The Cinderella Complex: Narrating Spanish Women's History, the Home and Visions of

Equality: Developing New Margins

Author(s): Robina Mohammad
Source: Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, Vol. 30, No. 2 (Jun.,
2005), pp. 248-261
Published by: Blackwell Publishing on behalf of The Royal Geographical Society (with the Institute of
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The Cinderella complex - narrating

women's

Spanish
visions

of

equality:

the

history,

home

and

new

developing

margins
Robina Mohammad
This paper examines the development of feminism in Spain within the context of
political transformations. It focuses on one particular strand of feminist thinking:
/equality feminism'. The paper traces the evolution of equality feminism and its
institutionalization, supported by the production and dissemination of a feminist
history of the Franquista dictatorship (1936-1939). Yet, under scrutiny such narratives
maintain a silence on the social, political and geographical diversity of women's
experiences prior to, during and beyond the Franquista dictatorship. Drawing on
women's oral testimonies (recorded in the city of Mdlaga, Andalucia) the paper
animates the silences of this feminist history in Spain and the limits of state feminist
ideology.
key words

feminism state equality hegemony

ideology

silences Mdlaga

South Asian Studies Programme,National University of Singapore

email: sasrm~nus.edu.sg
revised manuscript received 22 December 2004

Introduction
In Spain, a strand of feminism known as equality
feminism has become institutionalized in the state
apparatus. This paper considers the implications of
this for working class women. In particular,it specifies
equality feminism's classifications of labour as
paid and unpaid, public and private, masculine
and feminine and examines their socio-spatial and
political underpinnings and consequences. Equality
feminism (or socialist feminism as it is sometimes
referred to) developed in Spain in the late 1960s
against the backdrop of the Franquista dictatorship
(1939-1975) and was heavily influenced by feminist
scholars Betty Friedan and Simone De Beauvoir.
After the death of General Franco in 1975, the
dictatorshipevolved into a liberaldemocracy,a process
which saw the curtailment of the most radical
currents involved in the struggle for democracy
and the reinstitution of the bourbon dynasty with
King Juan Carlos as head of state. Under pressure

from equality feminists, the socialist government

that came to power in a landslide victory in the
1982 elections established a state department for
women. The Instituto de la Mujer (Institute for
Women) was given the mandate to develop gender
equality. Spanish State Feminism's (SSF) governance of the gender 'problem' is coherent with the
liberal' ideology of the democratic state of which it
is a part. Its location within the state has provided
equality feminism with a powerful platform from
which to disseminate (and universalize) its vision
of what counts as women's oppression, the conceptualization of women's equality and how the
latter might be achieved.
The distinction of public/private, defined in
spatial terms as 'la casa o la calle' (literally, the
house or the street), that underpinned Franquismo's
gendered ideology is also key to SSF discourse.
I examine how this distinction, aligned with the
modern/traditional binary, became central to hegemonic feminist representations of the home. For

TransInst Br GeogrNS 30 248-261 2005

ISSN 0020-2754 ? Royal Geographical Society (with The Institute of British Geographers) 2005

249

The Cinderellacomplex

this I draw on two interviews with feminists working within the municipal state women's office in
Malaga, the Delegacion Municipal de la Mujer, and
two from the regional state women's office in
Andalucia, the Instituto Andaluz de la Mujer. I
supplement these interviews with an extensive
study of literatures (many of them produced and/
or funded by the state offices) that relate to and
inform the production and circulation of everyday
narratives about women's place in Spanish society.
Then, drawing on an in-depth intergenerational
study of 44 working-class women aged between 19
and 72,2 located in Malaga Town (Andalucia),' I
consider the extent to which women's subjectivities
have been produced within SSF discourse with
reference to understandings of gender equality,
freedom, home and work. I show how SSF's conceptualization of gender equality serves to valorize
some women while marginalizing others. Pursuing
what Squires (1999) refers to as a 'strategy of
inclusion', SSF seeks to make women equal to men.
In this vision, equality between men and women
requires not only the development of equality of
opportunities but also the production of a model
of Spanish womanhood capable of taking up these
opportunities. Thus part of its aim involves the
transformation of women. However, this strategy
leaves the structures within which inequalities are
produced unquestioned. Retaining a centre supports
a periphery. Those women who have the capacity
for achieving equality according to SSF's vision are
centred, but those who refuse it or those less capable of this transformation, such as the infirm and/
or disabled women unable to engage in paid work,
remain relegated to the periphery. I argue that
in keeping with liberal ideology, SSF discourse on
the one hand promotes women's autonomy, freedom and liberty. Yet on the other hand, it limits
and controls, by prescribing a particular model of
womanhood and valorizing it over others. Finally,
the focus of SSF discourse, in keeping with certain
hegemonic strands of Anglo-American 'second
wave' feminisms, has been almost exclusively on
the inequities produced by gender. But as critiques
of the latter have pointed out, the man/woman
binary that this privileges has generated new
oppressive fictions even as it has sought to address
existing ones. The structure of the paper is as follows: I begin by tracing Friedan and De Beauvoir's
influence on feminist agendas in Spain (Amoros
1986; Folguera 1988) and the emergence and institutionalization of equality feminism. I then discuss

SSF's post-dictatorship re-narration of Franquista

history, within a liberal framework, against which
women's equality has been conceptualized. Drawing on interview data I examine the extent to which
this history as a collective memory has been productive of women's subjectivities. From the basis
of respondents' experiences I highlight the partial
nature of this collective memory.

Puertas adentro4 (behind closed doors):

queens and/or slaves of the home.
Equality feminism in Spain
[The] existence of a regime which denied citizens virtually
all forms of meeting and association made it. .. [difficult
to organize resistance movements in the late-1960s
and so] much more difficult for the ideas and actions
launched by women in other parts of Europe and North
America to catch on in Spain. (Threfall 1985, 45)

Equality feminism developed within the women's

movement gathered pace as part of an oppositional
movement in Franquista Spain in the late 1960s.
Although the anti-democratic environment aimed
to inhibit all forms of opposition, socio-economic
transformations encouraged the new generation of
women to question their own position in Spanish
society. As Escario et al. note:
For the first time, women were reflecting more on their
rights than their duties and obligations. (1996, 50; see
also Morcillo 1988; Scanlon 1990)

Internationally, in the Anglo-American world a

second wave of feminism was at its height. In the
United States civil right struggles were being
fought and won; closer to home students were
agitating in Paris, France. In Spain, the numbers
of feminist texts that had been filtering in and
circulatingillegally since the early 1960s (Borreguero
et al. 1986;Morcillo 1988; Scanlon 1990) were on the
rise, encouraging women to recognize as illusionary
the choices offered them by the Franquista regime
(LUpez-Accotto1999). These texts
were to have an important influence not only amongst
feminists but all women who in those years began, for
the first time, to feel a sense of rebellion against their
traditional role. (Escario et al. 1996, 50)

Most notable of these texts were Betty Friedan's The

feminist mystique(first published 1963) and Simone
De Beauvoir's Le deuxiemesexe (The secondsex, first
published in 1949) (Thornham2001). A Spanish copy
of the latter found its way into Spain from Argentina

250

in 1962. Circulating clandestinely, as Cafias notes

in an article commemorating the fiftieth anniversary
of the book, it quickly became known as

RobinaMohammad

vate space of the home and the twin roles of wife

and mother (Riera and Valenciano 1991). However,
feminist currents in Spain were divided over what
counted as oppression. For example, in contrast to
the feminist bible. It was passed from hand to hand. equality feminism, difference feminism views 'the
[I]n it many Spanish women encountered a profound
spaces of [women's] personal, lived experience as
reflection (with respect to the condition of women) on
the only legitimate starting-point'(BrooksbankJones
what they already knew intuitively. (1999a, 32; my
1997, 11). Difference feminism celebrates the spaces
translation. See also L6pez Pardina 1999)
of the home, of the 'vida cotidiana' (everyday life),
What was already known intuitively was further the very spaces that equality feminism sought to
developed and formulated through the lens offered negotiate women's release from. Feminist currents
by Betty Friedan. Friedan's The feminist mystique were also divided over the means for developing
(1963), focusing on the experience of housewives in women's empowerment.
the United States in the 1950s, argued that patriarchal American society saw the roles of housewife
From equality to state feminism
and mother as the 'natural' destiny of women
because of their biological capacity for reproduction. McBride Stetson and Mazur reflect on how
This destiny is further naturalized by the seductiveThe most striking consequence of over 25 years of
ness of the ideologies of love and romance circulated
women's movement activism has been the array of
through the media, promoted by capitalist consumpinstitutional arrangements inside democratic states
tion as well as by 'experts' in medicine and health
devoted to women's policy questions. (1995, 1)
guiding women towards particular feminine ideals
(see Jacobs Brumberg 1998). Friedan (1963) argued However, feminists have been unable to come to
that this undermined women's ambition to excel in any agreement about the role of the state in the
the public, professionalworlds, drawing them instead achievement of their objectives. Marxist and Radical
towards the limited and alienating private domain feminists view the state as an instrument of
of the home through marriage and motherhood.
capitalism and patriarchy respectively (see Elshtain
Writing at the height of Fordism when the dis- 1983; MacKinnon 1989). In the Spanish context,
tinction between the spaces of paid and domestic radical feminists regard man as the oppressor,
labour was most marked, Friedan contrasts both rather than a patriarchal, socio-political-economic
the forms of labour - domestic and paid, as well system, thus they ruled out the possibility of colas the sites in which these activities are under- laboration on projects of resistance that involved
taken. She points out that against the tedious an engagement with institutional politics. Differmonotony of domestic labour, undertaken for love ence feminists, who privilege women's knowledges
and largely unrecognized or recognized in ways and viewpoints, believed that any engagement
that do not count, paid work is mentally stimulat- with formal political structures would inevitably
ing. Moreover, it has marked temporal boundaries, and irrevocably transform feminists themselves,
offers a wage and financial autonomy, promotion compromising the commitment to their own and
and a recognized status. Yet for Friedan crucially collective autonomy. By contrast,equality feminism's
the site of domestic work itself - the home - is par- liberal view does not see the state as an instrument
ticularly alienating and disempowering. The home of oppression, but rather as a facility that can be
removes women from the apparently transparent used by any group able to develop the political
public sphere and makes them less visible. They capital to promote its own vision of the world.
are disenfranchised by their exclusion and invisi- State power can be harnessed to develop equality
bility from the arenas of institutional politics and between men and women (Riera and Valenciano
government, and the labour market, denying
1991). It is this position that enabled equality
them full participatory citizenship. These ideas feminism to achieve hegemony over alternative
found resonance in a Spain in which a national feminist visions through its institutionalization
form of Catholicism, as the state ideology, per- with the establishment of the Instituto de la
suaded boys and girls towards separate destinies Mujer (the state women's office) in 1983. Taking
that were also spatialized. The 'natural' destiny for their cue from the national state, regional and
men was the public world, and for women, the pri- municipal authorities also set up women's offices.

251

The Cinderellacomplex

In Andalucia, for example, the regional state

women's department, the Instituto Andaluz de la
Mujer,was formalized in 1988. Mdlaga's Delegaci6n
Municipal de la Mujer was established more
recently in 1994.
At this point I should note that by SSF I do
not simply refer to the formal political apparatus
of the state, but to the network of agencies and
technologies through which governance is achieved.
Governance draws together and produces 'a profusion of shifting alliances between diverse authorities'
(Rose and Miller 1992, 174), all those involved in
knowledge production, including academics, journalists, teachers, medical and health authorities,
experts on populations, the physical and social
environment, industry and economy. Such authorities form a complex web that imbricates state and
non-state actors in such a way that it blurs the distinction between state and civil society. Fentress
and Wickham argue that 'social groups construct
their own images of the world by establishing an
agreed version of the past' (1992, ix-x) achieved
through research and knowledge production. Thus
funding research on gender issues and dissemination of the findings is key to governing the problem
of gender inequality. So, Lambea Pefia notes how
the Instituto Andaluz de la Mujer started business
'with a study of the social situation of Andalucian
women in order to diagnose reality' (1999, 24); the
Instituto de la Mujer also stresses the need 'to
make a reliable diagnosis of the situation' (1997,
17). Connected by a shared vision, and an informal
commitment to cooperation and coordination of
initiatives, state women's offices have at their
disposal extensive technologies to mould Spanish
womanhood in ways that parallel the dictatorship.
The Instituto de la Mujer's Equality Plan stresses
that education
is the basic instrument to achieve equality of opportunity
... an essential element for the autonomy of women,
so they are able to develop their own opinions ...
(Instituto de la Mujer 1997, 15)

Women must develop their 'own opinions', but

must do so in accordance with equality feminism's
vision, so the Proposal for Action 26 in the Instituto
Andaluz de la Mujer's (1995) Equality Plan (current
at the time of writing) calls for:
Campaigns of awareness and training in non sexist
orientation [to be] directed to families and students
with the objective of transforming their attitudes to
their future choice of profession.

State women's offices draw on experts in a range of

fields to direct women. Both the Instituto Andaluz
de la Mujer and the Instituto de la Mujer publish
extensive material to inform and guide women,
ranging from books (produced from a variety of
disciplinary locations) to free guides and booklets
advising women on a range issues such as employment (for example, a guide to reconciling
family and working life), domestic violence, sexual
health and educational choices. At the same time,
their involvement in the production of knowledges
allows state women's offices a privileged role in
the production of a collective memory of women's
history which acts as a basis for the formulation of
gender equalityprogrammesand provides legitimation
for equality feminism.

Re-narrating Franquista Spain:

women as 'other'
Fentressand Wickhamargue that individual memory
becomes transformed into a social or collective
memory 'essentially by talking about it' (1992, ix-x).
Yet it is not simply having a voice that is significant in this process, but being heard. It is the
narratives of the privileged, of those who have the
status and resources, to circulate, normalize and
universalize particularknowledges or versions of the
past. At the same time as Summerfield points out,
local and particular accounts [of the past] cannot escape
the conceptual definitional effects of powerful public
representations ... [thus p]ersonal narratives draw on
the generalised subject available in discourse to construct the particular personal subject. (1998, 15)

Thus, for young women, public representations act

as a memory of the Franquista years. Yet powerful
public representations also work on the memories
of older women who have lived experience of the
Franquista years. The collective memory prompts
and guides recollections, infusing and enhancing
personal memories of lived experiences. It is able
to animate and re-configure recollections into
new constellations, endowing experiences with new
meanings. At times it may even overwrite those
memories. Thus the act of remembering is highly
ideological.
Lorde Enders, with reference to historiography,
notes how after the end of the dictatorship hegemonic power belonged to the centre and liberal left.
The '[f]ormer winners were now losers, and their
story rested in the hands of their political enemies'

252

(1999, 389). It is in this context that re-narrations,

whether self-consciously propounding equality feminism or otherwise, have a tendency to conceive
the dictatorship as a regime that disrupted Spain's
'natural' progression from 'tradition' to 'modernity'
with profound implications for women. Women's
distinctiveness and differences from men were
reinforced by a dictatorship, ideologically committed to 'tradition'. Under the command of General
Franco, Nationalists seized power in 1939 and
emerged victorious in a bloody civil war fought
against the democratically elected, liberal left
regime of the Second Republic (1931-1936). In this
narration the Second Republic becomes a regime
that liberated women from tradition to modernity.
Alted, for example, notes the 'favourable climate'
for women, during the Republic and even during the
Civil War in the Republican zone. This 'translated
into a series of conquests on three fronts: juridical
equality with men ... equality of opportunities with

Robina Mohammad

by the state and more by economic necessity. In

this sense, marriage acted as a refuge, a tactic for
survival (Scanlon 1986). The significance of marriage in turn
imposed on women a life enclosed behind the walls of
the house [which they left only] for pious visits to the
Church; [other than that they remained within the four
walls of the home] hidden from the view of strangers,
in the Arabic mode ... (Ortega L6pez 1988, 43)

Marriage not only naturalized the home as the

place of married women through their roles as
housewives and mothers, but it also prepared the
ground to contain women, not yet married, to the
space of the home and reinforce the worlds beyond
it as essentially masculine. Catholicism stressed
the centrality of women's virginity/heterosexual
purity to marriage which became a measure of
women's value in the marriage market. In turn
this encouraged constraints on single women's
geographical and temporal mobility. At this point
respect to education5 ... [and] protective labour
it is important to bear in mind that the Second
legislation...' (1991,301). During this period women
Republic, despite legalizing divorce, did not seek
were granted suffrage. Moreover, they were to be
to address in any substantial, material way women's
liberated from the home through the divorce legislaeconomic dependency on marriage.
tion (Moxon-Browne1989).It is against these RepubBut the collective memory foregrounds the
lican reformsthat the Franquistaregime is constructed
ways in which the Franquista state sought to retain
as a 'return to the past'; 'returning women' (Aline
women in the home through a variety of direct and
Barrachina 1991, 211; see also Carerra Sudrez and
indirect measures. As Scanlon points out
Vinuela Suirez 2001) to the home, pushing women,
'La mujer de su casa' [the women of the house] was
back from 'modernity' to 'tradition' given that
the ideology of the [Franquistal regime with respect to
women was based on the exaltation of their traditional
roles of wife and mother confined to their homes.
(Riera and Valenciano 1991, 40)

Thus the dictatorship reversed the progressive reforms made under the Republican regime. National
Catholicism6 provided an ideological framework
for the reproduction of the nation (Nash 2000). It
put the Catholic family, characterized by gender
divisions and hierarchy, at the base of Franquista
society, as the vehicle for a conservative national
regeneration. As the preamble to the Labour Charter
of 1938 stated, the family is the 'primary natural
and basic unit of society and at the same time a
moral institution' (quoted in Del Campo 1991, 88).
Historically speaking, the relegation of women
to the home, as studies have shown, is not new.
In Spain '[t]he home was a feminine space, [that
was] completely enclosed' (Ortega L6pez 1988, 43).
Spanish women, as women elsewhere in Europe
and beyond, were directed towards the home less

an integral part of Catholic and traditional Spain that

Republic[anpolicies] had intended to destroy and which
the Nationalists endeavoured to restore. (1986, 337)

For this the Franquista regime drew on the Seccion

Feminina (the Franquista state's de facto women's
office) which acted as a 'political instrument to
organise women and to transmit the thinking and
values of the new state' (Riera and Valenciano 1991,
43). More specifically its role is remembered as one
of 'exhort~ingi . .. women to reduce themselves to the

home and to the Church' (Pardo 2000, dust jacket).

Franquista policies encouraged women to leave
paid work upon marriage, and to have more children. From 1942, women employees in the public
sector were offered a carrot, 'la dote', a financial gift,
to leave paid work upon marriage. 'Once confined
[within the home] they were much easier to control'
(Carbayo Abeng6zar 1998, 35). Married women
could only legally engage in paid work with the
formal permission of their husbands. In addition,
legislation was put in place to bind women more
closely to the home through motherhood. On the

TheCinderella
complex
one hand, the regime called for sexual abstinence
and was vigilant against the sin of solitary sexual
pleasures for daughters in the parental home (see
Ortero 1999b). On the other, as wives, it insisted on
their participation in conjugal relations for the purposes of procreation. The regime's plan to increase
population numbers saw the re-establishment of
Mother'sDay (Ortero1999a).Women were reminded
that 'making Spaniards makes Spain great' (Seccidn
femenina,quoted in Ortero 1999a, 111).
Pro-natalist policies were put in place by a
regime that '[riejected [birth control] in a rhetoric
that chastised the moral decadence of the Republican
period' (Nash 2000, 298). The sale, purchase, advertising and use of contraception was prohibited and
abortion was criminalized. At the same time the
establishment of the Family Subsidy in 1938 (offered
on a sliding scale to family heads, usually male)
was a measure to persuade women to have children. General Franco's own ministers had to set an
example to the nation, so they were all fathers of
numerous children (de Miguel 1976). These policies
also sought to ensure that wives and mothers from
poor families would not be forced by the burden of
poverty to enter the labour market (de Miguel
1976; Nash 1999 2000). A wife's engagement in formal paid work, however, was further undermined
by the threat of withdrawing the family subsidy
from her husband (Roig 1989).
These measures were introduced at least in
part to contain women to the feminine sphere. But
as Shubert notes, it was middle- and upper-class
women, far more that working-class women who
'found their world and especially their contacts
with men severely restricted' (1992, 214). It is in
this context that Friedan's analysis found commonsense appeal amongst educated, middle-class women,
in a country that until the economic miracle of
the 1960s was sharply polarized in socio-economic
terms. It is against this narration of Franquista
policies that equality feminists identified 'the two
great problems that ... had to [be] confront[ed -],

253
occurs in reality, 80 per cent [of the responsibility]
of non remunerated work and only 30 per cent of
remunerated [work] their access to liberty [will be] very
reduced ... (Durdn 1999, 9)

To attain freedom women must be released from

the home so that they can flood out and become
visible in the public, masculine arena (Durdn 1987;
Vargas 1995). Thus the project of SSF aims to loosen
and break the chains that link and bind women to
the home, at both the legal and ideological level.

From the 'Other' to the 'Same'

While Friedan (1963) offers a framework through
which to conceptualize the 'problem' of gender
inequality, De Beauvoir provides a clear direction
for its resolution. De Beauvoir confirms that the
meaning of 'woman' is not innate, in that it does
not have an inherent nature. She insists that
womanhood is socially constructed in relation to
the meaning of man. Woman is that which is not
man. If man is the 'Same' then she is his 'Other'.
She is placed in a violent hierarchy that locates her
as the subordinate of man. So
[wioman ... [must become] like man, in order to escape
the debilitating and endlessly disempowering impact of
femininity as the condition of otherness. Refusing this
condition becomes, for De Beauvoir, the definitive
feminist project. (Evans 1997, 45)

A refusal of this condition not only depends on

legislative changes but requires a transformation
of women. The role of SSF, therefore, is also one
of 'making up' women as citizens capable of being
modern, equal, independent and liberated (Rose
and Miller 1992). Brooksbank Jones notes how 'no
study of Spanish women can avoid ... [the] binary

[of tradition and modernity]' (1997, vii). Just as

the issue of women's equality vacillates around
and between these two poles, so too does national
identity. Historians, for example, have identified at
least two Spains:

matrimony and maternity'(CarbayoAbeng6zar 1998,

25). Sociologist Ma Angeles Duran reminds women
from the pages of the Instituto Andaluz de la
Mujer's journal Meridiana,that

the inward-looking Spain of traditionalistCatholic values

... [and a liberal7] Spain of progress and free thought
which looked to Europe ... (Carr 1980, 12)

it is very difficult for women to obtain a real freedom

while they [women] continue to [make up] the majority
of those who take charge of non remunerated work [in
the home] that is necessary to maintain the country in
the levels of welfare and comfort that are in place at
present ... [in other words] while women assume, as

The latter viewed 'regeneracionismo' or national

regenerationin terms of development, modernization
made synonymous with Europeanization (Holman
1996). In 1977, with the end of the dictatorship, the
desire for liberal regeneration saw the disbanding
of the Secci6n Femenina (Loree Enders 1999),

254
and supported the institutionalization of equality
feminism. The development of democracy was key
to a liberal regeneration of the nation. Thus equality
feminism was able to purchase support for its
institutionalization (Escario et al. 1996) by linking
its project to democracy and national advancement.
Just as Liberal Spain seeks inclusion amongst the
advanced nations of Europe, so SSF seeks the
inclusion of women within the arenas that they
have hitherto been excluded from (Instituto de la
Mujer 1997). Collectively this is imagined as a
linear journey, a transformation from 'tradition' to
'modernity' (see, for example, Borreguero et al.
1986), from difference to sameness.8
Transformations
Now I don't have to be a woman anymore. I need never
become a mother. Being a woman has always been
humiliating, but I used to assume there was no exit.
Now the very idea 'woman' is up for grabs. 'Woman' is
my slave name; feminism will give me freedom to seek
some other identity altogether. (Snitow 1990, 9)
Mujer, liberate de la cocina y unite.' (Woman, liberate
yourself from the kitchen and unite) (Escario et al. 1996,
271)

Escario et al's (1996) study documents the history

of the women's movement in Spain from the late
1960s. I will draw on it to examine the initiatives of
equality feminists, who with a zealous enthusiasm
(note how De Beauvoir's The second sex was
termed the 'bible' of feminism; Cafias 1999a, 32)
sought to reach out to women and transform their
consciousness.
Having identified matrimony and maternity as the
problems to be addressed, consciousness-raising
initiatives by feminists involved cautioning women
that marriage was a form of dependence and only
those who engaged in paid work were able to
become equals. They were advised that '[in some
way [through marriage] you have sold yourself to
the person who [financially] supports you' (Escario
et al. 1996, 67). Moreover, women were called on
to reject motherhood because children were seen to
encourage their dependence on men. As an example
of this, in recounting her experiences, one feminist
noted how she was pregnant when
our debate on the rejection of maternity/motherhood
took place: it was [constructed as] the fruit and the
origin of all our problems and it had to be refused.
That discussion seemed brutal to me. (Escario et al.
1996, 67-8)

RobinaMohammad

These ideas and demands led to a conflict of

interests with women who had male partners and
children, so that
There were women who came and said I can not
continue listening to you because it is turning my
family life up side down. (Feminist, quoted in Escario
et al. 1996, 165)

L6pez-Accotto, in her account of the development

of feminism during the 1970s, registers how the
different 'histories, desires and needs ... led to
not a few misunderstandings' (1999, 117), but this
recognition did little to challenge the idea of a
universal sisterhood in which all women share a
common experience of patriarchal oppression and
common goals of modernityand equality(fora critique
of this in the context of Third World feminisms see
Spivak 1988;Mohanty 1998). For equality feminism,
the difficulties in appealing to women across differences becomes merely a problem of communication
that in time can be resolved by developing the right
language to represent the reality of women's oppressed lives. By 'dressing it up' as something familiar,
equality feminism could be made meaningful for
women. But if 'traditional' women stubbornly resist
new ideas, change and 'progress', then newer generations will be more open to it and have a greater
potential to be 'modern' and equal.

Developmentand progress
As with the Spanish liberal regenerationist discourse
of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, SSF
associates modernity with the future, with national
and personal 'advancement' (Romero Perez 1999).
Progress and youth are made synonymous, while
tradition is associated with the past, with backwardness, with constraints and age. As Carrasco10et al.
note, 'egalitarian attitudes', regarded as a feature
of the 'modern', 'continue being strongest amongst
the youngest' (1997, 75). Borreguerro et al's (1986)
collection of studies mark and celebrate women's
journey to the 'modern', the slow, but sure, emergence of 'a new woman who, day by day, is gaining
ground' (Capel 1986, 27). In their study11of motherhood and women's participation in paid work
(funded and published by the Instituto de la Mujer),
Violante and Quintana argue that these 'new'
women 'mark .., a profound change in mentality
which manifests itself in the modernisation and
progress of Spanish society' (1992, 88). As a flyer
(Plate 1) for the Instituto Andaluz de la Mujer's
campaign remarks of these women:

255

The Cinderellacomplex

mas preparada para el

Ir

prepard

m5

the

futuro
future)

parti~ci
pativa

.....
....

.
. o.......

..

.W

Om~smoidrnma_
(moem

era

(mote em

e)y

Plate

Source: Instituto Andaluz de la Mujer

(translation added)
Plate 2
[S~heis a more independent woman with a higher level
of education, who not only searches for, but desires
remunerated

work,12

who

is sexually

free

more

[and]

less likely to abide by ancestral concepts and the

Church. (Capel 1986, 27)
Moreover, it is the
desire to want to do remunerated work ... [that in
turn] is breaking in a dizzying manner and without
any order, the feminine moulds of our civilisation.
This

fact

is

the

result

of

an

important

of

change

mentality produced by their [women's] conformation to

industrialisation and modernisation of our society ...
(Violante and Quintana 1992, 3)
Those women who have conformed are responsible
for
the high
[that]

...

increase

in rate of women's

constitutes

of modernisation

a relevant

[economic]

indicator

in the Spanish

society.

activity

of the process
de la
(Instituto

Mujer 1993, 30)

Modern, middle-class women, viewed as key to
national progress and therefore an important national
asset,
cian

are targeted
and

scholar,

by equality
Senator

programmes.

Victoria

Camp

As politipoints

out:

When we talk about women's liberation we have in

mind those women who can allow themselves to
choose between working and not working - middle
and upper class women. We have in mind literate
women who can be interested in jobs other than
cleaning and caring for children. (1994, 57)

The same opportunities, equal - equal

They are visualized by the Instituto Andaluz de

la Mujer flyer (Plate 2) promoting equality in the
home and at work. Note how those portrayed are
all able women who are either studying or in paid
work. They seem more European than Spanish and
are likely to be secular rather than religious.
Yet while it is important to celebrate the 'very
important

rise ...

principally

[during the 1970s

and 1980s], in the rate of non single women's

participation in labour activity' (Violante and
Quintana 1992, 88), the home continues to wield a
strong grip on women. This is particularly so for
those with the responsibilities of motherhood and/
or caring for the sick, elderly or disabled. A study
by the Cabinet Office Women's and Equality Unit
(2001) in Britain shows how women's association
with the home is difficult to break. The pay gap
between men and women persists (although to a
lesser degree) even for those who are more skilled
and have elected to remain childless (Cabinet Office
Women's and Equality Unit 2001). Nevertheless,
part of resisting the hold of the home for 'modern'
women translates into a resistance to motherhood.
'Modern' women are more likely to be single and
if married, childless (for a discussion of the relationship between single life, modernization and
national advancement see Alborch 1999). The sharp
fall in Spain's birth rate, now the lowest in Europe,
(Otamendi 1999; Cafas 1999b 1999c 1999d) is not

256

only an indicator of the availability of contraception and information, and economic peaks and
troughs (Garrido 1993), but also the lower social
value placed on motherhood and mothering. The
refusal or deferral of motherhood enables women
in their quest for the colonization of masculine
spaces (Violante and Quintana 1992).

Disjuncture:breakingthe chains
My respondent Cristina, aged 38, is married and in
part-time, paid employment. She is classified, and
importantly classifies herself, as a modern woman.
Thus, when we asked Cristinahow her life compared
with that of her mother's, she stressed that 'my life
is much better than that of my mother'. Matilde'3
then questions her about why this is so. Her
response is that her life is different:
firstly in the objectives that mark you, the desire to
break with the established. I am concerned to participate
in breaking the things I see that are most traditional.

It is no surprise, therefore, that when she is asked

if she feels that having children is important, she
replies '. . . yes. For those that want them'.
'Are they important to you?', Matilde persists.
No. I believe that a woman today is not fulfilled by
motherhood alone. I have been married almost 13 years
and I am still fulfilling myself personally. I haven't
noticed a lack of anything.

Her refusal of motherhood cannot be understood

as separate from her quest to break with what she
views as the most traditional elements of society.
'Traditional' women are perceived as economically
dependent, with the values of self sacrifice, passivity
and obedience cultivated in them by the 'hated
regime' (di Febo 1979; Scanlon 1986; Morcillo 1988;
Loree Enders 1999, 378; Morcillo Gomez 1999;
Nash 2000). If these women represent femininity
then, young 'modern' women vehemently decline
any association with it. This is evident in the
attitudes of my respondents towards the feminized
home and 'work'. It is particularly notable amongst
those aged 45 and under, including those who have
had closer encounters with the Franquistastate and /
or whose subjectivities have been produced to a
greater degree within SSF discourse.

Boundaries, bounded, a bind

Young generations [of women] who have been educated
within models of equality [are] better prepared (trained)

RobinaMohammad
and are [accustomed to] an environment that is more
competitive in every respect, without doubt, they have
a very different attitude from their mothers towards the
world of work. (Sarasia 1995, 6)

In this section I look at women's attitudes to the

home defined with respect to forms of work. I
note a high level of consensus particularly amongst
women aged 45 and under, which progressively
declines amongst older women. With respect to
work in the home and outside of it, two points
are raised constantly by the youngest respondents.
These are made here by Mata, aged 23, the
daughter of Benita (aged 55). Comparing forms of
work that are defined geographically, she firstly
notes the nature and, by implication, the status of
two types of work:
There are differences [in the two forms of work] in the
first place work in the house does not pay and work
outside the home pays.

She is conscious that only the work located outside

of the home is rewarded monetarily but that there
are no such rewards for domestic work. This, as
I will discuss shortly, is not only significant for
financial concerns, but also has implications for
women's sense of self-worth. Mata continues on to
argue that there are no inherent benefits derived
from domestic work either.
You ... don't enjoy [the work] in the house as much as
work [outside of it. I wouldn't want to be a housewife]
because it would bore me to be in the house all day
always doing the same thing. At [paid] work at least
you have more activities [to do].

This is a common view amongst the younger respondents. Mona, aged 21, for example, argues that
if I have to do the cleaning every day, it would weigh
[me] down. All afternoon in the house alone would
bore me.

Nena, aged 33, argues: 'the way I see it is that it

[housework] is very routine or it is the same old
drag'. Of the respondents aged between 19 and
33, only Nena, who is married, undertakes
responsibility for housework, while the others,
who are all still living in the parental home (at the
time of interview), depend on their mothers.
Moreover, only Mata and Nena have experience of
paid work.
Cristina, aged 38, referred to earlier, has experience of both domestic and paid work. She is the

The Cinderellacomplex
only postgraduate amongst my respondents and
betrays a greater internalization of SSF discourse.
While Mata, Mona, Nena and Yessica, aged 25,
simply point to the routine nature and dullness of
domestic work, Cristina argues that working in the
home is not only
always the same [but] work in the home is [also]
mechanical. Moreover work in the home conditions
you. How can I explain? Work in the house conditions
your psychic structure. It closes your [mind].
Cristina's views are reiterated by respondents
from Violante and Quintana's (1992) study. They
show how the home is experienced by women as a
container that hems them in within its four walls,
producing an environment that is mentally stifling,
blocking personal development.
Alongside the lack of reward promised by domestic
labour undertaken in an alienating environment,
there is also a third issue put forward by Violeta, a
feminist, working within the municipal state women's
office. While she acknowledges that today '[y]ou
can opt to be a housewife, you can freely opt to be
whatever you want', she warns that:
a woman who retains the mentality, that [even] today
she can remain within the heart of the home dedicating
her self only to being a housewife, mother and wife,
[she] perpetuates the situation of inequality more and
more. Why? Because from this perspective you are
not able to demand the sharing of tasks within the
house. [So] from this perspective she [the housewife] is
limiting [herself].
The woman who limits herself to the house allows
herself to be made a slave to it. This commonly
held view is exemplified by Yessica, whose father
has been the breadwinner while her mother gave
up paid work to raise a family of four sons and a
daughter and continues to act as cook, server and
launderer to her grown up children, including
married sons. Yessica declares:
I am clear that I do not want a life like my mother has
lived. I don't want to be a slave of a house. In the end,
getting out of the house serves as an escape and you
can liberate yourself from the problems that you have
in the house.
Thus, a release from the home enables women to
escape an alienating environment and shed the
domestic burden that they have hitherto undertaken
partly because it was their given role in society
and partly as a labour of love, seduced by the
ideologies of love and romance.

257
Yet in contrast to young women, older women,
particularly those aged between 60 and 72, who as
wives and mothers have greater experience of the
domestic environment as well as paid work in and
outside of the home, rarely speak about the home
as site of containment. Rather, they recall the
parental and marital home as a haven from poverty,
which articulated with state repression (Herr 1971;
Grugel and Rees 1997) during the early post-Civil
War period to generate hardship and fear. Mdlaga
had been resistant to the Nationalist uprising in
1936 and remained a republican stronghold. It
suffered from sustained attack by the Nationalists,
who relied on foreign intervention to bring it down
(Barranquero Texeira 1993). Historian Barranquero
Texeira points out how the persecution continued
after the Civil War when
groups of Falangistas (fascist) soldiers, [and] the Civil
Guard walked the streets and it was not difficult for
some one to shout 'he is a red' so that they would be
immediately detained. (1993, 217)
The Civil Guard's role was to weed out any opposition to General Franco as well as other illegal
activity. In these conditions the home provided a
refuge. Santana, aged 71, recalls for example how:
My father [was involved with] the party, the socialist
class that there was, it again, seemed to me that he would
die, because he listened to the news [on the radio]
... He was the first to have a radio and the people of
Churriana [a rural locality on the outskirts of Malaga]
came to listen to it at night ... They put it in a small
room that we had at the top, because the Civil Guard
[on patrol] used to come at night and any one who had
a radio ... would be imprisoned. My father and all the
other men would squeeze into this room to listen. The
women used to stay below knitting and whenever they
heard beatings or noise, my mother would say [to us]
run up. Then the radio would be removed and they
would come down and play dominoes and had wine.
[In this way] we lived with the [danger of] Civil Guard
'visiting' us, many times. [But the radio] was hidden
that is clear. [It was prohibited because] it gave
information of the war.
Nor do these women contrast the home of their
recollections to the public sphere, as a site only for
the production of use-value. All but one of my
over 50 recounted the significance
respondents
women as a site
of the home for working-class
for production and exchange, in the struggle for
survival during the decade that came to be known
as the hungry forties (Cazorla 2000).

258
A discourse that almost exclusively addresses
women's inequality by focusing on their exclusion
from the formal labour market denies their struggles
to contribute economic support by engaging in paid
work on an informal basis. Allen and Wolkowitz
(1987) point out that while feminists have sought
to distinguish between paid and unpaid work in
order to draw attention to unpaid domestic labour,
they have often retained the spatialized distinction
between them. Thus paid work becomes interchangeable with work outside the home or 'trabajo
de la calle' as it is referred to in Spain, which then
obscures productive activity undertaken within
the home. The opposition of public/private space
occludes the complex construction of public and
private space (see Staeheli 1996). It ignores the
effects of economic flexibalization and the reworked
temporalities and spatialities of production and
labour, blurring the distinction between (Amin
1994) formal and informal economies, and spaces
of paid and domestic work. In Spain economic
flexibalization has promoted job insecurity for
women (Camps 1994), with the rise in flexibility
of labour contracts since 1984. Ninety per cent of
new contracts in Spain are temporary, fixedterm (Petrongolo and Guell-Rotllan 1999). Ramirez
Alvarado (again from the pages of Meridiana)promotes the idea that 'full-time work is the only
route to a satisfactory life' (1998, 25), yet women
comprise 75 per cent of those in part-time employment. Women's marginality in the labour market
weakens their position in bargaining for better
pay and conditions. Thus, while equality feminism
promotes the labour market as a panacea for
women's disempowerment, the capitalist labour
market has failed to deliver.

Conclusion
The Spanish women's movement, one of a number
of oppositional movements that emerged against
the dictatorship in the late 1960s, nurtured the
development of equality feminism. Equalityfeminism
drew on the optic of Anglo-American liberal
feminism, specifically Friedan and De Beauvoir, to
(re)narrate the dictatorship and through this, the
history of Spanish women. It is against this narrative
that equality feminism developed the meaning of
equality for women. Posited in oppositional terms,
the pivot of women's equality remained the home.
From this perspective, the marital home not only
determines women's opportunities for financial

Robina Mohammad

independence but confinement within its four walls

blocks the very life force to those held captive by it.
Thus colonization of the 'masculine' public sphere
beyond the home is posited as the goal that delivers
liberationand equality.Those women associatedmost
closely with the home are classified as 'traditional'.
Franquismo sought to direct women towards the
home, cultivating in them Catholic values of selfsacrifice, subservience and passivity. Yet as this
study suggests, even women who 'reduced' (Pardo
2000) themselves to the home were far from passive
or subservient,but actively fought poverty, struggled
against state repression and sought control over
their fertility.
In contrast with 'traditional' women, those who
have been able to establish their distance from the
home are deemed to be 'modern', associated with a
very different set of characteristics, such as independence, assertiveness and secularism as well as
sexual liberation. Thus 'traditional' and 'modern'
provide the organizing frame of this narrative of
women's oppression whose stage is the home. It
reads like Cinderella, a caricature, which in turn
becomes an oppressive fiction making invisible
very significant differences between women"4 of
class, geography as well as political position (it is
important to remember that the women of the
Secci6n Femenina were on the right in political
terms and supported Franquismo). Just as the
capitalist class in Marxist terms is not a singular,
unified entity with the same interests nor are
women (Gibson-Graham1996). As Molyneux (2001)
argues, the plurality of women means that solidarity
between them is not a given but must be constructed through discourse and communication.
So women's movements and organizations must
seek to build a multi-voiced coalition (Adams 1994).
These are dilemmas which equality feminism has
successfully side-stepped as it has questioned the
broader structuresof inequality within which gender
operates.
The world of SSF is one in which equality is
translated as the production of labour markets
where women are equally 'free' to sell their labour.
Spanish State Feminism has tended to adopt what
Phizacklea and Wolkowitz call a
model of employment that assumes the separation of
home and work. It is a model of work that adopts the
able-bodied adult male working pattern as the norm
and which therefore produces a distorted picture of
who 'workers' are, where they work and what are
typical working hours and routines. (1995, 28)

The Cinderellacomplex

Indeed, if one goes by its iconography, this world

is peopled only by young, highly attractive, ablebodied women who can get outside the home and
do paid work. There is no place for the old, infirm
or disabled. There is no place for the elderly
woman I encountered in the centre of Madrid,
after having spent the day at the Instituto de la
Mujer headquarters reading about all its work for
women's equality. As she sits there bent double,
her spine crooked with age, begging for a few
coins, I wonder what meaning this circumscribed
'official' equality can hold for her. Spending her
days on the footpath, she seems to be effectively
colonizing the public sphere but perhaps not quite
in the ways intended by equality feminism. It is
clear that she is not a slave to the home, but simply
homeless.

Acknowledgements
This research was funded by Leverhulme Study
Abroad Fellowship and King's College London
Association Fellowship. I would also like to thank
Maria Dolors Ramos Palomo (University of Mdlaga)
for her support, Keith Hoggart, James Sidaway,
Adam Tickell and three anonymous referees for
their comments and encouragement.

Notes
1 Liberal forms of governance contrast themselves
with authoritarian forms, by seeking to identify 'a
domain outside "politics"and ... to manage it without
destroying its existence and its autonomy' (Rose and
Miller 1992, 180). The focus for liberals, then, is on the
creation of conditions whereby the contractual relations between citizen and society can function, where
the sense of rights is as strong as that of obligations.
2 The age distribution of the respondents was as follows:
nine respondents were aged between 60 and 72; seven
aged between 52 and 57; ten aged between 39 and 46;
seven aged between 29 and 33; eleven aged between
21 and 25.
3 The research was conducted in Mdlaga (Andalucia)
between 1998and 2000.Initialrespondentswere recruited
through local women's associations supported by the
Delegacion Municipal de la Mujer and Instituto Andaluz de la Mujer.
4 Taken from the title of book by Durdn De puertasadentro
(1987).
5 Graham (1995) argues that Republicans saw the
education of middle-class women as a means of producing the nation in its own image and national
regeneration.

259
6

9
10
11
12

13
14

National Catholicism emphasized a notion of Christian

morality that shares much with Islamic societies and
relates to the maintenance of family honour (Mernissi
1975; Afshar 1989; Mohammad 1999). This honour
resides not in the man, the head of the family, but in
the chastity of his daughters. Through the notion of
honour, the Franquista state could reinforce men's
position as guardians of women's morality (Telo 1986;
Mernissi 1975;Afshar 1989).
The doctrine of liberalism characterized by a concern
to limit the exercise of power appealed in a Spain where
liberalismis defined by its battle against absolutism since
the first liberal Constitution was established in 1812, by
the Cortesof Cadiz, a specialparliamentmeeting in Cadiz
during the Napoleonic Wars (Brenan 1960;Carr 1980).
This achievement is celebrated by Senator Victoria
Camps: 'we can say now that there is no difference
between Spanish women and European women who
come from countries with a long tradition of democracy and emancipation' (1994, 56).
Feminists' slogans calling attention to their cause
between 1978 and 1983.
Published by the Instituto de la Mujer.
Based on in-depth interviews with 23 mothers aged
32, who had engaged in paid work.
Victoria Camps reinforces the point when she argues
'84 per cent of women with higher education are
active whereas only 13 per cent of illiterate women
are interested in working' (1994, 56).
My research assistant involved in the process of
recruitment and interviews.
Anglo-American black and postcolonial feminists have
put forward cogent critiques of the binary of man and
women (Carby 1982; Amos and Parmar 1984;Mohanty
1998; Ramusack and Sievers 1999; Rai 2002, 39).

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