Beruflich Dokumente
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On research on the
teaching of phonics
Educators agree that children learning to read texts written in English need to learn that there are relationships
between letter patterns and sound patterns in English, and that children need to develop the ability to relate letter
patterns to sound patterns.Constance Weaver, 1994
Background
Through the 1980s and the early 1990s, some prominent reading researchers have
argued for the teaching of phonics intensively and systematically (e.g. Chall,
1967/1983; Adams, 1990; Stahl, 1992). Unlike these researchers, however, those
advocating the teaching of phonics in the popular media (as in letters to the editor)
commonly imply that phonics is all that children need in order to learn to read.
Such polemics can often be traced to one of two original sources: Samuel
Blumenfeld, author of NEA: Trojan Horse in Education and of the Blumenfeld
Education Letter, and/or Patrick Groff, who has written several items published by
the National Right to Read Foundation, which has received substantial funding
from the Gateway company producing the Hooked on Phonics program. These
sources of phonics-first propaganda buttress their arguments with references to
respected researchers and their research, which is commonly thought to have
demonstrated the superiority of teaching phonics intensively and systematically.
However, even these researchers do not advocate phonics only, or phonics first, as
a means of teaching children to read (e.g., Adams, 1990). Furthermore, even some
of these prominent phonics advocates have pointed out that the alleged success of
the Hooked on Phonics program is not substantiated by research, a charge made by
the Federal Trade Commission as well. Typically the other phonics programs on
the market also lack research support, at least when groups receiving different
instruction are contrasted on a wide variety of assessment measures.
In making educational decisions, it is vital that teachers and other educational
decision-makers consider both the pros and cons of the actual research, broadly
defined.
The early research base, considered and reconsidered
The major body of comparative research arguing for the teaching of phonics
intensively and systematically was originally that summarized by Jeanne Chall in
1967 and updated in 1983, with few additions other than the 1965-1966 U.S.O.E.
cooperative first grade studies (Bond & Dykstra, 1967). Chall writes: "In summary,
judging from the studies comparing systematic with intrinsic phonics [phonics
taught more gradually, in the context of meaningful reading] we can say that
systematic phonics at the very beginning tends to produce generally better reading
and spelling achievement than intrinsic phonics, at least through grade three. . . .
Finally, there is probably a limit to the advantage that early facility with the code
gives on comprehension tested after grade 4" (Chall, 1967, 1983). In a more recent
pro-phonics book, Marilyn Adams (1990) cites no further comparative studies that
can validly claim to support the intensive, systematic teaching of phonics. Note,
however:
The research is said to show intensive phonics producing better reading and
spelling achievement than traditional basal reading programs of previous
decades, at least through grade three. In this context, "achievement" means
scores on standardized tests, which-for reading-often contain subtests of
phonics knowledge. This body of research says nothing about how children
read and comprehend normal texts.
The comparative research summarized by Chall has been examined and
critiqued in minute detail by Marie Carbo (1988), who concluded that in
interpreting the available but often flawed data, Chall tended to skew the
data as being more favorable to systematic phonics instruction than the data
actually warranted. Indeed, even Chall herself admitted (1983 edition) that
several other reviewers of the U.S.O.E. data did not draw the same
conclusions she did.
To try to resolve the discrepancy between Chall's conclusions and Carbo's
critique, an expert on assessment undertook to reexamine the research yet
again. He excluded the vast majority of studies critiqued by Carbo, thus
considering only the best research: nine randomized field experiments that
compared systematic phonics with a whole word approach (NOT whole
language), wherein phonics was taught intrinsically or not at all. The
results? "My overall conclusion from reviewing the randomized field studies
is that systematic phonics falls into that vast category of weak instructional
treatments with which education is perennially plagued. Systematic phonics
appears to have a slight and early advantage over a basal-reader/whole-word
approach as a method of beginning reading instruction. . . . However, this
difference does not last long and has no clear meaning for the acquisition of
literacy" (Turner, 1989).
Research on phonemic awareness and decoding
The last decade has seen considerable research on phonological awareness and
phonemic awareness. Phonological awareness may be defined as the ability to hear
and manipulate sound units in the language, such as syllables; the major parts of
syllables (any initial consonants = the onset, while the rest of the syllable =
the rime); and phonemes (what we have learned ot hear as the individual "sounds"
in words). One body of research has usually focused on phonological awareness
compared the effects of decodable texts with "predictable" texts that have more
natural language, except for their repeating and predictable patterns.
Typically the research alleging a high correlation between phonemic awareness and
reading scores and the research showing that many seemingly poorer readers are
not strong in phonological or phonemic awareness has led to the argument that
many children need explicit help in developing the ability to segment words into
sounds--not merely in order to sound out words, but to recognize words on
sight, automatically, and thereby to read fluently and rapidly. Only a small body of
research has addressed or been interpreted as having bearing on alternative
hypotheses, such as the hypothesis that there is a reciprocal relationship between
phonemic awareness and learning to read, with each facilitating the other.
However, that body of research is growing.
Research comparing skills-oriented with literature-based and/or whole
language classrooms
In the past decade, quite a few studies have compared the effects of literature-based
and/or whole language teaching with the effects of traditional skills-oriented
teaching.
Though whole language teaching involves much more than a different approach to
reading and writing, one key element of whole language classrooms is that children
receive the support they need to read and write whole texts and to develop reading
and writing skills within meaningful reading and writing situations.This includes
explicit help in developing phonemic awareness, phonics knowledge, and decoding
skills. Part of what many whole language teachers do in the primary grades is
spend significant time each day reading to children from a large text that all can
see, then rereading the text with the children chiming in. Repeated rereadings and
calling attention to words and letter/sound patterns help the children learn words
and phonics, as well as basic concepts of print. For example, extensions of such
reading activities may include discussing and making charts of words that alliterate
or rhyme. Examining and comparing the spellings of children's names is another
way phonics may be taught. Whole language teachers also promote phonics
knowledge by helping children write the sounds they hear in words. By teaching
phonics through reading, focused lessons, and writing, whole language teachers
help children develop phonics knowledge in the context of the texts they enjoy
reading and writing. The emerging body of comparative research reveals the
following patterns, which deal with phonics but go beyond (Weaver, 1994b, and
various research studies listed in References and Resources, all of which used
diverse measures):
In two of these studies, the skills-based classrooms were characterized particularly
by programs teaching phonics in isolation from literature and authentic writing;
these were Ribowsky (1985) and Kasten & Clarke (1989). Some of the studies
focused on at-risk children (Stice & Bertrand, 1990; Dahl & Freppon, 1992, 1994;
Knapp and associates, 1995; and some of the studies discussed in Tunnell &
Jacobs, 1989, which included some studies involving children identified as having
reading difficulties, too). All of these studies used a variety of measures in addition
to standardized tests. The following patterns seem to emerge from these studies and
others referenced below:
1. Children in whole language classrooms typically do as well or better on
standardized reading tests and subtests, including tests that measure phonemic
awareness and phonics knowledge--though the differences are seldom statistically
significant. For example, the whole language kindergartners in Ribowsky's study
(1985) scored better on all measures of growth and achievement, including the
tests of letter recognition and letter/sound knowledge. In the Kasten and Clarke
study (1989), the whole language kindergartners performed significantly better
than their counterparts on all subtests of the Metropolitan Readiness Test, including
tests of beginning consonant sounds, letter/sound correspondences, and sounds and
clusters of sounds in initial and final positions of words. In the Manning, Manning,
and Long study (1989), children in the whole language classroom did better on the
Stanford Achievement Test's subtest on word parts, even though only the children
in the skills classroom had explicitly studied word parts.
2. Children in whole language classrooms seem to develop greater ability to use
phonics knowledge effectively than children in more traditional classrooms where
skills are practiced in isolation. For example, in Freppon's study (1988, 1991), the
skills group attempted to sound out words more than twice as often as the others,
but the literature-based group was more successful in doing so: a 53 percent
success rate compared with a 32 percent success rate for the skills group.
Apparently the literature-based children were more successful because they made
better use of phonics in conjunction with other information and cues. (For another
relevant study, see also A. E. Cunningham, 1990).
3. Children in whole language classrooms seem to develop the alphabetic
principle, vocabulary, spelling, grammar, and punctuation skills as well as or
better than children in more traditional classrooms. For example, see Elley's 1991
summary of studies on learning English as a second language; Knapp and
associates, 1995, on a variety of skills; also McIntyre & Freppon, 1994, on
development of the alphabetic principle; Clarke, 1988, on spelling; and Stice and
Bertrand, 1990, which included spelling. A comparison of standardized test scores
before and after implementation of whole language instruction in two school
districts reveals essentially no difference in test scores (Traw, 1996). In addition,
see Calkins, 1980; Gunderson and Shapiro, 1988; Smith & Elley, 1995. DiStefano
& Killion (1984) is also relevant.
4. Children in whole language classrooms seem more inclined and able to read for
meaning rather than just to identify words. For example, when asked "What makes
a good reader?", the children in Stice and Bertrand's study (1990) reported that
good readers read a great deal and that they can read any book in the room. The
children in the traditional classrooms tended to focus on words and surface
correctness; they reported that good readers read big words, they know all the
words, and they don't miss any words. In a study by Manning, Manning, and Long
(1989), children in the whole language classroom were more likely to read for
meaning, read with greater comprehension, and read with greater accuracy (not
counting the errors that resulted in no meaning loss).
5. Children in whole language classrooms seem to develop more strategies for
dealing with problems in reading. For example, the children in the whole language
classrooms in Stice and Bertrand's study (1990) typically described six strategies
for dealing with problem words, while the children in traditional classrooms
described only three.
6. Children in whole language classrooms seem to develop greater facility in
writing. For example, in the Dahl and Freppon study (1991, 1994), a considerably
larger proportion of the children in the whole language classrooms were writing
sentences and stories by the end of first grade. The children in the whole language
classrooms in the Kasten and Clarke study (1989) were similarly much more
advanced as writers by the end of their kindergarten year.
7. Children in whole language classrooms seem to develop a stronger sense of
themselves as readers and writers. Take, for example, the Stice and Bertrand study
(1990). When asked "Who do you know who is a good reader?", 82 percent of the
kindergartners in the whole language classrooms mentioned themselves, but only 5
percent of the kindergartners in the traditional classrooms said "me." During the
first-grade year, when the children were asked directly "Are you a good reader?",
70 percent of the whole language children said yes, but only 33 percent of the
traditional children said yes.
8. Children in whole language classrooms also seem to develop greater
independence as readers and writers. In the Dahl and Freppon study (1992, 1994),
for instance, passivity seemed to be the most frequent coping strategy for learners
having difficulty in the skills-based classrooms. But in whole language classrooms,
those having difficulty tended to draw upon other learners for support: by saying
the phrases and sentences that others could read, by copying what they wrote, and
so forth. That is, these less proficient literacy learners still attempted to remain
engaged in literacy activities with their peers. They didn't just give up.
In whole language classrooms like the ones in these studies, where phonics is
taught explicitly in the context of reading and writing, the concepts of phonemic
awareness, phonics, and decoding skills seem to be learned at least as well as in
skills emphasis classrooms (Stahl & Kuhn, 1995), while other literacy behaviors
are typically learned better. One ongoing, longitudinal study that compares phonics
taught in isolation with phonics taught in context shows better results with the
phonics in isolation, accompanied by a lot of reading and rereading (Wood, 1996).
On the other hand, this study does not include various measures of success other
than standardized tests, as did the aforementioned studies. Neither does the study
by Foorman, Francis, Beeler, Winikates, and Fletcher (1997), nor is it clear from
their article whether the "whole language" and "embedded phonics" teachers spent
much time teaching phonics in context, compared with the direct instruction
phonics group. If not, this might account for the fact that students in the direct
instruction group scored better on letter-word identification and word attack,
though not on one measure of comprehension.)
Various naturalistic studies also support the teaching and learning of phonics in the
context of meaningful reading (Stephens, 1991). Share and his colleagues account
for such learning in their self-teaching model of word reading acquisition (Share &
Jorm, 1987; Share & Stanovich, 1995). And recent research suggests mechanisms
by which such learning may take place (Moustafa, 1995; Peterson & Haines,
1992).
These research results corroborate conclusions from more naturalistic research;
they do not stand alone in support of whole language. Furthermore, other
comparative studies have generated similar results (see the summaries in Stephens,
1991; Shapiro, 1990; Tunnel & Jacobs, 1989; for the importance of reading and
more reading, see Krashen, 1993). From these various studies, it appears that
children in whole language classrooms develop reading skills at least as well as
children in skills-oriented classrooms, and that they get off to a significantly better
start at developing the attitudes, values, and behaviors of literate individuals--to
becoming not only competent but eager readers and writers.
So, what are we to make of these bodies of research?
When it comes to implementation, all of this research must be interpreted
cautiously. One reason is that both kinds of experimental research--that focusing on
phonological and phonemic awareness, and that focusing on the development of a
wide range of literate behaviors--have often focused on small numbers of children.
Much of the research on teaching phonological and phonemic awareness, in fact,
has involved teaching children either in small groups or tutoring them one-on-one
(Ayers, 1993 and in press, is an exception). Furthermore, while research may
sometimes show the greatest effects for direct instruction tutoring, the differences
do not necessarily last, nor are they necessarily great enough to be statistically
significant. In the Torgesen & Hecht study (1996), for example, the differences
among the different tutorial treatments were very slight, while there was a
substantial difference between all the tutorial groups and the children receiving no
additional tutoring.
Another limitation of both bodies of research is that the studies typically do not
assess comprehension on measures other than standardized tests (though
sometimes children were asked to retell what they had read, in the latter group of
studies). This is a major limitation that needs to be addressed in future research,
and addressed over a period of years, in longitudinal studies--as do various aspects
of literacy development.
Given these limitations and caveats, what can we tentatively conclude? The
evidence seems fairly strong that whole language teaching produces about the
same results on standardized tests (including measures of phonics, which ipso facto
require phonemic analysis) as does traditional skills-oriented teaching, including
teaching that has emphasized phonics. There is also some evidence that direct
instruction phonics may produce higher initial scores on phonemic awareness and
word attack skills and sometimes on comprehension tests, particularly with
children labeled at risk or reading disabled, when they are tutored one-on-one or in
very small groups. On the other hand, this advantage appears not to last very long,
particularly for comprehension tests. Meanwhile, students in classrooms where
skills are taught in the context of reading and writing whole texts have typically
made substantially greater advances in a variety of literacy-related skills, strategies,
behaviors, and attitudes.
Toward a consensus on the teaching of phonics
There are still critical differences in how reading researchers conceptualize and
characterize reading. Those who have examined the reading process through an
analysis of the miscues ("errors") made by proficient readers have concluded that
what most obviously characterizes proficient reading is the reader's drive to
construct meaning (Goodman, 1973; Brown, Goodman, & Marek, 1996). Those
who have examined word identification and the teaching of phonological skills
more than the process of reading whole texts have concluded that what most
obviously characterizes proficient reading is the ability to read most words in a text
automatically and fluently (e.g., Adams & Bruck, 1995; Beck & Juel, 1995;
Stanovich, 1991). Nevertheless, both groups agree that children need to develop
and use phonics knowledge in reading familiar and unfamiliar print words, before
they can be considered truly independent readers.
In the 1990s, various whole language researchers and educators have done research
and written books, articles, and other documents demonstrating how phonics is
learned and/or taught in the context of reading and writing whole texts (McIntyre
& Freppon, 1994; Mills, O'Keefe, & Stephens, 1992; Powell and Hornsby, 1993;
Weaver, 1994a; Routman & Butler, 1995). On the other hand, some researchers
who most adamantly insist on teaching phonemic awareness and phonics are
suggesting teaching methods and materials that resemble those of the whole
language educators (Adams & Brock, 1995; Beck & Juel, 1995; also P.
Cunningham, 1995; Griffith & Olson, 1992). For example, some educators within
both groups recommend using nursery rhymes, tongue twisters, and books like the
rhymed Dr. Seuss books. Both groups recognize the importance of reading to and
with children. One remaining difference, however, is that phonemic awareness
researchers and educators often advocate oral language play and games in the
preschool years (Yopp, 1992), while whole language educators typically are
convinced this is unnecessary and that children will learn more in less time when
the teacher focuses on phonemic awareness in the context of written texts (e.g., see
Kasten & Clarke, 1989; Richgels, Poremba, & McGee, 1996; and the
aforementioned studies showing that phonemic awareness is best learned when
letter/sound correspondences are also taught). But despite these practical and
theoretical differences, there is nevertheless a greater degree of consensus than a
few years ago.
Considering, then, the major theoretical differences and the resulting emphases, it
is particularly noteworthy that researchers and educators from various backgrounds
are beginning to converge on several major points about the teaching of phonics:
(1) that phonemic awareness facilitates learning to read, and that learning to read-and write--also facilitates the development of phonemic awareness (the reciprocal
hypothesis); (2) that worksheets and mindless drill are not the best means of
developing phonemic awareness and phonics knowledge (e.g. A. E. Cunningham,
1990); (3) that children should be given explicit, direct help in developing
phonemic awareness and a functional command of phonics; (4) that for the
majority of children, such direct teaching does not have to be intensive and
systematic to be effective; (5) that about 15-20% of our children will need
additional help, often tutorial help, in developing phonemic awareness, phonics
knowledge, and/or decoding skills (Lyon, 1996); (6) that some children need
explicit help in developing strategies for comprehending, as they read; (7) that
reading and rereading familiar and enjoyable texts is critical for developing the
ability to read and comprehend texts, and even for developing phonics knowledge
and skills; and (8) that even emergent readers should read whole texts with
appropriate support, and not be limited to, or focused mainly on, skills work.
To summarize, then: teaching phonics in context and through discussion and
collaborative activities seems to be effective with a majority of our children.
Additionally, more intensive and systematic teaching of phonemic awareness and
phonics skills can be provided in daily tutorial sessions for children who appear to
need it--either within the classroom, or in pull-out programs (Clay, 1987; Iversen &
Tunmer, 1993; Vellutino et al., 1996). Together, such instruction and support can
enable virtually all children to develop phonological and phonics skills.
Furthermore, most of the children in classrooms where skills are taught in the
context of reading and writing whole texts learn to read for meaning and get a
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Why should parents and teachers use direct systematic phonics instruction in
teaching their children or students to read?
All reading instructional approaches are NOT equal in effectiveness. Direct
systematic phonologic based instruction is more effective than other approaches to
reading instruction. This is not opinion. This is clearly revealed by 1) the
neurobiological science of proficient reading as well as proven by 2) the validated
evidence based research. *Specific research references are listed at the end of this
article.
1.
1.
2. Provide Practice: Effective phonics programs provide practice so the student can
apply what they have learned about the letters and sounds to decoding/reading
words. The student needs considerable practice reading decodable text in words,
sentences and stories. When parents and teachers use a well organized systematic
phonics program, they are able to easily develop decodable text based on their
students code knowledge. See the article Decodable Text Explainedfor dditional
information. In addition, repeated practice of correct phonologic processing is
essential to building fluency.
In quick summary, to achieve effectiveness, reading programs need to be strong
phonics first, use direct/explicit instruction, and teach in a systematic and complete
manner. Effective programs also provide opportunity for the student to practice
applying the correct phonologic processing of print by reading words, sentences and
stories. The Right Track Reading Programs are effective, direct systematic phonics
programs.
Why should parents and teachers focus on one approach to reading
instruction (direct systematic phonics) instead of utilizing multiple approaches
when teaching children to read?
The evidence clearly shows that direct systematic phonics is more effective than
other approaches. The research shows systematic phonics instruction is not only
effective but it is significantly more effective than instruction that teaches little,
unsystematic or no phonics. Systematic phonics is significantly more effective in
helping prevent reading difficulties among at risk students and in remediating
disabled readers.
Students taught phonics systematically outperformed students who were
taught a variety of nonsystematic or non-phonics programs, including basal
programs, whole language approaches and whole-word programs. (NRP
Subgroup Report page 2-95)
During the alphabetic phase, reading must have lots of practice phonologically
recoding the same words to become familiar with spelling patterns (Ehri, 1991).
Awareness of the relation between sounds and the alphabet can be taught
(Liberman & Liberman, 1990).
Because our language is alphabetic, decoding is an essential and primary
means of recognizing words. There are simply too many words in the English
language to rely on memorization as a primary word identification strategy (Bay
Area Reading Task Force, 1996;).
Accuracy & Fluency Instruction:
Successful Readersrely primarily on the letters in the word rather than context
or pictures to identify familiar and unfamiliar words; process virtually every letter;
use letter-sound correspondences to identify words; have a reliable strategy for
decoding words; read words for a sufficient number of times for words to become
automatic (Hasbrouck, 1998)
Links to specific reasearch articles and journal citations found on the National
Library of Medicine - National Institue of Health web based literature retrieval
search system PubMed:
Intensive instruction affects brain magnetic activity associated with oral word
reading in children with persistent reading disabilities
In sumary, parents and teachers should use direct systematic phonics to teach their
children and student to read becasue direct systematic phonologic based
instruction is more effective than other approaches to reading instruction. This
is not opinion. This is clearly revealed by 1) the neurobiological science of proficient
reading as well as proven by 2) the validated evidence based research.
Additional free information on teaching students to read using effective direct
systematic phonics instruction is located at Reading Information and Information &
Resources for Teaching Reading pages of the Right Track Reading website. If you
are ready to acquire effective tools to help your child or student achieve reading
success preview Right Track Reading Lessons and Back on the Right Track Reading
Lessons.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------This article was written by Miscese Gagen a mother with a passion for teaching children to read proficiently by
using effective methods. She is also a successful reading tutor and author of the reading instructional programs
Right Track Reading Lessons and Back on the Right Track Reading Lessons. The purpose of this article is to
empower parents and teachers with information on teaching children how to read. We CAN improve reading
proficiency, one student at a time! More information is located at www.righttrackreading.com ~ Copyright 20082013 Miscese R. Gagen
Ive been at the Thomas Buxton Primary School in Tower Hamlets for two years. When I joined
the school we didnt have a phonics programme we followed, so I implemented Jolly Phonics
in the Nursery and Reception. I split the classes into three groupings: high, middle, and lower
ability and streamed the children according to their phonics ability. This provided the
opportunity to work intensively at the particular groups required pace.
In Early Years, we have a number of children on the SEN register; we have children with autism, ASD,
children with dyslexia and children with speech and language difficulties who have the use of a
speech therapist . We also have a high number of children with English as an additional language
(EAL) at the school. Children with EAL do not have a statement of special education needs but they
do need help when they enter nursery to help with aural and verbal comprehension of English.
Typically 95% of our children enter nursery under their age-expected level of ability. We teach
intensively using Jolly Phonics and track the children every half term rather than every term (as
practiced in many schools). By the time children leave us to go into year 1, 80% are working at ageexpected level and above.
We use the Essex Target Tracker to track pupils every half term, so were very aware of the progress
theyre making. If theyre not making progress we are able to ask why, and work to rectify it.
Monitoring progress is a great way of recognising the childrens individual needs. If a pupil is making
good progress in the lower group, then we move them up; there is a fluidity to the practice.
Children need to have a good grasp of phonics in order to learn to read and write. They need to know
their letter sounds and how to segment and blend. When I have a child who has a statement I know I
need to make the phonics more fun and interactive; in fact I make it as interactive as possible. I use
games such as Whats in the bag?: I use a bag that contains objects starting with the letter sound of
the day; I sing songs about the objects, ask what noises they make etc.
When I was at school I learned to read using Jolly Phonics, I enjoyed it and learned all my letter
sounds quickly. I sing a lot of songs with the children; singing songs makes retention of information a
lot easier. The children may just think youre singing them a song, but we sing the Jolly Phonics
songs with the letter sounds embedded in them. We always teach the songs first in Nursery, then
afterwards we introduce flash cards that correspond with the letter sounds from the songs; and we put
the two together. We sing a song about ants with the sound a emphasised within the song, then
when the children see the a/ant flashcard they already know the sound from the song. Well say;
We know a song about ants/a, dont we? and launch into the song. This enjoyable way of learning
really helps the children to remember their letters and sounds.
We send home a special book which contains the letters the children have learned that day. We
include letter sound sheets within the book so parents can go over what the children have learned that
day. We also provide the curriculum map for parents so they know what were doing that term.
Revisiting what the children are doing is the best way to help children, especially children with SEN,
and making it fun stops the children (and teachers) from getting bored.