquest of Egypt


The Byzantine province of Egypt held strategic importance for its grain production, naval yards, and as a
base for further conquests in Africa.[14] The Muslim general 'Amr ibn al-'As began the conquest of the province
on his own initiative in 639.[15] The Arab forces won
a major victory at the Battle of Heliopolis (640), but
they found it dicult to advance further because major cities in the Nile Delta were protected by water and
because they lacked the machinery to break down city
fortications.[16] Nevertheless, the province was scarcely
urbanized and the defenders lost hope of receiving reinforcements from Constantinople when the emperor
Heraclius died in 641.[17] The last major center to fall into
Arab hands was Alexandria, which capitulated in 642.[18]
According to Hugh Kennedy, Of all the early Muslim
conquests, that of Egypt was the swiftest and most complete. [...] Seldom in history can so massive a political change have happened so swiftly and been so long
lasting.[19]

2.3

Sasanian weaponry, 7th century

covered the vast distances of Iran punctuated by hostile


towns and fortresses, Yazdgerd III retreated, nally taking refuge in Khorasan, where he was assassinated by a
local satrap in 651.[20] In the aftermath of their victory
over the imperial army, the invaders still had to contend
with a collection of militarily weak but geographically inaccessible principalities of Persia.[14] It took decades to
bring them all under control of the caliphate.[14]

2.4 Explanations of success of the early


conquests

the early conquests has received various


Conquest of Mesopotamia and Persia: The rapidity of[21]
interpretations.
Contemporary Christian writers con633651

Main article: Muslim conquest of Persia


After an Arab incursion into Sasanian territories, the
energetic king Yazdgerd III, who had just ascended the
Persian throne, raised an army to resist the invasion.[20]
However, the Persians suered a devastating defeat at the
Battle of al-Qadisiyyah in 636.[20] As a result, the ArabMuslims gained control over the whole of Iraq, including Ctesiphon, the capital city of the Sassanids.[20] The
Persian forces withdrew over the Zagros mountains and
the Arab army pursued them across the Iranian plateau,
where the fate of the Sasanian empire was sealed at the
Battle of Nahavand (642).[20] As the conquerors slowly

ceived them as Gods punishment visited on their fellow Christians for their sins.[22] Early Muslim historians
viewed them as a reection of religious zeal of the conquerors and evidence of divine favor.[23] The theory that
the conquests are explainable as an Arab migration triggered by economic pressures enjoyed popularity early in
the 20th century, but has largely fallen out of favor among
historians, especially those who distinguish the migration
from the conquests that preceded and enabled it.[24]
There are indications that the conquests started as initially disorganized pillaging raids launched partly by nonMuslim Arab tribes in the aftermath of the Ridda wars,
and were soon extended into a war of conquest by the

2.6

Conquest of the Maghreb: 670742

Rashidun caliphs,[25] although other scholars argue that


the conquests were a planned military venture already
underway during Muhammads lifetime.[26] Fred Donner
writes that the advent of Islam revolutionized both the
ideological bases and the political structures of the Arabian society, giving rise for the rst time to a state capable
of an expansionist movement.[27] According to Chase
F. Robinson, it is likely that Muslim forces were often
outnumbered, but, unlike their opponents, they were fast,
well coordinated and highly motivated.[28]
Another key reason was the weakness of the Byzantine
and Sasanian empires, caused by the wars they had waged
against each other in the preceding decades with alternating success.[29] It was aggravated by a plague that
had struck densely populated areas and impeded conscription of new imperial troops, while the Arab armies
could draw recruits from nomadic populations.[22] The
Sasanian empire, which had lost the latest round of hostilites with the Byzantines was also aected by a crisis
of condence, and its elites suspected that the ruling dynasty had forfeited favor of the gods.[22] The Arab military advantage was increased when Christianized Arab
tribes who had served imperial armies as regular or auxiliary troops switched sides and joined the west-Arabian
coalition.[22] Arab commanders also made liberal use of
agreements to spare lives and property of inhabitants in
case of surrender and extended exemptions from paying
tribute to groups who provided military services to the
conquerors.[30] Additionally, the Byzantine persecution
of Christians opposed to the Chalcedonian creed in Syria
and Egypt alienated elements of those communities and
made them more open to accommodation with the Arabs
once it became clear that the latter would let them practice their faith undisturbed as long as they paid tribute.[31]

3
Indus valley occurred when the general Muhammad bin
Qasim invaded Sindh in 711 after a coastal march through
Makran.[35] Three years later the Arabs controlled all of
the lower Indus valley.[35] Most of the towns seem to have
submitted to Arab rule under peace treaties, although
there was erce resistance in other areas, including by the
forces of Raja Dahir at the capital city Debal.[35][36] Arab
incursions southward from Sindh were repulsed by armies
of Gurjara and Chalukya kingdoms, and further Islamic
expansion was checked by the Rashtrakuta empire, which
gained control of the region shortly after.[36]

2.6 Conquest of the Maghreb: 670742


Main article: Muslim conquest of the Maghreb
Arab forces began launching sporadic raiding expeditions into Cyrenaica (modern northeast Libya) and beyond soon after their conquest of Egypt.[37] Byzantine
rule in northwest Africa at the time was largely conned
to the coastal plains, while autonomous Berber polities
controlled the rest.[38] In 670 Arabs founded the settlement of Qayrawan, which gave them a forward base for
further expansion.[38] Muslim historians credit the general Uqba ibn Na with subsequent conquest of lands
extending to the Atlantic coast, although it appears to
have been a temporary incursion.[38][39] The Berber chief
Kusayla and an enigmatic leader referred to as Kahina
(prophetess or priestess) seem to have mounted eective, if short-lived resistance to Muslim rule at the end
of the 7th century, but the sources do not give a clear picture of these events.[40] Arab forces were able to capture
Carthage in 698 and Tangiers by 708.[40] After the fall
of Tangiers, many Berbers joined the Muslim army.[39]
In 740 Umayyad rule in the region was shaken by a major Berber revolt, which also involved Berber Kharijite
Muslims.[41] After a series of defeats, the caliphate was
nally able to crush the rebellion in 742, although local
Berber dynasties continued to drift away from imperial
control from that time on.[41]

The conquests were further secured by the large-scale


migration of Arabian peoples into the conquered lands
which followed the conquests.[32] Robert Hoyland argues
that the failure of the Sasanian empire to recover was due
in large part to the geographically and politically disconnected nature of Persia, which made coordinated action
dicult once the established Sasanian rule collapsed.[33]
Similarly, the dicult terrain of Anatolia made it dicult
for the Byzantines to mount a large-scale attack to recover
2.7 Conquest of Hispania and Septimania:
the lost lands, and their oensive action was largely lim711721
ited to organizing guerrilla operations against the Arabs
[33]
in the Levant.
Main articles: Umayyad conquest of Hispania and
Islamic invasion of Gaul
The Muslim conquest of Iberia is notable for the brevity
2.5 Conquest of Sindh: 711714
and unreliability of the available sources.[42][43] After the
Visigothic king of Spain Wittiza died in 710, the kingMain articles: Muslim conquest in the Indian subconti- dom experienced a period of political division.[43] Taknent and Battle of Rajasthan
ing advantage of the situation, the Muslim Berber commander Tariq ibn Ziyad, who was stationed in Tangiers
Although there were sporadic incursions by Arab gener- at the time, crossed the straits with an army of Arabs and
als in the direction of India in the 660s and a small Arab Berbers.[43] After defeating the forces of king Roderic,
garrison was established in the arid region of Makran in Muslim forces advanced capturing cities of the Gothic
the 670s,[34] the rst large-scale Arab campaign in the kingdom one after another.[42] Some of them surren-

MILITARY CAMPAIGNS

it was put to use in a pillaging raid of Cyprus, soon followed by a second raid in 650 that concluded with a treaty
under which Cypriots surrendered many of their riches
and slaves.[47] In 688 the island was made into a joint dominion of the caliphate and the Byzantine empire under
a pact which was to last for almost 300 years.[48]

Bilingual Latin-Arabic dinar minted in Iberia AH 98 (716/7


AD).

dered with agreements to pay tribute and local aristocracy retained a measure of former inuence.[43] By 713
Iberia was almost entirely under Muslim control.[42] The
events of the subsequent ten years, whose details are obscure, included capture of Barcelona and Narbonne, and
a raid against Toulouse, followed by an expedition into
Burgundy in 725.[42] The last large-scale raid to the north
ended with a Muslim defeat at the Battle of Tours at the
hands of the Franks in 732.[42]

2.8

Conquest of Transoxiana: 673751

In 639-640 Arab forces began to make incursions into


Armenia, which had been partitioned into a Byzantine
province and a Sasanian province.[49] There is considerable disagreement among ancient and modern historians
about events of the following years, and nominal control of the region may have passed several times between
Arabs and Byzantines.[49] Although Muslim dominion
was nally established by the time the Umayyads acceded
to power in 661, it was not able to implant itself solidly
in the country, and Armenia experienced a national and
literary eorescence over the next century.[49] As with
Armenia, Arab advances into other lands of the Caucasus
region, including Georgia, had as their end assurances of
tribute payment and these principalities retained a large
degree of autonomy.[50] This period also saw a series of
clashes with the Khazar kingdom whose center of power
was in the lower Volga steppes, and which vied with the
caliphate over control of the Caucasus.[50]

Main article: Muslim conquest of Transoxiana


Initial incursions across the Oxus river were aimed at
Bukhara (673) and Samarqand (675) and their results
were limited to promises of tribute payments.[44] Further
advances were hindered for a quarter century by political upheavals of the Umayyad caliphate.[44] This was followed by a decade of rapid military progress under the
leadership of the new governor of Khurasan, Qutayba
ibn Muslim, which included conquest of Bukhara and
Samarqand in 706-712.[45] The expansion lost its momentum when Qutayba was killed during an army mutiny
and the Arabs were placed on the defensive by an alliance
of Sogdian and Trgesh forces with support from Tang
China.[45] However, reinforcements from Syria helped
turn the tide and most of the lost lands were reconquered
by 741.[45] Muslim rule over Transoxania was consolidated a decade later when a Chinese-led army was defeated at the Battle of Talas (751).[46]

Byzantine manuscript illustration showing Greek re in action.

Other Muslim military ventures met with outright failure.


Despite a naval victory over the Byzantines in 654 at the
Battle of the Masts, the subsequent attempt to besiege
Constantinople was frustrated by a storm which damaged the Arab eet.[51] Later sieges of Constantinople in
668-669 (67478 according to other estimates) and 717718 were thwarted with the help of the recently invented
Greek re.[52] In the east, although Arabs were able to
establish control over most Sasanian-controlled areas of
modern Afghanistan after the fall of Persia, the Kabul
2.9 Other campaigns and end of early con- region resisted repeated attempts of invasion and would
quests
continue to do so until it was conquered by the Saarids
three centuries later.[53]
Main articles: ArabByzantine wars, ArabKhazar By the time of the Abbasid revolution in the middle of the
Wars, Arab conquest of Armenia and Arab rule in 8th century, Muslim armies had come against a combinaGeorgia
tion of natural barriers and powerful states that impeded
In 646 a Byzantine naval expedition was able to briey
recapture Alexandria.[47] The same year Muawiya, the
governor of Syria and future founder of the Umayyad dynasty, ordered construction of a eet.[47] Three years later

further military progress.[54] The wars produced diminishing returns in personal gains and ghters increasingly
left the army for civilian occupations.[54] The priorities of
the rulers have also shifted from conquest of new lands to
administration of the acquired empire.[54] Although the

3.1

Socio-political developments

Abbasid era witnessed some new territorial gains, such as


the conquest of Sicily and the conquest of Crete, the period of rapid centralized expansion would now give way
to an era when further spread of Islam would be slow and
accomplished through the eorts of local dynasties, missionaries, and traders.[54]

notables of Iran, who at rst had almost complete autonomy, were incorporated into the central bureaucracy by
the Abbasid period.[61] The similarity of Egyptian and
Khurasanian ocial paperwork at the time of the caliph
al-Mansur (75475) suggests a highly centralized empirewide administration.[61]

Aftermath

Main articles:
Caliphate

3.1

Rashidun Caliphate and Umayyad

Socio-political developments

The conquests were followed by a large-scale migration


of families and whole tribes from Arabia into the lands
of the Middle East.[55] The conquering Arabs had already possessed a complex and sophisticated society.[55]
Emigrants from Yemen brought with them agricultural,
urban, and monarchical traditions; members of the
Ghassanid and Lakhmid tribal confederations had experience of collaboration with the empires.[55] The rank
and le of the armies was drawn from both nomadic and
sedentary tribes, while the leadership came mainly from
the merchant class of the Hejaz.[55]
Two fundamental policies were implemented during the
reign of the second caliph Umar (63444): the bedouins
would not be allowed to damage agricultural production
of the conquered lands and the leadership would cooperate with the local elites.[56] To that end, the Arab-Muslim
armies were settled in segregated quarters or new garrison
towns such as Basra, Kufa and Fustat.[56] The latter two
became the new administrative centers of Iraq and Egypt,
respectively.[56] Soldiers were paid a stipend and prohibited from seizing lands.[56] Arab governors supervised
collection and distribution of taxes, but otherwise left
the old religious and social order intact.[56] At rst, many
provinces retained a large degree of autonomy under the
terms of agreements made with Arab commanders.[56] As
the time passed, the conquerors sought to increase their
control over local aairs and make existing administrative machinery work for the new regime.[57] This involved
several types of reorganization. In the Mediterranean region, city-states which traditionally governed themselves
and their surrounding areas were replaced by a territorial
bureaucracy separating town and rural administration.[58]
In Egypt, scally independent estates and municipalities
were abolished in favor of a simplied administrative
system.[59] In the early eighth century, Syrian Arabs began to replace Coptic functionaries and communal levies
gave way to individual taxation.[60] In Iran, the administrative reorganization and construction of protective walls
prompted agglomeration of quarters and villages into
large cities such as Isfahan, Qazvin, and Qum.[61] Local

Mosaic from Hishams Palace, an Umayyad residence near


Jericho (c. 724-743).

The society of new Arab settlements gradually became


stratied into classes based on wealth and power.[62] It
was also reorganized into new communal units that preserved clan and tribal names but were in fact only loosely
based around old kinship bonds.[62] Arab settlers turned
to civilian occupations and in eastern regions established
themselves as a landed aristocracy.[62] At the same time,
distinctions between the conquerors and local populations
began to blur.[62] In Iran, the Arabs largely assimilated
into local culture, adopting the Persian language, customs
and marrying Persian women.[62] In Iraq, non-Arab settlers ocked to garrison towns.[62] Soldiers and administrators of the old regime came to seek their fortunes
with the new masters, while slaves, laborers and peasants ed there seeking to escape the harsh conditions
of life in the countryside.[62] Non-Arab converts to Islam were absorbed into the Arab-Muslim society through
an adaptation of the tribal Arabian institution of clientage, in which protection of the powerful was exchanged
for loyalty of the subordinates.[62] The clients (mawali)
and their heirs were regarded as virtual members of the
clan.[62] The clans became increasingly economically and
socially stratied.[62] For example, while the noble clans
of the Tamim tribe acquired Persian cavalry units as their
mawali, other clans of the same tribe had slave laborers
as theirs.[62] Slaves often became mawali of their former
masters when they were freed.[62]
Contrary to belief of earlier historians, there is no evidence of mass conversions to Islam in the immediate
aftermath of the conquests.[63] The rst groups to convert were Christian Arab tribes, although some of them
retained their religion into the Abbasid era even while
serving as troops of the caliphate.[63] They were followed by former elites of the Sasanian empire, whose

3 AFTERMATH

conversion ratied their old privileges.[63] With time, the


weakening of non-Muslim elites facilitated the breakdown of old communal ties and reinforced the incentives of conversion which promised economic advantages and social mobility.[63] By the beginning of the
eighth century, conversions became a policy issue for
the caliphate.[64] They were favored by religious activists,
and many Arabs accepted equality of Arabs and nonArabs.[64] However, Islam was initially associated with
high social status and Arab elites were resistant to conversion of the masses.[64] Public policy towards converts
varied depending on the region and was changed by successive Umayyad caliphs.[64] These circumstances provoked opposition from non-Arab converts, whose ranks Egyptian papyrus PERF 558 containing a bilingual Greek-Arabic
included many active soldiers, and helped set the stage for tax receipt dated from 643 A.D.
the civil war which ended with the fall of the Umayyad
dynasty.[65]
elite and shared by local aristocracy who converted to
Islam.[72] The nature of Byzantine taxation remains partly
unclear, but it appears to have been levied as a collec3.2 Conversions and tax reform
tive tribute on population centers and this practice was
Main article: Jizya
generally followed under the Arab rule in former Byzantine provinces.[71] Collection of taxes was delegated to
The Arab-Muslim conquests followed a general pattern of autonomous local communities on the condition that the
among its members in the most equinomadic conquests of settled regions, whereby conquer- burden be divided
[71]
table
manner.
In
most of Iran and Central Asia local
ing peoples became the new military elite and reached a
rulers
paid
a
xed
tribute
and maintained their autonomy
compromise with the old elites by allowing them to re[71]
in
tax
collection.
[57]
tain local political, religious, and nancial authority.
Peasants, workers, and merchants paid taxes, while members of the old and new elites collected them.[57] Payment
of taxes, which for peasants often reached half of the
value of their produce, was not only an economic burden, but also a mark of social inferiority.[57] Scholars differ in their assessment of relative tax burdens before and
after the conquests. John Esposito states that in eect
this meant lower taxes.[66] According to Bernard Lewis,
available evidence suggests that the change from Byzantine to Arab rule was welcomed by many among the subject peoples, who found the new yoke far lighter than the
old, both in taxation and in other matters.[67] In contrast,
Norman Stillman writes that although the tax burden of
the Jews under early Islamic rule was comparable to that
under previous rulers, Christians of the Byzantine Empire (though not Christians of the Persian empire, whose
status was similar to that of the Jews) and Zoroastrians
of Iran shouldered a considerably heavier burden in the
immediate aftermath of the conquests.[68]

Diculties in tax collection soon appeared.[71] Egyptian


Copts, who had been skilled in tax evasion since Roman times, were able to avoid paying the taxes by entering monasteries, which were initially exempt from
taxation, or simply by leaving the district where they
were registered.[71] This prompted imposition of taxes
on monks and introduction of movement controls.[71] In
Iraq, many peasants who had fallen behind with their tax
payments, converted to Islam and abandoned their land
for Arab garrison towns in hope of escaping taxation.[73]
Faced with a decline in agriculture and a treasury shortfall, the governor of Iraq al-Hajjaj forced peasant converts
to return to their lands and subjected them to the taxes
again, eectively forbidding them to convert to Islam.[74]
In Khorasan, a similar phenomenon forced the native
aristocracy to compensate for the shortfall in tax collection out of their own pockets, and they responded by persecuting peasant converts and imposing heavier taxes on
poor Muslims.[74]

In the wake of the early conquests taxes could be levied


on individuals, on the land, or as collective tribute.[69]
During the rst century of Islamic expansion, the words
jizya and kharaj were used in all three senses, with context distinguishing between individual and land taxes.[70]
Regional variations in taxation at rst reected the diversity of previous systems.[71] The Sasanian Empire had a
general tax on land and a poll tax having several rates
based on wealth, with an exemption for aristocracy.[71]
This poll tax was adapted by Arab rulers, so that the aristocracy exemption was assumed by the new Arab-Muslim

The situation where conversion to Islam was penalized in


an Islamic state could not last, and the devout Umayyad
caliph Umar II (717720) has been credited with changing the taxation system.[74] Modern historians doubt this
account, although details of the transition to the system of taxation elaborated by Abbasid-era jurists are still
unclear.[74] Umar II ordered governors to cease collection of taxes from Muslim converts, but his successors
obstructed this policy and some governors sought to stem
the tide of conversions by introducing additional requirements such as circumcision and the ability to recite pas-

7
sages from the Quran.[75] Taxation-related grievances of
non-Arab Muslims contributed to the opposition movements which resulted in the Abbasid revolution.[76] Under the new system that was eventually established, kharaj
came to be regarded as a tax levied on the land, regardless
of the taxpayers religion.[74] The poll-tax was no longer
levied on Muslims, but the treasury did not necessarily
suer and converts did not gain as a result, since they had
to pay zakat, which was probably instituted as a compulsory tax on Muslims around 730.[77] The terminology became specialized during the Abbasid era, so that kharaj
no longer meant anything more than land tax, while the
term jizya was restricted to the poll-tax on dhimmis.[74]
The inuence of jizya on conversion has been a subject of
scholarly debate.[78] Julius Wellhausen held that the poll
tax amounted to so little that exemption from it did not
constitute sucient economic motive for conversion.[79]
Similarly, Thomas Arnold states that jizya was too moderate to constitute a burden, seeing that it released them
from the compulsory military service that was incumbent
on their Muslim fellow subjects. He further adds that
converts escaping taxation would have to pay the legal
alms, zakat, that is annually levied on most kinds of movable and immovable property.[80] Other early 20th century scholars suggested that non-Muslims converted to
Islam en masse in order to escape the poll tax, but this
theory has been challenged by more recent research.[78]
Daniel Dennett has shown that other factors, such as desire to retain social status, had greater inuence on this
choice in the early Islamic period.[78]

3.3

Policy toward non-Muslims

Main article: Dhimmi


The Arab conquerors did not repeat the mistake made
by the Byzantine and Sasanian empires, who had tried
and failed to impose an ocial religion on subject populations, which had caused resentments that made the
Muslim conquests more acceptable to them.[81] Instead,
the rulers of the new empire generally respected the traditional middle-Eastern pattern of religious pluralism,
which was not one of equality but rather of dominance
by one group over the others.[81] After the end of military operations, which involved sacking of some monasteries and conscation of Zoroastrian re temples in Syria
and Iraq, the early caliphate was characterized by religious tolerance and peoples of all ethnicities and religions
blended in public life.[82] Before Muslims were ready to
build mosques in Syria, they accepted Christian churches
as holy places and shared them with local Christians.[63]
In Iraq and Egypt, Muslim authorities cooperated with
Christian religious leaders.[63] Numerous churches were
repaired and new ones built during the Umayyad era.[83]
The rst Umayyad caliph Muawiyah sought to reassure
the conquered peoples that he was not hostile to their re-

ligions and made an eort to enlist support from Christian Arab elites.[84] There is no evidence for public display of Islam by the state before the reign of Abd alMalik (685705), when Quranic verses and references
to Muhammad suddenly became prominent on coins and
ocial documents.[85] This change was motivated by a
desire to unify the Muslim community after the second
civil war and rally them against their chief common enemy, the Byzantine empire.[85]
A further change of policy occurred during the reign
of Umar II (717720).[86] The disastrous failure of the
siege of Constantinople in 718 which was accompanied
by massive Arab casualties led to a spike of popular animosity among Muslims toward Byzantium and Christians in general.[86] At the same time, many Arab soldiers
left the army for civilian occupations and they wished to
emphasize their high social status among the conquered
peoples.[86] These events prompted introduction of restrictions on non-Muslims, which were modeled both on
Byzantine curbs on Jews, such as prohibitions against
building new synagogues and giving testimony against
Christians, and on Sasanian regulations that prescribed
distinctive attire for dierent social classes.[86]
In the following decades Islamic jurists elaborated a legal framework in which other religions would have a protected but subordinate status.[85] Islamic law followed the
Byzantine precedent of classifying subjects of the state
according to their religion, in contrast to the Sasanian
model which put more weight on social than on religious
distinctions.[86] In theory, like the Byzantine empire, the
caliphate placed severe restrictions on paganism, but in
practice most non-Abrahamic communities of the former Sasanian territories were classied as possessors of
a scripture (ahl al-kitab) and granted protected (dhimmi)
status.[86]
Mark R. Cohen writes that the jizya paid by Jews under Islamic rule provided a surer guarantee of protection
from non-Jewish hostility than that possessed by Jews in
the Latin West, where Jews paid numerous and often unreasonably high and arbitrary taxes in return for ocial
protection, and where treatment of Jews was governed by
charters which new rulers could alter at will upon accession or refuse to renew altogether.[87] The Pact of Umar,
which stipulated that Muslims must do battle to guard
the dhimmis and put no burden on them greater than
they can bear, was not always upheld, but it remained a
steadfast cornerstone of Islamic policy into early modern
times.[87]

4 See also
Ghazw
History of Islam
Spread of Islam

5
5.1

References
Citations

[1] Gktrk Empire


[2] Hoyland (2014), Kennedy (2007)
[3] Kaegi (1995), Donner (2014)
[4] Rosenwein, Barbara H. (2004). A Short History of the
Middle Ages. Ontario. pp. 7172. ISBN 1-55111-290-6.
[5] Jandora, John W. (1985). The battle of the Yarmk: A
reconstruction. Journal of Asian History 19 (1): 821.
JSTOR 41930557.
[6] Yarmuk. 1001 Battles That Changed the Course of
World History. p. 108. ISBN 978-0-7893-2233-3.
[7] Blankinship, Khalid Yahya (1994). The End of the Jihad State, the Reign of Hisham Ibn 'Abd-al Malik and the
collapse of the Umayyads. State University of New York
Press. p. 37. ISBN 0-7914-1827-8.
[8] Theophanes, Chronicle, 317327
* GreatrexLieu (2002), II, 217227; Haldon (1997), 46;
Baynes (1912), passim; Speck (1984), 178
[9] Foss, Clive (1975). The Persians in Asia Minor and the
end of antiquity. The English Historical Review 90 (357):
721747. doi:10.1093/ehr/XC.CCCLVII.721. JSTOR
567292.
[10] Howard-Johnston, James (2006). East Rome, Sasanian
Persia And the End of Antiquity: Historiographical And
Historical Studies. Ashgate Publishing. p. xv. ISBN 086078-992-6.

REFERENCES

[24] Donner (2014, p. 5), Hoyland (2014, p. 62)


[25] The immediate outcome of the Muslim victories [in the
Ridda wars] was turmoil. Medinas victories led allied
tribes to attack the non-aligned to compensate for their
own losses. The pressure drove tribes [...] across the imperial frontiers. The Bakr tribe, which had defeated a Persian detachment in 606, joined forces with the Muslims
and led them on a raid in southern Iraq [...] A similar
spilling over of tribal raiding occurred on the Syrian frontiers. Abu Bakr encouraged these movements [...] What
began as inter-tribal skirmishing to consolidate a political
confederation in Arabia ended as a full-scale war against
the two empires.Lapidus (2014, p. 48) See also Donner
(2014, pp. 57)
[26] Lapidus (2014, p. 48), Hoyland (2014, p. 38)
[27] Donner (2014, p. 8)
[28] Robinson, Chase F. (2010). The rise of Islam, 600 705.
In Robinson, Chase F. The New Cambridge History of Islam, Volume 1: The Formation of the Islamic World, Sixth
to Eleventh Centuries. Cambridge University Press. p.
197. ISBN 9780521838238. it is probably safe to assume that Muslims were often outnumbered. Unlike their
adversaries, however, Muslim armies were fast, agile, well
coordinated and highly motivated.
[29] Lapidus (2014, p. 50), Hoyland (2014, p. 93)
[30] Hoyland (2014, p. 97)
[31] Lapidus (2014, p. 50), Hoyland (2014, p. 97)
[32] Lapidus (2014, p. 50)
[33] Hoyland (2014, p. 127)
[34] Hoyland (2014, p. 190)

[11] Liska, George (1998). Projection contra prediction: Alternative futures and options. Expanding Realism: The
Historical Dimension of World Politics. Rowman & Littleeld. p. 170. ISBN 0-8476-8680-9.

[35] T.W. Haig, C.E. Bosworth. Encyclopedia of Islam 2nd


ed, Brill. Sind, Vol. 9, p. 632

[12] Kaegi (1995, p. 66)

[37] Hoyland (2014, p. 78)

[13] Nicolle (1994, p. 14)

[38] Hoyland (2014, pp. 124126)

[14] Lapidus (2014, p. 49)

[39] G. Yver. Encyclopedia of Islam 2nd ed, Brill. Maghreb,


Vol. 5. p. 1189.

[15] Hoyland (2014, p. 70); in 641 according to Lapidus


(2014, p. 49)

[36] Hoyland (2014, pp. 192194)

[40] Hoyland (2014, pp. 142145)

[16] Hoyland (2014, pp. 7072)

[41] Hoyland (2014, p. 180)

[17] Hoyland (2014, pp. 7375), Lapidus (2014, p. 49)

[42] variste Lvi-Provenal. Encyclopedia of Islam 2nd ed,


Brill. Al-Andalus, vol. 1. p. 492

[18] Hoyland (2014, pp. 7375); in 643 according to Lapidus


(2014, p. 49)

[43] Hoyland (2014, pp. 146147)

[19] Kennedy 2007, p. 165

[44] Daniel (2010, p. 456)

[20] Vaglieri (1977, pp. 6061)

[45] Daniel (2010, p. 457)

[21] Donner (2014, pp. 37)

[46] Daniel (2010, p. 458)

[22] Hoyland (2014, pp. 9395)

[47] Hoyland (2014, pp. 9093)

[23] Donner (2014, p. 3), Hoyland (2014, p. 93)

[48] Encyclopaedia Britannica, Cyprus

5.1

Citations

[49] M. Canard. Encyclopedia of Islam 2nd ed, Brill.


Arminiya, Vol. 1, pp. 636637
[50] C.E. Bosworth. Encyclopedia of Islam 2nd ed, Brill. AlQabq, Vol. 4. pp. 343344
[51] Hoyland (2014, pp. 106108)
[52] Hoyland (2014, pp. 108109, 175177)
[53] M. Longworth Dames. Encyclopedia of Islam 2nd ed,
Brill. Afghanistan, Vol. 1 p. 226.
[54] Hoyland (2014, p. 207)
[55] Lapidus (2014, p. 50)
[56] Lapidus (2014, p. 52)
[57] Lapidus (2014, p. 53)
[58] Lapidus (2014, p. 56)
[59] Lapidus (2014, p. 57)
[60] Lapidus (2014, p. 79)
[61] Lapidus (2014, p. 58)
[62] Lapidus (2014, pp. 5860)

[70] Cahen (1991, p. 560); Anver M. Emon, Religious Pluralism and Islamic Law: Dhimmis and Others in the Empire of Law, p.98, note 3. Oxford University Press, ISBN
978-0199661633. Quote: Some studies question the
nearly synonymous use of the terms kharaj and jizya in the
historical sources. The general view suggests that while
the terms kharaj and jizya seem to have been used interchangeably in early historical sources, what they referred
to in any given case depended on the linguistic context. If
one nds references to a kharaj on their heads, the reference was to a poll tax, despite the use of the term kharaj,
which later became the term of art for land tax. Likewise,
if one ns the phrase jizya on their land, this referred
to a land tax, despite the use of jizya which later come
to refer to the poll tax. Early history therefore shows that
although each term did not have a determinate technical
meaning at rst, the concepts of poll tax and land tax existed early in Islamic history. Denner, Conversion and the
Poll Tax, 310; Ajiaz Hassan Qureshi, The Terms Kharaj
and Jizya and Their Implication, Journal of the Punjab
University Historical Society 12 (1961): 2738; Hossein
Modarressi Rabatab'i, Kharaj in Islamic Law (London:
Anchor Press Ltd, 1983).
[71] Cahen (1991, p. 560)
[72] Cahen (1991, p. 560); Hoyland (2014, p. 99)
[73] Cahen (1991, p. 560); Hoyland (2014, p. 199)

[63] Lapidus (2014, pp. 6061)

[74] Cahen (1991, p. 561)

[64] Lapidus (2014, pp. 6162)

[75] Hoyland (2014, p. 199)

[65] Lapidus (2014, p. 71)

[76] Hoyland (2014, pp. 201202)

[66] Esposito 1998, p. 34. They replaced the conquered


countries, indigenous rulers and armies, but preserved
much of their government, bureaucracy, and culture. For
many in the conquered territories, it was no more than an
exchange of masters, one that brought peace to peoples
demoralized and disaected by the casualties and heavy
taxation that resulted from the years of Byzantine-Persian
warfare. Local communities were free to continue to follow their own way of life in internal, domestic aairs.
In many ways, local populations found Muslim rule more
exible and tolerant than that of Byzantium and Persia.
Religious communities were free to practice their faith
to worship and be governed by their religious leaders and
laws in such areas as marriage, divorce, and inheritance.
In exchange, they were required to pay tribute, a poll tax
(jizya) that entitled them to Muslim protection from outside aggression and exempted them from military service.
Thus, they were called the protected ones (dhimmi).
In eect, this often meant lower taxes, greater local autonomy, rule by fellow Semites with closer linguistic and
cultural ties than the hellenized, Greco-Roman lites of
Byzantium, and greater religious freedom for Jews and indigenous Christians.

[77] Cahen (1991, p. 561); Hoyland (2014, p. 200)

[67] Lewis, Bernard (2002). Arabs in History. p. 57. ISBN


978-0-19280-31-08.

[78] Tramontana, Felicita (2013). The Poll Tax and the Decline of the Christian Presence in the Palestinian Countryside in the 17th Century. Journal of the Economic and
Social History of the Orient (Brill Academic Publishers) 56
(4-5): 631652. doi:10.1163/15685209-12341337. Retrieved 2016-02-03. The (cor)relation between the payment of the poll-tax and conversion to Islam, has long
been the subject of scholarly debate. At the beginning
of the twentieth century scholars suggested that after the
Muslim conquest the local populations converted en masse
to evade the payment of the poll tax. This assumption has
been challenged by subsequent research. Indeed Dennetts
study clearly showed that the payment of the poll tax was
not a sucient reason to convert after the Muslim conquest and that other factorssuch as the wish to retain
social statushad greater inuence. According to Inalcik
the wish to evade payment of the jizya was an important
incentive for conversion to Islam in the Balkans, but Anton Minkov has recently argued that taxation was only one
of a number of motivations.
[79] Dennett 1950, p. 10. Wellhausen makes the assumption
that the poll tax amounted to so little that exemption from
it did not constitute sucient economic motive for conversion.

[68] Stillman (1979, p. 28)


[69] Cahen (1991, p. 559)

[80] Walker Arnold, Thomas (1913). Preaching of Islam: A


History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith. Constable

10

REFERENCES

& Robinson Ltd. p. 59. ... but this jizyah was too moderate to constitute a burden, seeing that it released them
from the compulsory military service that was incumbent
on their Muslim fellow-subjects. Conversion to Islam was
certainly attended by a certain pecuniary advantage, but
his former religion could have had but little hold on a convert who abandoned it merely to gain exemption from the
jizyah; and now, instead of jizyah, the convert had to pay
the legal alms, zakt, annually levied on most kinds of
movable and immovable property. (online)

Lapidus, Ira M. (2014). A History of Islamic Societies. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521-51430-9.

[81] Lewis, Bernard (2014). The Jews of Islam. Princeton


University Press. p. 19.

Stillman, Norman (1979). The Jews of Arab Lands


: A History and Source Book. Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America. ISBN 0-82760198-0.

[82] Lapidus (2014, p. 61,153)


[83] Lapidus (2014, p. 156)
[84] Hoyland (2014, p. 130)
[85] Hoyland (2014, p. 195)
[86] Hoyland (2014, p. 196-198)
[87] Cohen (2008, pp. 72-73)

5.2

Sources

Cahen, Claude (1991). "jizzya.


Encyclopaedia

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Cohen, Mark (2008). Under Crescent and Cross:
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