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FAMILY FUNCTIONBVG AND EARLY ONSET OF SEXUAL

INTERCOURSE IN LATINO ADOLESCENTS


Maria C. V61ez-Pastrana, Rafael A. Gonzdlez-Rodriguez, and
Adalisse Borges-Hemandez

ABSTRACT

The purpose of this study was to identify factors associated with early onset
of sexual intercourse. Within an ecological system's conceptual framework,
familial factors associated with early onset of sexual activity were identified
in a sample of 425 adolescents from San Juan metro area schools. Measures
included questions about sexual activity, sexual permissiveness, and such familial variables as: discipline, parental supervision, and parental support. Significant relationships were observed between early onset of sexual intercourse
and parental supervision, discipline, parental support, and parents' marital
status. Results suggest the key role of parents and family in prevention of
HlV-risk behaviors among adolescents in terms of delaying sexual onset. Overall, the study described youths who postponed sexual activity as having greater
support, supervision, and parental involvement.
SEXUAL HEALTH-RISK BEHAVIORS AMONG LATINO/HISPANIC YOUTH

An age and racial disparity in HIV/STD infection has been observed


in the U.S. (CDC, 2002), where young people, and minority youth in
particular, are hit hardest. Thus, Latino/Hispanic youth are at increased risk for HIV/STD infection compared to their nonminority
peers. According to the Youth Risk Behavior Survey's (YRBS) 2004
data, nationwide 46.7% of students in grades 9 to 12 have had sexual
intercourse. However, the prevalence is higher among African American (67.3%) and Hispanic (51.4%) than among white youth (41.8%;
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, May 21, 2004). The prevalence of sexual intercourse before age 13, of having 4 or more sex
partners, and the prevalance of unintended pregnancies show the same
trend. The prevalence of using a condom at last intercourse was lowest
among Latino/Hispanic students (57.4% vs. 62.5% in non-Hispanic

This study was supported by Grant Number 1 R24 MD00152-01, from the
National Center on Minority Health and Health Disparities, National Institutes of Health. The contents are solely the responsibility ofthe authors and do
not necessarily represent the official views ofthe National Institutes of Health.
Requests for reprints should be sent to Maria C. Velez-Pastrana, Ph.D.,
Clinical Psychology Ph.D. Program, Carlos Albizu University, San Juan Campus, P.O. Box 9023711, San Juan, PR 00902-3711. E-mail: mvelez@albizu.edu
ADOLESCENCE, Vol. 40, No. 160, Winter 2005
Libra Publishers, Inc., 3089C Clairemont Dr., PMB 383, San Diego, CA 92117

white and 72.8% in African American students; Centers for Disease


Control and Prevention, May 21, 2004). These findings suggest that
Latino/Hispanic youth are at greater risk for adverse health consequences such as contracting HIV and other STDs, when compared to
non-Hispanic white youth. Furthermore, Kaberege et al. (2003) highlight the fact that ^though the birth rates in U.S. adolescents had
decreased in the past years, African American and Latino/Hispanic
teens have higher birth rates when compared with non-Hispanic
white teens.
Disparity in HIV Risk
Becoming sexually active at an early age places youth at increased
risk for contracting HIV and other sexually transmitted diseases
(STDs). The risk of acquiring HIV and STDs is higher in youth, particularly among minorities (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention,
2002). Four million teens in the U. S. contract an STD each year, and
half of the 40,000 new HIV cases in the U.S. are younger than 25 (Alan
Guttmacher Institute, 2003). Furthermore, there has been a steady
increase in HIV/AIDS diagnoses among Latinos/Hispanics from 1999
to 2002 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2002). These
trends indicate an age and racial disparity in HIV/STD infection.
Sexual Intercourse and HIV Transmission
HIV infection through sexual contact is high, being the second mode
of HIV transmission after intravenous drug use. HIV infection often
occurs in late adolescence/young adulthood, but most cases are diagnosed years later, when they are in the 25 to 39 age group (Centers
for Disease Control and Prevention, 2002).
A significant number of adolescents become sexually active at an
early age. In Puerto Rico, it has been reported that 31% of 15- to 19year-olds are sexually active. Of these, only 34% used a condom at last
intercourse and 7% reported having 4 or more sexual partners in their
lifetime (Puerto Rico Department of Education, 1997). While in the
United States the adolescent birth rates have declined in the last decade, from 62.1/1000 in 1991 to 48.5/1000 in 2000, the rates in Puerto
Rico have not declined as sharply, for example, from 72.4 in 1991 to
71.5 in 2000 (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2002).
In order to reduce the disparity in HIV/STD infection among young
Latinos/Hispanics, we need to identify the factors associated with risky
sexuEil behaviors such as becoming sexually active at an early age.
Thus, one approach to prevention is delaying the onset of sexual activity.

778

Theoretical Framework: Ecological Systems Theory


Luster & Small (1994) developed a 4-factor model based on Bronfenbrenner's (1979, 1986) Ecological Systems Theory in order to understand adolescent sexual activity. The model encompasses 4 levels of
factors. The individual level includes personal characteristics such as
alcohol, cigarette and substance use, attitudes, and self-esteem. The
family level includes family characteristics; the level of extra familial
factors includes peers and school. A fourth level, macro, describes characteristics of the greater community and social environment. The
model as applied to explaining risk factors includes the concept of
cumulative risk, which asserts that as exposure to risk factors (at any
level) increases, the probability of being sexually active increases (Perkins, Luster, Villamiel, & Small, 1998; Small & Luster, 1994). Research assessing the ecological risk factor model has suggested that
alcohol use, low academic achievement, risk behaviors among peers, a
history of sexual abuse, and lack of parental supervision increase the
probability of risky sexual activities in youth (Perkins et al., 1998).
The current research is part ofa larger project that evaluates factors
from the individual, family, and extrafamilial levels. The present paper
reports on the relevance of family characteristics with respect to early
sexual onset among Latino/Hispanic youth.
Familismo
"Familism" (Familismo) refers to attitudes, behaviors, and family
structures operating ^yithin an extended family system and is believed
to be the most important influence in the lives of Latinos (Romero,
Robinson, Haydel, Mendoza & Killen, 2004). Latino families who express a higher degree of Familismo are characterized by positive interpersonal familial relationships, high family unity, social support,
interdependence in the completion of daily activities, and close proximity with extended family members (Romero et al., 2004). In sum, Familismo refers to how strongly a person connects with his or her family.
It represents the central position of the family in the life of the individual. As a result, parents usually tend to be overprotective of their
children (Marsiglia, 1990). Various studies have documented Familism
as being associated with higher academic achievement and educational
aspirations (Valenzuela & Dombusch, 1994); it has been linked to positive health outcomes (Romero et al., 2004), and attenuated drug use
(Valenzuela & Dornsbusch, 1994). Given the importance of the family
ih Latino/Hispanic culture, it seems appropriate to explore family characteristics associated with early sexual onset in Latino/Hispanic youth.
Traditionally, prevention efforts to address sexual risk behaviors have
relied on school-based sex education.
779

Family Characteristics Related to Adolescent Sexual Activity


A review of the literature suggests the importance of family characteristics in relation to early sexual activity. These characteristics include parental supervision/monitoring, discipline, parental support,
and family structure. Association with signiflcant adults may have a
strong influence on adolescents' decisions about sex and pregnancy
issues (Moore, Peterson, & Furstenberg, 1986). This highlights the
potential efficacy of family influences on the postponement of adolescents' initiation of sexual activity (Moore, Peterson, & Fvirstenberg,
1986). Research conducted by Longmore, Manning, and Giordano
(2001) examined the effect of parenting strategies such as support,
coercive control, and monitoring on the eventual initiation of sexual
intercourse. The authors found that children who are monitored by
their parents delay onset of sexual activity. Conversely, parental support and coercive control did not influence the timing of sexual initiation (Longmore, Manning, & Giordano, 2001). Studies with Latino/
Hispanic populations have explored family factors as they relate to
adolescent sexual behavior. One such study by Kaberege and colleagues (2003) concluded that family structure, parent sexual behavior, and modeling of peers where closely associated with adolescent
sexual attitudes and behaviors. Teens whose parents have permissive
attitudes about sex and who have friends who are sexually active are
more likely to have sexual intercourse. Other research supports the
association of parental supervision with a reduction in adolescent sexual activity.
Parental Supervision / Monitoring
Parents play an important role with respect to when their adolescent
children become sexually active. Studies such as that by Jacobson and
Crocket (2000), Longmore et al. (2001), and Ramirez et al. (1998) suggest that children who are supervised delay sexual initiation. Parental
supervision has been associated with reduction in the risk of adolescent
sexual activity. Thus, it is important to examine the role of parental
supervision in Hispanic/Latino youth.
Parenting Styles / Discipline
Parenting styles have been studied to determine parent interaction
and communication with children as they relate to delaying onset of
sexual intercourse. Taris and Semin (1998) studied the relationship
between mothers' style of interaction and their children's sexual experience, focusing on sexual efficacy, described as the degree to which
adolescents discuss sexual issues with a potential sexual partner.They
report that parental styles influence direct and indirect teenage sexual
behavior, in terms of the transmission of values from mother to child
and in the reinforcement of their sexual efficacy.
780

Furthermore, Hovell, Sipan, Blumberg, Atkins, Hoffstetter &


Kreitner (1994) explored mothers' attitudes about establishing adolescent dating rules, about their children's sexual behavior, and about
abstinence in relation to the sexual behavior of Anglo and Latino adolescents. Interestingly, they identified some ethnic differences in the
level of sexual experience among adolescents, where Anglo teens report
the greatest amount of sexual experience as compared to their Latino
peers. Their findings suggest that conservative parental attitudes
about sex and the presence and enforcement of dating rules may delay
the onset of sexual intercourse. Given cultural differences among Latino/Hispanic families, parenting styles and disciplinary practices
should be examined as they relate to early sexual onset in Hispanic/
Latino teens.
Parental Support / Communication
Communication between mothers and daughters may contribute to
understanding the onset of sexual activity (O'SuUivan, Jaramillo, Moreau, & Meyer-Bahlburg, 1999). O'Sullivan et al. examined the relationship among mother-daughter communication patterns, onset of
sexual activity, and other adolescent risky sexual behavior. Their findings suggest that mother-daughter communication may contribute to
understanding the onset of sexual activity, although its relationship
to subsequent sexual experiences is not as clear.
Furthermore, in a study of young women ages 19 to 21, Hutchinson
(2002) assessed the timing and amount of parent-child communication
about sexual issues. Hispanic/Latina women reported lower levels of
communication about sexual issues with their parents as compared
with non-Latino/Hispanic women (Hutchinson, 2002). Women who discussed sexual issues with their parents and had good communication
with them were less likely to initiate sexual intercourse. These communication patterns were also associated with consistent condom use.
While 78% of African American women reported communication about
sexual issues prior to their first sexual intercourse, only 53% of Latinas
and 50% of white women reported doing so.
As Jaccard, Dittus, and Gordon (1998) argue, typically research
about parent-child communication is based on reports of teens' perceptions of the process. They examined the congruency of parent-child
communication as reported by both mother and child, and found that
mothers tend to underestimate the sexual activity of their children,
especially if conversations about sexual issues have not taken place
before. Additionally, they found that mothers who strongly disapprove
of sexual engagement with their children are more likely to believe
that sexual relations have not occurred, when in fact they have.
The quality, frequency, and content of communication between parents and children need to be examined further, particularly in Latino
families, to assess its potential influence on adolescent sexual onset.

781

Family Structure
Family structural and contextual characteristics such as living with
a single parent, having older siblings who are sexually active or pregnant sisters, living in a disorganized or dangerous neighborhood, low
socioeconomic status or being sexually abused can place youths at risk
and infiuence adolescent sexual behavior (Miller, 2002). Living in a
two-parent family household is an important factor associated with
reduction in early onset of sexual activity (Young & Jensen, 1991).
According to these authors, family structure plays a key role in understanding adolescent sexual behavior, where a traditional two-parent
family may be related to less adolescent sexual activity (Young & Jensen, 1991). Hypothetically, both parents provide a more stable environment in which values can be reinforced. Furthermore, they argue that
single-parent families could model nonmarital sexual behavior and
provide less emotional support, which could lead the adolescent to rely
on peers for information about sexual issues and modeling of sexual
behavior. Family structure is an important factor in understanding
early sexual onset in Hispanic/Latino youth.
METHOD

Participants
Four hundred and twenty-five Puerto Rican adolescents ages 12-16
(mean age 13.49) participated in the study. The sample was recruited
from grades 7 to 10 from ten public schools in the San Juan metropolitan area. It consisted of 270 (63.5%) females and 155 (36.5%) males.
With respect to the marital status of the participants' parents, 54%
of the sample came from two-parent households (married or living
together), 41% from separated/divorced parents, and 4.7% from widowers. As to parents' educational level, 57.4%finishedhigh school; 13.5%
hold a technical degree; 21.9% hold a college degree; 7.1% hold a graduate degree, and 15.1% did not finish high school.
Instruments and Measures
Data were collected on a large number of factors associated with
adolescent sexual activity as part of a larger study. A self-report questionnaire to be completed by the adolescent, which included questions
about sexual behavior as well as individual, family, and extrafamial
variables, was developed. It included questions on the following: coping
skills, self-esteem, talents and skills, alcohol, tobacco, and other drug
use, sexual permissiveness, relations with peers, social support, and
family characteristics. Detailed information about the measures of
family characteristics, as well as demographic information relevant to
the present study is provided below.
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Sociodemographic Data
Basic sociodemographic information including the youth's age, gender, grade, parents' educational level, and parents' marital status was
collected, as well as information about religious iffiliation. Information
about academic achievement (grades, GPA, grades failed) was included
in the data sheet.
Measures of Family Characteristics
Parentdl supervision I monitoring. To assess parental monitoring,
five questions about the type and quality of monitoring/supervision
provided by participeuits' parents were asked. The items are constructed on a 4-point scale that ranges from "never" to "always." A
sample item inquires: "When you're not home, how often do your parents know your whereabouts?" Questions about parental supervision
when the youth is not in school, as well as supervision of the youth's
activities such as the use of the Intemet and video games were included in this section.
Parental support. Ten questions from the Parent-Child Involvement
Scale were used to assess parental support. The 10-item scale assesses
parental support as evidenced by involvement in their children's decision making, problem solving, and shared leisure activities, as reported
by the youth. Smith and Krohn (1995) reported an internal consistency
coefficient of .78 with a Latino/Hispanic sample, while Bravo et al.
(2001) reported a .80 reliability coefficient in a Puerto Rican sample.
Items inquire about how oflen the parents help with homework, listen
to their prohlems, and are availahle to do things together, and were
analyzed as individual items.
Discipline. Eight questions from the Parental Discipline Practices
Scale (MECA/SURF; Goodman et al., 1998) were used to evaluate the
disciplinary practices employed hy the participants' parents. The scale
inquires ahout use of physical and nonphysical forms of punishment,
and is also divided into negative and positive types of disciplinary
measures. Responses range from 1 (never/almost never) to 2 (very often). The reliability coefficients in a Puerto Rican sample for the nonpimitive and physical punishment subscales were .64 and .69,
respectively, as reported by Goodman et al. (1998). Sample items include: "How often do your parents praise you?"; "How often do your
parents ignore you or act cold and indifferent as punishment?"
Family structure. The parent's marital status was used as an indicator of family structure. This question was included in the sociodemographic data sheet.
Sexual Behavior
Items from the Youth Risk Behavior Survey (YRBS; Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2000) were administered to measure sex-

783

ual health-risk behaviors. The YRBS is an 87-item questionnaire that


serves to determine the prevalence and age of initiation of various
health-risk behaviors, including: tobacco use, alcohol and other drug
use, sexual behaviors that may result in HIV infection, other STDs
and/or unintended pregnancy, unhealthy dietary behaviors, inadequate physical activity, and behaviors that may result in intentional
or unintentional injury. The Division of Adolescent and School Health
ofthe Centers for Disease Control, in collaboration with 71 local and
state offices ofthe U.S. Department of Education, and 19 federal agencies developed the YRBS. The Spanish version, in use by the Puerto
Rico Department of Education (1997) was used in the present study.
The Spanish YRBS has been administered by the Program of School
Health of the Puerto Rico Department of Education in 1991, 1992,
1995, 1997, and 1999, to youths enrolled in public and/or private
schools (Puerto Rico Department of Education, 1997).
The items administered include questions about whether the youth
has had sexual intercourse, including oral and anal sex, age at first
sex, number of lifetime sexual partners, condom use at last sex, alcohol/
drug use at last sex, and use of birth control methods.
Procedure
After obtaining IRB approval, data were collected in the spring of
2002. Prior authorization from the Puerto Rico Department of Education was obtained to conduct the study in 10 public schools from one
school district. Informed, written consent was obtained from prospective participants and their parents or guardians. The research protocol,
a self-report questionnaire including all scales, was administered to
participating adolescents during regular school hours. Data were coded
and analyzed using SPSS 11.0.
Data Analysis Procedures
Data analyses included obtaining descriptive statistics and diverse
inferential statistics to identify those family characteristics that were
significantly associated with being sexually active (criterion variable).
Different inferential statistics were used, depending on the measurement scale ofthe variables involved. For testing the significance ofthe
association between nominal variables, Chi-square or Cramer's V were
computed. For continuous variables, one-way ANOVAs were performed, comparing sexually active/abstaining youth on variables such
as age. A discriminant function analysis was performed to identify
significant (p < .05) predictors of sexual activity. All predictor variables
that were significantly associated with sexual activity were entered in
the discriminant function analysis.

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RESULTS

Sexual Behavior in Early Adolescence


A total of 425 12- to 16-year-old adolescents participated in the
study. Among these, 383 (91.8%) reported not being sexually active,
while 34 (8.2%) reported being sexually active. There was a significant
age difference between sexually active and abstinent teens (.F (1,415)
= 15.01, p < .001). On average, active teens were one year older. The
mean age for sexually active participants was 14.15 years, while the
mean age for abstinent teens was 13.44. There was a weak but significant association between gender and being sexually activity (Phi coefficient = 0.124, p = 0.012), where more males reported being sexually
active. Specifically, 19 (12.7%) males were sexually active, compared
to 15 (5.6%) females.
The majority ofthe sexually active adolescents (55.6%) reported having only one sexual partner in their lifetime, while 25.9% reported
having two sexual partners, and 18.5% having three or more partners.
With respect to condom use, 66.7% of participants reported using a
condom and 33.3% reported not using a condom during their last intercourse. One subject reported an unintended pregnancy; 9.7% of participants reported using alcohol and/or drugs during their last intercourse.
One-fourth of sexually active participants reported having anal intercourse without a condom in their lifetime, while 15.6 reported having
anal intercourse without a condom in the last 6 months.
Familial Factors Related to Sexual Activity
Parental supervision, discipline, parental support, and family structure were significantly (p < .05) associated with early sexual onset of
sexual intercourse. The results of this analysis are summarized in
Table 1.
Parental supervision / monitoring. A significant association was observed between parental supervision/monitoring and sexual behavior.
Most of the sexually abstinent teens (69.9%) reported that their parents definitely know what time they get home, compared to 52.9% of
their sexually active peers (Cramer's V = .156,p = .018). The majority
(81.77%) of the sexually abstinent teens reported that they go home
eifter school, compared to 61.8% of sexually active teens, who go elsewhere (Cramer's V = .148, p = .027). Three quarters (76.6%) of abstinent teens reported that their parents always know their whereabouts,
compared to 55.9% of sexually active teens (Cramer's V = .182, p =
.008); 11.8% of sexually active teens reported that their parents never
know what they are doing at home, in comparison with 1.6% of nonsexually active teens (Cramer's V = .201, p = .002).
With respect to supervision and Internet use, almost half (44.1%) of
sexually active teens reported having received an invitation for a web785

Table 1
Comparison of Sexually Active and Abstinent Adolescents
in Terms of Parental/Familial Characteristics

Item
Parental supervision
Parents know what time
youth gets home
Youth goes home after
school
Parents always know youth's
whereabouts
Parents never know what youth is
doing at home

Active Abstinent Cramer's


V
(%)
(%)

52.9

69.9

.156*

61.8

81.8

.148*

55.9

76.6

.182**

11.8

1.6

.201**

44.1

17.2

.204***

22.6
Received "a lot" of invitations for adult
content website
40.6
Visited websites with sexual
content
Someone youth met through the Internet 50.0
suggested they meet in person
31.3
Meeting with someone youth met
through the Internet
17.6
All of youth's video games are violent

7.1

Received an invitation for adult


content website

.19*

82.2

.31***

27.5

.14*

11.3

.18**

2.8

.25***

Discipline
Parents frequently ignore/act cold or
indifferent as punishment

26.4

10.4

.142*

Parental support
Youth never discusses his/her
problems with parents

26.5

9.0

.17*

32.4

50.3

.18**

Fatnily structure
Parents are married

Note. The adolescents ranged in age from 12 to 16 years.


*p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001

786

site with adult content, compared to only 17.2% of their abstinent peers
(Cramer's V = .204, p < .001). Significantly more sexually active teens
(22.6% vs. 7.1%) reported that they received "a lot" of invitations to
adult content websites (Cramer's V = .19, p = .026). The majority of
nonactive teens (82.2%) reported not having visited websites with sexual content at all, compared to less than half (40.6%) of their sexually
active peers (Cramer's V = .31, p < .001). Fifty percent of sexually
active teens reported that someone they met through the Internet suggested meeting them in person, compared with ahout a quarter (27.5%)
of nonsexually active peers (Cramer's V = .14, p = .023). Almost one
third (31.3%) of sexually active teens reported meeting someone they
found through the Internet, compared with only 11.3% of abstinent
teens (Cramer's V = .18, p = .007). With respect to the type of video
games they play, a greater percentage (17.6% vs. 2.8% of sexually
active teens reported that all of their video games are violent (Cramer's
V = .25, p < .001).
Discipline. More sexually active teens (26.4% vs. 10.4% of abstinent
teens) reported that their parents frequently ignore them or act cold/
indifferent as a form of punishment (Cramer's V = .142, p = .015).
Parental support. A greater number (26.5%) of sexually active teens
reported that they never discuss their prohlems with their families,
compared to 9% of abstinent teens (Cramer's V = .17, p = .02).
Family structure (parent's marital status). More of sexually abstinent teens (50.3%) reported that their parents are married, compared
to 32.4% of their sexually active peers (Cramer's V = .18, p = .009).
Using discriminant function analysis, a model that discriminates
sexually abstinent vs. active youth was built, incorporating all family
characteristics that were significantly (p < .05) associated with sexual
activity. The model included parentil supervision, discipline, parental
support, and family structure as significant predictors of early sexual
onset. It was significant and classified correctly 79.5% of youth as abstinent or sexually active (Wilks' Lambda = .801, x'' (17) = 49.49, p <
.001). It classified correctly 82% of abstinent teens, compared to 60.7%
of sexually active teens.
DISCUSSION

All family characteristics examined in the present study were significantly associated with early sexual onset in adolescence. These include family characteristics such as parental supervision/monitoring,
discipline, parental support/involvement, and parents' miarital status.
Weak, hut statistically significant (p < .05) correlations (ranging from
.142 to .31, most in the .18 to .25 range) were obtained, and the cluster

787

of family variables was incorporated into a model that significantly


discriminated sexually active vs. abstinent 12- to 16-year-old youth.
Results show significant associations between family characteristics
such as parental supervision, discipline, and support with respect to
early sexual onset. There is evidence for the important role of parents'
involvement in their child's life, as well as the supervision, support
and discipline they can provide. Religious involvement on the part of
the family was also associated with sexual abstinence.
Less parental supervision was associated with being sexually active
at an early age. Specifically, the quality of parent supervision was
related to sexual behavior. In situations where parents know their
children's whereabouts, know what they are doing, and spend time
with them after school, it is less likely that these youths will be sexually active. These results are consistent with those of studies which
suggest that parents who supervise their children may help delay the
onset of sexual activity (see Longmore et al., (2001) and Jacobson &
Crocket (2000).
Our results also suggest a relationship between the disciplinary
practices used by parents (as reported hy the youth) and whether their
child is sexually active. Specifically, parents ignoring them or acting
cold or indifferent was more common among youth with early sexual
onset. Based on similar findings, Taris & Semin (1998) proposed that
parenting styles have an important infiuence on teenage sexual hehavior. Specifically, they reported that parental involvement is associated
with an increase in sexual self-efficacy, while indifference on the part
of the parents was related to less self-efficacy. Others have suggested
that parents who hold more conservative views about dating and employ dating rules may delay the onset of sexual activity in their children (Hovell et al., 1994).
The support provided by parents to their adolescent children and
their involvement in their life also play an important role with respect
to early sexual activity. It was more common among sexually active
teens to say that they never discuss their problems with family members. Studies suggest that parental involvement and support are important variables that need to be considered to better understand
adolescent sexual behavior. Lynch (2001) proposes that higher levels
of family interaction and attachment are associated with diminished
adolescent sexual activity. Furthermore, Upchurch et al. (1999) report
that adolescent males who receive more emotional support from their
parents have lower rates of sexual onset, while findings about females
indicate that daughters who talk to their mothers more have less risk
of getting pregnant (Fox & Inazu, 1980), and that mother-daughter
communication is related to delayed sexual onset, according to O'SuUlivan et al. (1999). The quality of communication, rather than the fre-

788

quency, is related to risky behavior in adolescents (Wilson &


Donenberg, 2004). Moreover, female adolescents who reported having
good communication with their parents were less likely to initiate sexual activity; in this study, parent-child communication was a predictor
of consistent condom use (Hutchinson, 2002).
We observed that a slightly greater number of abstinent teens live
in two-parent households, in comparison with sexually active teens.
Some studies have suggested a relationship hetween family structure
and adolescent sexual activity. For example, Upchurch et al. (1999)
suggest that having both parents in the home is a factor associated
with the delay of sexual onset, while Miller (2002) has suggested that
living with a single parent is related to greater probability of sexual
activity. Young & Jensen (1991) have proposed that single-parent
households may provide less stability or emotional support, or may
serve to model nonmarital sexual behavior. However, results from
other studies are not consistent with these findings (Hovell et al.,
1994). An alternative view to explain a possible relation between parents' marital status and sexual behavior takes into account the possible
effect of diminished supervision, parental control or support that one
person may be able to provide in a single-parent household.

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