Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
HELLER
the first decades of the sixteenth century, when Jews owned and operat-
ed their own presses, such proprietorship was afterwards prohibited in
Italy. 2 As a result, Jews found it necessary to bring their books to
Christian printers to be published, or to establish relationships in which
the latter employed Jews and printed Hebrew books. Alternatively, Jews
established business relationships with non-Jewish printers. These rela-
tionships were mutually beneficial, for Jews could thus not only print
their books but also had access to the typographical material of their
non-Jewish business associates, while the latter had entry to the Jewish
book market. This association of Christian printers with Hebrew part-
ners was not uncommon, for “the Hebrew books sector, being unique,
was rather attractive to investors, being more limited and not so wildly
competitive as the Italian book sector.” 3
There was, however, a further and most serious disability in the
regulations affecting Jewish participation in the printing industry: the
prohibition on the employment of Jewish typesetters. Type had to be
set by non-Jews, and the correctors, who were Jewish, would afterwards
review the text. Setting type did not require the presence of the Jewish
corrector, for the non-Jewish typesetter worked from a copy book pre-
pared earlier, in which each page was arranged with the corrected text,
lines, and margins to be used as an example and followed as a guide by
the typesetters.
Optimally, the Jewish corrector would read and correct sheets
before a run began. However, if that was not possible he would read and
correct sheets when the run was underway; that is, if an error was found
while printing, the press would be stopped, the error corrected, and
printing resumed, a process referred to as “stop-press corrections.” This
accounts for many of the textual variations within an edition of a book.
However, when the non-Jewish typesetters would set type and print late
erev Shabbat or on Shabbat, when Jews would not come to the press, the
sheets were set and printed without being read and any errors that
occurred could not be corrected. Once the sheets had been printed,
unless the error(s) was substantial or substantive, and often even then,
the sheets were left uncorrected.4 The review process resumed after
Shabbat with the next sheet to be set and printed. This situation is
recorded in the colophons of a number of Jewish correctors. Indeed,
Abraham Yaari quotes from thirty-two books, sixteen printed from 1559
to 1599, with plaints from correctors, who state that they should not be
held responsible for errors resulting from work done on late erev
Shabbat or on Shabbat.5
176 The Torah u-Madda Journal
the day of the week reflects a sensitivity to Gryphio’s Jewish market, for
in these instances where work on that day of the week would not be
objectionable to their Jewish customers it is spelled out, in contrast to
Shabbat where the specification of the day of the week is omitted.
Mishpetei Shemu’el was printed by Daniel Zanetti, one of several
members of that family who printed Hebrew books in Venice.19 It con-
sists of one hundred thirty four responsa from R. Samuel ben Moses
Kalai (16th century), a student of R. David Ben Hayyim Kohen of Corfu
(Maharadakh, d. 1530) and the son-in-law of R. Benjamin ben
Mattathias of Arta (Binyamin Ze’ev, d. c. 1540), who was later involved
in a serious dispute with David Kohen over the former’s leniencies in
permitting an agunah to remarry. The responsa in Mishpetei Shemu’el
cover the corpus of the Shulh.an Arukh. Kalai discusses contemporary
issues and informs us as to the difficulties encountered by and punish-
ments suffered by Jews at the hands of the Turks for aiding the local
inhabitants in Corfu to resist the Ottoman siege of that island. He
addresses such questions as the status of the wife of a kohen taken cap-
tive by the Turks about whom it is testified that at no time was she
secluded with her captors; a nursing woman whose husband aposta-
tized; and the responsibility of one community for another.
The title page states that work began on Mishpetei Shemu’el on Rosh
H. odesh Nissan, “they shall obtain joy and gladness vjnau (March 27,
1599), [and sorrow and sighing shall flee away]” (Isaiah 35:10). Work
was completed according to the colophon on, “‘In you lc shall Israel
bless’ (Genesis 48:20) for counting, in the year, ‘[Neither shall your
name any more be called Abram], but your name lna shall be
Abraham’” (Genesis 17:5), that is 7 Iyyar, 360 (Friday, April 21, 1600),
which is the 22nd lc day of the Omer. In 1599, Rosh H.odesh Nissan, the
date on which work began, was a Saturday. There is no ambiguity here,
for Adar, the preceeding month, has 29 days only, so that Rosh H.odesh is
one day, and that, in this instance, is a Saturday.
The above sample is certainly small, further reduced by two works
with dates that seem questionable, the 1554 Sabbioneta edition of
Hilkhot Rav Alfas and the Riva di Trento Sefer ha-Minhagim. Neverthe-
less, the remaining titles, and likely there are a few more, by themselves
statistically of little consequence, are consistent with what we already
knew from the editors’ remarks in the colophons. Certainly, if work
could proceed on Shabbat when Jewish editors were absent, there is no
reason that the “holy work” could not just as well commence and con-
clude on that day as well. Printers issuing books for a Jewish market
Marvin J. Heller 183
Notes
1. David Amram, The Makers of Hebrew Books in Italy (Philadelphia, 1909,
reprint London, 1963), p. 10, who observes that Christian printers too
referred to their art as a “holy work.”
2. Incunabula are books printed prior to 1500. This term, used to describe the
first products of the printing press, is derived from the Latin for swaddling
clothes, meaning beginning or origin.
3. Zipora Baruchson, “Money and Culture: Financing Methods in the Hebrew
Printing Shops in Cinquecento, Italy,” La Bibliofilia 92 (1990), 25. Concern-
ing the restrictions on Hebrew workers in Venice see Benjamin Ravid, “The
Prohibition against Jewish Printing and Publishing in Venice and the
Difficulties of Leone Modena,” Studies in Medieval Jewish History and
Literature, ed. Isadore Twersky (Cambridge: Harvard University Press,
1979), 135-53.
4. An interesting example is the title page of Nah.manides’ (Ramban) Sha‘ar ha-
Gemul (Ferrara, 1556) which attributes the work to Maimonides (Rambam).
Quickly corrected, most title pages have the correct attribution. However,
the original sheets with the title page attributing Sha‘ar ha-Gemul to
Rambam were retained and used.
5. Avraham Yaari, “Editor’s Complaints Regarding Printing on the Sabbath by
Non-Jews,” Studies in Hebrew Booklore (Jerusalem: Mosad ha-Rav Kook,
1958), pp. 170-78 [Hebrew]. Also see Saul Kook, Iyyunim u-Meh.karim II
(Jerusalem, 1963), pp. 372-73 [Hebrew], who notes three more cases, among
them Abraham Shalom’s Neveh Shalom (Venice, 1574) and Jacob Luzzatto
of Safed’s Sefer Kavvanot ha-Aggadot called Kaftor va-Ferah. (Basle, 1580);
and Simcha Assaf, “Am ha-Sefer ve-ha-Sefer” in Be-oholei Ya‘akov
(Jerusalem, 1943), pp. 11 n. 101 who brings yet additional works, among
them Elijah de Vidas’ Reshit H. okhmah (Venice, 1579), and Nathan ben
Yeh.iel of Rome’s Arukh (Basle, 1599).
6. On the dalle Donne Hebrew press in Verona see my, “A Little Known
Chapter in Hebrew Printing: Francesco dalle Donne and the Beginning of
Hebrew Printing in Verona in the Sixteenth Century,” The Papers of the
Bibliographical Society of America 94:3 (New York, 2000), 333-46.
7. Concerning the use of chronograms see my “Chronograms on Title Pages in
Selected Eighteenth Century Editions of the Talmud, ” Studies in
Bibliography and Booklore XVIII (Cincinnati, 1993), 3-14.
8. For consistency, all the dates in this article are according to the Gregorian
calendar, adopted in Rome in 1582 in place of the Julian calendar. The Julian
equivalent of this date would be October 23, 1554.
9. Parenthetically, the presence of starting dates on the title pages of Hebrew
184 The Torah u-Madda Journal
16. Examples of Mantua imprints with more general dates on the title page and
specific completion dates are a Roman rite mah.zor for the entire year, on
which work began, according to the title page, “during H.anukkah z’’ha”
(317=1557). The first part of this attractive mah.zor was completed on Rosh
H. odesh Sivan, 320 (Sunday, June 5, 1560); the second part during
H. anukkah, in the year, “when I restore hcuac (320) your captivity,” (Z.epha-
niah 3:20). Tikkunei Zohar was begun “and he sat cahu (318=1558) upon it in
truthfulness” (Isaiah 16:5) and completed, according to the colophon, on
Tuesday, 17 Kislev, “And in mercy a throne was established; and he sat cahu
(November 19, 1557) upon it in truthfulness in the tabernacle of David,
judging, and seeking judgment, and quick to do righteousness.” The begin-
ning of the work on Isaac ben Joseph Karo’s (mid-fifteenth to after 1518)
Toledot Yiz. h.ak is dated with the verse from Isaiah 16:5, and a completion
date of Rosh H. odesh Marh.eshvan y’’ha (319), Thursday, October 23, 1558.
Not all Mantua titles are dated with chronograms. For example, Saadiah
Gaon’s (882-942) Sefer ha-Teh.iyyah is dated, “H.odesh Iyyar, in the year three
hundred sixteen” (April/May, 1556) and Berekhiah ben Natronai ha-
Nakdan’s (12th-13th century) Mishlei Shu’alim is simply dated z’’ha
(317=1557). Additional examples can be given but this seems sufficient.
17. For a history of the Riva di Trento press see Amram, pp. 296-302; Joshua
Bloch, “Hebrew Printing in Riva Di Trento,” in Hebrew Printing and
Bibliography (New York, 1976), pp. 89-110; the introduction to the facsimile
reprint of the 1560 Riva di Trento edition of Benjamin ben Abraham Anav’s
Massa Gei H. izzayon (Jerusalem, 1966), ed. S. U. Nahon, pp. xv-xviii
[Hebrew with English introduction]; and Ch. B. Friedberg, History of
Hebrew Typography in Italy, Spain-Portugal and the Turkey, From its
Beginning and Formation about the Year 1470 [Heb.] (Tel Aviv, 1956), 82-83.
18. Amram (350) suggests that despite the fact that Gryphio had such able work-
ers as Samuel Boehm, Meshullam Kaufman, Solomon Luzatto, and Samuel
Archivolti, he was unable to compete with the larger and more established
presses of di Gara and Bragadine, apropos of the phrase on the sides of his
pressmark, “Wisdom without good luck accomplishes little.”
19. Concerning the Zanetti press and its books see Asufot XII (Jerusalem, 1999),
ed. Meir Benayhu, a special edition devoted to the Zanetti press. Parentheti-
cally, the volume has as an appendix a facsimile of Shelom Ester (Constantinople,
1575-76). A limited edition reprint of Shelom Ester (Queens, 2001) was also
issued by Dr. B. Ogorik.