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World financial economic crisis beginning from 2008 and the measures
taken by the Govts. to tide over it, have resulted in increasing the gap
between rich and poor with all benefits accruing to top less than 1%. On
the other hand conditions of the vast masses, workers and even middle
classes have deteriorated. Unemployment is at high level, and even where
it is not so, most of the new jobs are of low wages and without job security.
The neo-Keynesian prescriptions in developed capitalist countries of saving
the banks and of stimulus packages could not and have not ameliorated
the causes underlying the crisis. There is increasing feeling of
marginalization and the Establishments unwillingness to address their
concerns in these countries. There is loss of hope from the Establishment
parties and an anti-Establishment wave is sweeping across the developed
world. On the other hand, the economic powers have imposed neo-liberal
prescriptions on countries facing debt crisis. These encompass cut in wages
and social benefits of workers, cuts in pensions, decreasing Govt.
expenditure including shutting down of Govt. departments and services
and increase in tax rates on consumables as well as on lower income
groups. These prescriptions, tied to bail out packages, have further
aggravated the situation in these countries. There has been shrinkage of
the national economies, rise in unemployment to astronomical levels and
sharp increase in poverty and destitution. People are against the
international financial institutions dictating these policies and also the
domestic elite collaborating with these institutions to save their high incomes
at the expense of the vast multitude.
Working class and even middle classes in these countries have come
out in opposition to these policies. This opposition is also politically
expressed though this expression varies. Parties of the Establishment
associated with these failed policies are being discarded by the people. In
the countries facing neo-liberal prescriptions it is being expressed as
discarding the main parties associated with implementation of these policies
e.g. Greece, Spain, Italy etc. Despite surrender by Syriza in Greece before
the troika of IMF, EU and ECB, people of Spain defeated the two main
June, 2016
parties and Pedemos got good support, resulting in inability to form a Govt.
Though support for Pedemos declined after betrayal by Syriza, still it was
strong enough to deny victory to the two main parties. Similar expressions
are there in Portugal, Iceland and Italy as well. Workers, students and
youth are coming to streets against neo-liberal policies. Workers are also
protesting against anti-worker changes in labour laws. There are several
strikes by the workers in European countries on this issue. Recently
workers in France, renowned for its decisive struggles, have launched a
struggle against pro-employer and anti-worker changes in labour laws.
On the other hand, in the economically powerfulstates e.g. US, UK, it
is generally expressed through within the established ruling class parties.
At places this resentment is being cashed in by the rightist forces while at
other places it is bringing peoples concerns on the agenda of the ruling
class parties. Significant developments are taking place in main capitalist
countries US and UK. In USA, peoples anger against the Establishment
has propelled the candidacy of self-proclaimed socialist Bernie Sanders in
Democratic Party. Whatever the outcome of the primaries, his candidacy
has been energized by the widespread disillusion among youth and working
class. In the aftermath of world financial economic crisis and Obama
Admn.'s response to the same, two movements had erupted in US, one
from the left and another from the right. While Tea Party Movement was
the response of the right to Obamacare, Occupy Wall Street Movement
was launched by students and youth who protested against corporate
cornering all the wealth. These two movements have been reflected in the
candidacy of Trump in Republican party and that of Sanders in Democratic
party. Occupy Wall Street and later Sanders' candidacy, though raising
the question of growing inequality in American society, are still within the
confines of the present system and seek to reform the same. However,
they do represent growing disenchantment and restiveness of the youth
and working people with the Establishment parties.
In UK, Jeremy Corbyn has emerged as the leader of the main opposition
Labour Party. Blairite new Labour has been buried under the debris of world
financial economic crisis and disastrous Bush wars. Since his becoming
the leader of the Labour Party, there is wide propaganda that Labour under
the leadership of Corbyn has become unelectable. Corbyn too represents a
widespread disillusionment among the youth and working people with the
ruling Establishment. The rise of likes of Corbyn and Sanders represents
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the growing restiveness among the people on the one hand and the limits
of this restiveness, at least at present, within the confines of the present
system. Corbyns prescriptions of increased expenditure on Education and
Health and increased taxation of the very rich, is well within the response
of the ruling class politics while it is opposed to neoliberal economic model
being implemented by the Establishment. Despite its limitations, expression
of this anger bodes well for the rise of working class movement and for the
people's movement.
On the other hand, there is also growth of right wing in the developed
capitalist countries. The rise of xenophobic and neo-nazi groups has been
noted in several countries. The near victory of right wing candidate in the
Presidential election in Austria, candidacy of Trump in America and rise of
right wing parties in a number of European countries point to the emergence
of right wing among the representatives of the bourgeoisie as the social
compromise gets unraveled in capitalist countries leading to decline in the
conditions of working people. This situation is ripening conditions for the
rise of working class struggles on the one hand and of the fascist groups
on the other. As noted by us earlier, Social Democracy as a vehicle of
social compromise has suffered a decline.
In the backdrop of growing restiveness of the people, a section of
conservative party in UK is propagating British exit from European Union.
They are portraying it as a cause of all ills. The influx of refugees into
Europe is also providing an ammunition for the right wing to demand Brexit.
On the other hand, sections of working people and youth are frustrated
with the present conditions and see EU as a consolidation of corporate
power. The vote promised by Cameron just before the last elections to
avoid split among conservative voters, is slated for June 23. Both right
and left wings of the ruling class parties are split over the issue. Apart from
economic aspect, Brexit has implication for US influence in Europe. Britain
remains a bridgehead between Europe and US. This prompted US President
Obama to advocate Britain remaining in the EU. With Britains exit from
EU, US influence in EU and Europe at large will diminish as also US ability
to mobilize Europe in its confrontation with Russia. Recently Germany has
initiated moves to ease sanctions imposed against Russia after Russia
brought Crimea under its rule.
June, 2016
Aparna
The facts of the issue provoking this outburst are clear. In the Budget
2016 the Finance Minister announced two attacks on the EPF deposits of
workers. The Central Govt. is repeatedly displaying its desperation to get
at this huge deposit of money lying out of its reach. One proposal of the
Budget was that the PF withdrawals at the time of retirement would be
taxed. This provoked such all around condemnation that BMS also rushed
into the scene and the Finance Minister announced its withdrawal almost
immediately. The second part of the proposal was that workers would be
allowed to withdraw only their share of PF deposits before retirement (or 58
years) and would not be allowed to withdraw the share deposited by the
employer. This proposal was to come into effect from the 1st of April but
due to all around condemnation by central trade unions, the date was
postponed to 1st May 2016. In subsequent supplications the Central Labour
Minister has stated that this policy was being changed because figures
revealed that almost 80% of PF deposits were withdrawn by workers before
retirement i.e. workers were using the PF account as a 'saving deposit,
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leaving nothing for pension and the Govt. wanted to ensure a pension
cover. He also claimed that he had the support of the central trade unions
on this issue. It is another matter that almost all central trade unions except
BMS had condemned the change in rules and some had also called for a
protest day on 26th April 2016.
as far as is known, went back to work next day. In a few days the Govt.
moved on to finger the PF deposits in another way; by decreasing the
interest paid to workers to 8.7% when it was already 8.8%, the deposits
were earning interest at the rate of 8.95% and the central unions were
demanding an interest rate of 9%.
The interest of the Central Govt.in the EPF deposits has been
unwavering. Informal information from highly placed internal sources place
the toal deposits at around 8.5 lakh crore rupees. The EPFO Accounts
accessible do not give any indication of the total sum of the deposits.
However, the following information could be found in the Survey of Statistical
Abstracts (2014-2015) released by the EPFO, GOI. In Appendix A3 are
the Revenue Statements. They show that the total contributions collected
(including PF collections, the Pension Funds- both employer/employee
contributions and Govt. share- and the Insurance Fund) were 113910.89
crore rupees for 2014-2015, 94,762.09 crore rupees for 2013-14 and
77,000.94 crore rupees for 2012-13. The expenses for the same years (on
payments made for PF, Pension and Insurance) were 48,015.32 crore
rupees, 43,519.88 crore rupees and 35,118 crore rupees respectively. It
does indicate the enormous sums of money remaining as deposits at the
end of each year.
Events in 2001
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June, 2016
bring out one fact clearly. The PF deposits of these workers are both precious
and important to them. In general PF savings empower women workers;
they have their own money, it gives them social prestige and importance in
the family, it gives them a sense of confidence of being able to intervene
when they choose- in short, it empowers them. In this concrete case there
is evidence galore that the PF deposits are all important as a sort of security
to these garment workers in Bengaluru. Firstly employment is not secure,
so it helps them tide over periods when they have no jobs. More importantly,
it is money which is withdrawn for marriage (especially by young workers
and also by mothers), for sudden illnesses at home, for a lump sum needed
during education of children, etc. There are documentations of these workers
saying that they have left jobs for a few months in order to withdraw money
for their childrens fees. Any perceived threat to their right to withdraw this
money immediately brings them into struggle to defend this right. They put
up with low wages, terrible working conditions, insecurity of employment
but react to any attack on their ability to access the PF money. The Central
Govt. contemptuously calls this treating the deposit like a saving account
but has no shame that Labour laws are not being enforced, statutory rights
and minimum wages are not the lot of workers in most parts of the country
and workers are forced to see these deposits as a lifeline for the critical
points in their family lives.
The garment units here produce for C&A, H&M, Tommy Hilfinger, Inditex
etc. For instance Shahi Exports Pvt. Ltd is a long term supplier of C&A
and also produces for Arvind Ltd. It has 75,000 employees in 48
manufacturing setups in Delhi, Gurgaon, Bangalore, Mysore, Hyderabad,
Tirupur, Salem etc. It started in 1974 in Delhi and Bengaluru operations
commenced on 1st July 1988. In fact Bengaluru is a hub for IT, is a centre
for Jems and Jewellery and since the last four decades, of the readymade
garment industry.
Women comprise over 80% of garment workers in India and the units
are concentrated in Gurgaon, Bengaluru and Tirupur apart from other centres.
While women are 80% of the workforce in Bengaluru, reports are that they
are 90% in Salem and Tirupur while the workforce is evenly divided in
Gurgaon. Garment is also a large sector in Delhi itself.
As is well known, the entire garment sector of India is export driven
and oriented. The purchasers are MNCs who get the labour done in Asian
countries and then get their labels attached to the products. In this way
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The struggle of the Bengaluru women garment workers forced the Central
Govt. to back off from this particular attack on PF. The struggle of the
Munnar workers was somewhat different. They consciously withdrew from
the trade unions functioning among them because they distrusted the
leadership, organized themselves and went for a planned struggle on their
concrete demands. They also reached a settlement with the Govt.
The struggle of the garment workers cannot be seen in the same way
though here too the workers are predominantly women. They are mostly
not organized in the formal sense of being unionized. This struggle brought
June, 2016
different types of responses from those who participate in the trade union
movement and also from sympathetic intellectuals. Some applaud the
movement especially because it was the decision of the workers when
they felt the need for it (workers acting for themselves by themselves.).
They actually feel the workers are right in not forming organization because
these are restrictive, curb initiative, are bureaucratic etc., all of which may
be unfortunately true to differing extents of many formations. The workers
being women, there is also mention of the reality that most leadership is
male and some possibly patriarchal in dealings. This also is obvious that
even in sectors where women are predominant or even a remarkable number,
this composition is not reflected in the leadership of organizations and
movements, no doubt because that is simpler than addressing the question.
But none of this detracts from the reality that this is a section of workers
which needs to express its organized strength not only for the long term
goals of the working class but also to fight the terrible conditions of
employment. There is no job security, their low wages are deemed
necessary in order to keep Indian made garments competitive in the export
world, their working conditions are inhuman. Being women workers, there
are other issues. They are not allowed to sit throughout the working hours,
they are issued a fixed number of passes for using the toilets in most
units, they are subject to sexual harassment they desperately need
unionization. This is especially prevented by using the route of immediate
dismissal of troublemakers in local attempts. But it is only the organized
strength of the working class, acting with a vision of the future of the class,
that can take up struggles as part of an overall perspective, rather than
just as a reaction to any proverbial last straw in the saga of continuing
severe exploitation.
Many in the trade union world point out that struggles of this sort are a
common feature in unorganized sector workers, with a sudden militant flare
up like a flash in a pan and then nothing. It is an accurate observation.
This is a low capital, labour intensive sector, with the huge number of
workers being remarkable for being maximally unskilled. Being low capital
intensive i.e. low constant capital, the profit margins are small despite
high variable capital and hence high surplus value generated in the sector,
because in accordance with the general law of profit in capitalism, profits
are proportional to capital invested.
As mentioned, the Garment industry in India primarily aims at export
and may be for a very small upper section of Indias market. The owners of
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these units, even the larger units, mostly supply to big MNCs and the
competition is at world level and is severe. In order to ensure their profit
margins the owners inevitably squeeze the workers. Labour laws are given
a complete miss- in Bengaluru EPF and ESI seems to be widely
implemented but in other cities even these are not implemented. The labour
law implementation machinery just does not move and when workers struggle
for implementation, owners have many methods to deal with them. Workers
are not on records, the system of wage is complex as it is mostly piece
rate though as in Bengaluru, a fixed number of pieces have to be made for
a given day and the targets are inevitably too high. Apart from that closure
is easy for owners so they simply move machines and close down units
and transfer work to other areas where sustenance of organization becomes
difficult. Govts. and Labour machinery stand with the owners. Thirdly,
work is designed towards shipment dates and is intense in periods and
much less in others when workers are simply turned out of establishments.
So workers also go all out to earn in the period when work is intense,
preparing for the dry period ahead. In this sector it is usual for sections to
fight with the owners for higher piece rate at the time when the orders are
high and such localized struggles do take place. But overall the work
conditions are abysmal, the wages have no link with stipulated minimum
wages, permanency may be only in very large establishments and here too
only a small section of workers would be of this status. A lot of the work
like thread cutting, small embroidery, stitching on chumkis and sitaras
is done by the informal sector- in working class colonies at unbelievably
low rates by housewives. In turn these housewives often work under a
contractor who supplies the work and collects the pieces. No doubt the
workers working in the factories remain dissatisfied and angry with their
situation. It is not uncommon in Delhi to see large number of these workers
pour out of these units on some immediate issue like better rates or against
some insult by managers or for timely payments. Even these are short
fights, either quickly reaching a truce if the owner needs the workers
urgently, or workers bringing some leader who settles some final payment
while the skilled workers immediately find jobs elsewhere. It is in this
background that the outbursts- spewing out of the latent anger over a
proverbial last straw- can be understood.
The understanding of workers of this sector about what would constitute
their demand also varies not only from city to city but also over different
periods of time. In the Garment sector in Okhla (Delhi) for instance, (which
June, 2016
11
is not women dominated now at least among skilled sections, though they
were also present in good numbers earlier) there was a phase when garment
workers were crazy for piece rate work, making as many as possible in
the course of 24 hours and continuing into the next day with minimum of
rest. Many simply lived on the premises. They were usually highly skilled
tailors or cutters, made as much money as possible in a few months and
then went home, to resume work at some other place whenever they
returned. It was a period when this sector had no dearth of orders. Later,
with illnesses, due to propaganda and with the shrinkage of export orders,
there was some spread of understanding that a wage rate and fixed hours
of work was fairer on the worker. But owners also come up with newer
variations of exploitative conditions and many unions simply exist on the
basis of ensuring timely payments or dues to these workers and taking a
cut from the same without setting up any sort of organized formation. There
is experience in this Okhla area of trade union organization of these workers
at a sectorial level and with certain sections of the workers more active in
it but which gradually petered out after some phase of intense activity.
There was earlier (in 1980s) a union in a single large establishment with
only women (migrant and literate) workers even at highly skilled level, but
it was unstable. The establishment gradually closed down. In Phase 1
(garment export units almost monopolize this phase) of this Industrial area,
in February 2013, during the two day all India strike called by almost all
central unions, propaganda was done even among these workers as in
other all India strikes. Workers of two of the large units interacted with our
unions local leaders. These units did not participate in any way on the
first day. However, on the second day of the strike, they invited the union
leaders to build the rally from near their gate. The workers of these two
large units came out, moved the general rally purposefully towards other
garment units and stoned some of them wherein those workers too emptied
out though often this is not the reaction. All these workers remained in the
rally, dominated completely the 10,000 strong rally which was beyond the
control of the local police for most of the time, stoned so many export
units and dispersed once the rally started moving out of this phase. Having
vented their pent up anger, the next day the area went back to routine
work, and no owner of the area even lodged an FIR.
There is large discrepancy in wages even within a team in this sector.
Despite the higher rates for the highly skilled section of workers, in each
team there are several semiskilled and a large number of unskilled workers
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June, 2016
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13
However, during the first two terms, particularly during the first term,
there was an attempt to record the names of the bargadars, to vest the
ceiling surplus lands, to distribute the surplus lands. Till then, the role of
peasant organizations was recognized. But gradually the process slowed
down. The CPI (M) registered its policy of class collaboration throwing
class struggle in rural area totally away, obviously to restore status quo. A
new form of rural bureaucracy developed through Panchayat institutions.
The land reform measures, the rural economy and the rural culture were
dominated by the administration be it administrative bureaucracy or Party
bureaucracy, resulting in a stalemate in the arena. But since then, the
CPI(M) led Left Front tried to establish that the land reforms in West Bengal
have been achieved and are tending towards completion in totality.
II
14
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The Left Front, the CPI(M) in particular, did not lag behind. Under the
disguise of communism, they accepted globalization in essence, though
they opposed it on paper. The action was reflected in the sphere of land
reforms. The vested land was supposed to be distributed among the eligible
landless and/or poor peasants. But deviating from this principle, the CPI
(M) led Left Front govt. issued a circular with the caption: Settlement of
vested agricultural land lying within Municipal areas / Notified areas / Areas
under Development Authority. The relevant portion of the circular is
reproduced:
It has been decided that the following steps should be taken in the
matter of settlement of vested agricultural lands which are at the disposal
of Govt. within Municipal area / Notified areas / Areas under Development
authority.
1. All such lands should be treated as non-agricultural land
for the purpose of distribution.
2. Lease should be offered to the Municipality / Corporation /
Notified Authority or any other statutory civic Authority concerned
as a first step.
3. If the said body does not want to take lease under usual
conditions within a reasonable time, request, if any, from Govt.
Departments / Organizations should be considered.
15
ultimately, ref. (vide point no. 5) the land should be allotted through lease
deed to private parties against a moderate rent and 'salami'.
III
The result evolved soon. More or less 300 acres of agricultural land
was vested in the year 1991 '92 at Bhangore block, a stone's throw away
from Kolkata. The land was fertile and multi-cropped. The peasants had
already occupied the lands. The Left Front govt. could provide pattas to
the eligible persons or could form co-operatives including the peasants.
The plots were contiguous. But the Left Front govt. led by CPI (M) transferred
the lands to West Bengal Small Scale Industrial Corporation for building a
leather complex with foreign assistance (Particularly from Italy).
And thereafter, the floodgates opened. Real Estate Industries
developed. Under the direct control and supervision of the Govt., HIDCO
Housing Infrastructure Development Corporation was formed and it made
several housing projects at Rajarhat, a hand shaking distance from Kolkata
airport. In fact, Rajarhat is a mega city. Approximately 500 acres of vested
land (agricultural) was allotted to HIDCO. Thereafter, HIDCOs parent body
(HIDCO is an undertaking of the W.B. Govt), Department of Housing, Govt
of W. Bengal, acquired more than 7000 acres of land in different mouzas.
Out of this, 6000 acres of land was agricultural. Several housing projects,
several high rises of multinationals were erected at the cost of peasants
livelihood. The Left Front govt. simply performed the role of a broker. Any
protest, any resistance, was curbed by the brutal force of hooligans and
the police. Infact no organization could build up resistance against the
Govts or against the CPI (M)s actions. But with these limitations on the
part of the peasants and other democratic organizations, the Rajarhat
episode unmasked the character of CPI (M) its close relationship with
the corporates, its alliance with and inclination towards neo-liberal economy.
The success of Rajarhat instigated the CPI(M) to slow down the land
reform activities; on the contrary, they took a simple but a dangerous path
to grab the lands from the peasants. Henceforth, they virtually set aside
land reforms, paid lesser and lesser attention to their propagated task of
recording and protection of bargadars, patta-holders, vesting of ceiling
surplus land and inclined to acquisition of lands in favour of promoters,
multi-nationals, industrialists; all in the name of industrial development.
Needless to mention that the acquisition was done under Land Acquisition
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Act 1894 which empowered the state to acquire any land from anybody
under any circumstances and according to the Constitution it is the eminent
domain of the state. The CPI (M), after 1990 and more particularly since
the last part of '90s, applied this theory of eminent domain continuously in
the name of industrialization and development.
IV
17
amendment, tea-gardens were made barga free and the bargadars were
evicted in lieu of minor compensation.
The land policy of CPI (M) led Left Front in Singur and Nandigram forced
the people of West Bengal to unite against their rule. The Left Front in
general and the CPI (M) in particular lost credibility among the people in all
spheres of society, not just in the peasantry. Ultimately, in 2011, the people
of West Bengal voted them out of the Govt.
But throughout its tenure, the CPI(M) dealt with the land question only
to restore stability and status quo in rural areas as well as in society,
instead of building up class struggles. During the early periods they only
confined to recording of bargadars and vesting of ceiling surplus land,
although it has already been mentioned in the previous articles (published
in ND) that a mass involvement was there in this recording and vesting. It
has already been mentioned that in early periods of the Left Front regime,
the role of mass organizations, particularly the peasant organizations, was
recognized. But gradually the process lost its pace and land reform was in
total control of administration and rural bureaucracy created mainly through
CPI(M) backed and dominated Panchayat institutions. The CPI (M) never
resisted the entrance to and the domination of the panchayats by people
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vii. And lastly and ultimately they frequently applied the Land
Acquisition Act, 1984 to grab the lands of the rural masses and
became allies of multinationals, promoters, capitalists and jotedars.
The 34 years of Left Front regime have ended. The greatest achievement
of Left Front is, no doubt, class collaboration. Wherever there was a chance
of class struggle they were able to stop it either by police or by their
hooligans or by both. At last they had to give way to a Govt. led by a party
Trinamul Congress which is bankrupt politically, corrupt in all respects
and has no agenda regarding land reforms. Land Reform in West Bengal is
totally incomplete. There is possibility to build up propaganda and
programme to consolidate peasants demands, their desires and their
aspirations. The revolutionary forces must take this task seriously so that
the revisionists performance may be combated both ideologically and
practically. It cannot be denied that, although they are not in power at
present, revisionism in West Bengal is still a social force.
i.
The Left Front and the CPI (M) diminished the role of
peasant organizations gradually.
ii. Throughout the entire period, the Left Front govt. had
confined itself to recording of bargadars and vesting of ceiling
surplus land only.
iii. But this programme (no.ii) also failed to achieve even its
declared goals. Thus their performance in this field is quite halfhearted and incomplete.
June, 2016
19
20
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Sangrur (Punjab)
21
for reduction of rent on panchayt land. In the second week of May, struggle
started when in villages Nadam Pur and Kherhi, where residential plots
were allotted to Dalits but not given, Dalits occupied the panchayat land
for residential plots. Meantime in village Jhaloor, panchayat land was
auctioned secretly violating norms, in the name of a person who is a contract
labourer with a landlord. In protest against this, Dalits blocked traffic for
two days and occupied land on third day. False cases were foisted but
they continued occupying the land.
In village Kherhi, the Sarpanch and his henchmen attacked the Dalits
occupying plots, but Dalits gave a befitting reply and the goons had to
beat a retreat. Though both sides received injuries but cases were registered
against Dalits alone. Six Dalits were arrested and sent to jail whereas the
case is also against six more Dalits who could not be arrested. Dalits in
Nadampur and Kherhi continue occupation of residential lands.
In village Jhaneri, a large portion of panchayat land has benn given for
a Gaushala on 30 years lease on rent of Rs. 7000 per acre. Dalits last year
fought that their share should not decrease as a result of this lease. ZPSC
this year is basing its argument for rent reduction on the basis that if rent
for cattle is Rs. 7000 it should be less for human beings. In this village,
auction was held stealthily, without any public notice, where land was given
to the henchmen of the Sarpanch, the exChairman of Block Samiti, an
ex-President of Truckers Union and a right hand man of the MLA. But
Dalits occupied the land, put up a tent and flag and sat on day & night
dharna. Meantime Dalits of village Ballad Kalan moved to occupy the land
which they were tilling for last two years. In this background, auction of
Ballad land was kept for 24th May. On that day nearly hundred people,
mostly women (as men stayed on the land) gheraoed the BDPO office
where auction was being held. Auction of two portions out of thirteen was
held. After gherao auction was stopped, but people insisted that the auction
of two plots be cancelled. In the evening police forcibly took the officials
out. Villagers blocked the highway. Police came in large number and started
beating people who were 250 in number including women. When lathi charge
did not succeed in quelling the peoples resolve, police resorted to firing.
Police brutally beat people including women. People retreated to the village
Sujan which was less than a kilometer away and collected there and
challenged the police. Then police, which was following the people,
retreated. In the evening police, in large number, held a flag march in the
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village. Immediately after this, ZPSC held a rally in the village. Next day a
case was registered against 71 people by name and another hundred
unidentified persons under a number of sections of Indian Penal Code
including section 307 i.e. attempt to murder and a witch-hunt was launched.
Two days later police attacked the Jhaneri camp, rounded up more than
forty persons in the wee hours. In the evening women were released and
23 members were booked under various sections and sent to jail. Surjan
Singh Jhaneri, vice president of ZPSC, was arrested and booked under
the cases registered after Ballad Kalan lathicharge also. Eight persons of
Ballad Kalan were arrested on the spot and are in jail.
Next, Dalits of village Mander occupied their share of the panchayat
land and put up a tent and sat on a continuous dharna which is continuing.
After this, Dalits of village Dhandiwal and Kheri in Sherpur block (not the
other Kheri where struggle for residential plots is going on) moved into
their share of panchayat land. Similarly one village in Malerkotla block
staged a dharna in front of SDM office and warned him that if land of their
share is not given within two days, they will occupy the land.
23
for their self-respect. Any person acquainted with rural India knows the
sufferings of the landless in the villages when they are dependent on land
owning classes not only for their employment but even for their day to day
needs. Thus the struggle for land is not only for economic interests but
also for their social and political rights in rural India.
There are two important features of this struggle. It shows that land
question is very much present even in Punjab, though there is a widespread
propaganda even believed by some communist revolutionaries that land
question does not exist in Punjab. Land question exists throughout India
though its forms and expressions vary. In Punjab where capitalist methods
of agriculture are used most extensively, at present the struggle is on Dalit
share of panchayat land though it is not the only form in which land question
exists in Punjab. Panchayat land in Punjab is about 1 lakh 57 thousand
acres and Dalit share of this land amounts to over 52 thousand acres. This
struggle has once again brought back the focus on land struggle.
Secondly, this is the struggle of Dalit villagers. It shows that lack of
Dalits share in means of production, principally land, is one of the important
basis for caste oppression. The debate on caste oppression is focused on
issues of urban educated Dalits and hence this struggle brings the more
basic aspect of caste oppression to the fore. No wonder the so-called
messiahs of Dalits are silent on this struggle. It shows their lack of sincerity
to do away with the basis of caste oppression faced by Dalits. These too
are parties of ruling classes and while they use Dalit votes for coming to
power, they do not address the real causes of their degraded status in the
villages where bulk of Dalits live. It is only by mobilizing Dalits for capture
of land and for their share in means of production that basis of caste
oppression can be dented and the unity of the poor against exploitation
and oppression including caste oppression can be achieved in practice.
On the other hand, the struggle has unleashed the initiative and energy of
Dalits including women, who describe this struggle as not merely for
economic benefits but for self-respect as well. This struggle also broadens
the scope of debate on how to fight caste oppression in the country. The
struggle has caught the imagination of Dalit masses in Punjab and the
struggle is brewing in several other centres.
24
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
As result of the ruin of hand loom weaving industry due to the policies
of British colonial rulers, two modern industries came into existence in
India in the middle of 19th century, i.e. Textiles and Jute sector. Actually,
both these industries are of similar nature. They have in common a
dependence on similar types of spindles and looms and they produce fabric
goods. The ruined hand loom industry also had nearly same the character
but produced hand based products. The Calcutta (now Kolkata) centric
Jute industry and the Bombay (now Mumbai) centric textile industry grew
simultaneously. This growth and extension was in the second half of 19th
century and also first half of 20th century, all in the period of colonial rule.
Both were agro-based as well as labour intensive industries. In the period
of colonial rule both industries generated more and more profits for the
industrialists as well as tears for the working class. Protracted militant and
political struggles took place in these sectors before 1947, as part of anti
colonial struggle. With the transfer of power in 1947, the native owners
came into ownership of these industries, instead of white owners. Robbery
of labour power continued in the same manner. Let us come to the Jute
industry now, particularly.
At the time of partition of British India, the first major crisis took place
in the Jute industry. Most of the areas where raw jute was cultivated had
gone into newly formed East Pakistan i.e. present Bangladesh. At the same
time, Kolkata city and its suburban areas where nearly all the Jute mills
were situated remained in India. So India faced shortage of raw Jute whereas
Pakistan faced absence of mills. The raw Jute shortage led to shortage of
working days for the workers. That was the first major crisis which led
working class into starvation.
In decade of 1980s due to mechanization mainly in sewing department,
thousands of workers lost their jobs. Again in the decade of 1990s, due to
shortage of raw Jute, many mills were locked out or downsized the work.
At the end of decade of 90s and in early years of 2000 decade, again
June, 2016
25
lockouts and layoffs took place due to low rates of finished goods. This
happened mainly due to the non-implementation of Jute Packaging Material
(Compulsory Usage) Act 1985 (hereafter called as JPM Act). These crises
were not major and were short lived.
But now, the entire scenario in Jute industry of India is being changed
drastically mainly since Modi Govt came into power with BJP majority.
Since last 2 years, Jute industry is losing its ground gradually due to
decrease in sales of finished goods. This trend is taking place by dilution
of the implementation of JPM Act in a conscious and conspiratorial manner
by the Modi govt. This is part of its support and encouragement to the
synthetic lobby, which is being led by Ambanis Reliance Company. In the
last two years, (1) lockouts (2) layoffs (3) permanent closures and (4)
downsizing of production through reduction of shifts / working days/throwing
out of badli workers and apprentices are taking place. This is the situation
presently prevailing in W. Bengal and AP. This trend is still gathering pace
and may convert into a major crisis. If it happens it will be the second
major crisis. So we should concentrate on studying and analyzing the
situation with a view to developing movements to fight back the attacks on
this sector.
How to understand the ongoing crisis in the Jute Industry? How to
confirm that it is a crisis of the industry? How to analyse the reasons for
that crisis? These are the questions before us.
Lockouts and layoffs are not new to the Jute industry. But we should
identify the reasons for lockouts / layoffs concretely. All lockouts / layoffs
are not same. The managements utilize the lockout / layoffs as their political
weapons to curtail the rights and privileges of the working class or to
suppress the working class struggles and their class consciousness. These
are called politically motivated lockout / layoffs in general. Contrary to
this, if they resort to these as a result of reasons other than to suppress
workers i.e. market reasons, those are generally termed as industrial
lockouts / layoffs.
The industrialists run their industries through purchase of various types
of commodities. But only the living commodity i.e. labour power, is
qualitatively different from others. Industrialists collect / purchase all other
commodities i.e. raw material, machines, land (ground rent), spare parts
(to compensate for depreciation of machinery) etc. at the then market price.
26
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
Those are fluctuating but depend on the condition of the then market. The
price of living commodity, i.e. labour power, also fluctuates but also depends
on, in general, bargaining power of working class. That means the level of
class consciousness of working class or trade union movement can also
influence the price of labour power. When industrialists of any industry
resort to lockouts/layoffs to reduce this price of labour power, the latter are
termed political lockouts / lay offs. If they resort to them for other reasons
those are called industrial lockouts.
The jute industry is an agro based and labour intensive industry. Moreover
it is an eco-friendly industry. So, it requires a protection policy by the
government. The cost of synthetic products is less than cost of jute products.
As per law of economics; higher priced products cannot be sustained before
lower priced products rendering same use value in a compeititve market.
Naturally, the law of cost of production rules the industries, in final essence.
So the jute industry cannot survive in the market in competition with
synthetic industry. Therefore, a special policy should be adopted to protect
this industry by the govts. For this purpose the JPM Act was enacted in
June, 2016
27
1980s by then Central govt. basing on the policy of protection for jute
industry. But it is being diluted. So law of competition has entered unofficially
in this sacking sector leading to lockouts / layoffs. Jute industry can survive
and extend only by strict implementation of earlier JPM Act and also by
further strengthening of the same. The aim must be to increase the demand
and for that govts must adopt a strict protection policy for Jute Industry.
In historical evolutionary process, some products cannot be sustained,
even with the help of protective policy of govts. For instance, horse carts
or bullock carts cant survive before motor vehicles as transport by motor
vehicles is not only cheaper but faster as well. The law of value asserts
itself sans any overriding prescription to the contrary. But jute products
are conducive to the health of people and in that respect have high utility.
As an eco-friendly labour intensive and agro-based industry the jute sector
is in the interests of Indian people. In view of all the above mentioned
aspects the jute industry is more beneficial to society than the synthetic
fibre industry which is harmful.
28
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
the demand for a protective policy for the Jute industry depends also on
the involvement of the peasantry along with the working class. At the same
time, the role of the engine of movements should be taken by the working
class which is the more organized section. In light of this orientation, we
should organize a protracted united agitation basing on unity between
workers and peasants mainly.
June, 2016
The meeting began with paying homage to the departed comrade and
amidst slogans Ravianna Amar hai. A CD containing songs in memory of
Comrade Ravi and brought out by Arunodaya was released by Com. YSR,
who in his opening address recounted his association with Com. Ravi. He
said that Ravi was an exemplary communist who always adhered to
discipline and his long political life has left us rich experience from which
we can learn a lot. While in the forest he always used to listen to news
pertaining to national and international affairs with the small transistor he
had and he would make a detailed analysis of the same and explain to the
comrades around. He was a comrade who would teach and learn as well.
Comrade Ajmer Singh, leader of the party in Punjab said that when they
heard the news of Ravi's death they felt very sad. Com. Ravi was one
among the few communist revolutionaries who remained underground till
his last breath for 48 years which was something extraordinary. His death
is not only a loss to the party in Telangana but to the entire party in the
country. The issue before everyone today is, how to carry forward his
aspirations and ideals and it is only by addressing this task that we would
be paying real tributes to this martyr, he stated. He said that this condolence
meeting is being held at a time when the BJP-led NDA government is
intensifying the implementation of the pro-imperialist, pro-corporate agenda
along with its communal Hindutva agenda.
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
opined that Ravianna had very great qualities as a person. He was never
demanding and was very disciplined. To live as a communist revolutionary
and that too in underground till the last breath is something that is very
significant. Com. P. Prasad, member of the AP state committee of the
Party, said that every moment of Raviannas life was devoted to the
development of revolutionary movement and of the party. He was always
trying to apply Marxism to the concrete conditions obtaining in the country
and strove hard for the implementation of the party line. Com.Byas Tiwari
representing the Bihar-Jharkand state committee of the Party recounted
his association with Ravi when the latter attended one of their state
committee meetings and gave some valuable suggestions for the
development of the movement there. He said that they had hoped that
Ravi would continue to play this role, but his sudden death has saddened
them. Com. Rama, member of the Telangana state committee of the Party
and life partner of Ravi said that Ravi's sole concern was realizing revolution
and he always used to discuss about mass line. He was instrumental in
her own development. During times of splits in the party, Ravi was always
a disturbed person. He was a committed communist and lived on the basis
of communist values. He was a role model and we need to emulate some
of the best qualities that were in him. On behalf of the West Bengal unit of
the Party, Com. Sujan Chakraborty condoled the death of Com. Ravi and
expressed sympathies to the family members. He stated that Ravi led a
life of a true revolutionary and on this occasion we need to pledge to move
ahead on the path of revolution. B. Pradeep, Gen.Secretary of IFTU, said
that in everyone's life there occur incidents that shake them and Ravi's
sudden demise shook all of us. He recalled his first meeting with Ravi
during the Emergency when repression was at its peak and the police had
gunned down both Ramnarsaiah and Ramchandraiah. Ravianna was
instrumental in developing the resistance movement under these conditions.
Com. P. Ranga Rao,secretariat member of the Party in Telangana paid
homage to Com. Ravianna as leader of the revolutionary movement in the
country. He was another name for discipline and was always immersed in
thoughts about the state of movement in the country. He was instrumental
in developing, mentoring many leaders of the Party and stood firm in the
political struggle against right and left deviations. He strove to develop
linkages between the forest and plain areas movements.
Members of Arunodaya sang songs in memory of Com. Ravi and other
martyrs who laid down their lives in the cause of revolution.
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
33
O n 3rd June
2016, the Ganjam
district unit of
AIKMS organized a
rally against the
brutal killing of
Comrade Adangu
G omango in his
native
village
Kumarabandha in
Dharakote block.
Hundreds
of
AIKMS supporters,
mainly tribals and dalits from different villages of Dharakote block
congregated at Kumarabandha and vowed to carry forward the struggle
started by the departed leader. Addressing the rally Comrade Bhalachandra,
state spokesperson of CPI(ML) ND, remembered the contributions of
Comrade Adangu in building the struggle of the rural poor in Ganjam district.
Though he was illiterate he could organize the poor peasants of Dharakote
area under the banner of then Lok Sangram Manch and in his leadership
many struggles over land and particularly forest land were waged
successfully. Comrade Bhalachandra urged the people to strengthen the
movement for land, forest right under the leadership of AIKMS.
34
June, 2016
Pravin Nadkar
May 2016 marks the 50th anniversary of the start of the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution of China. Its aim was to prevent restoration of Capitalism
in China. Its fundamental premise was recognition of culture as one of the
tools for class supremacy. It exposed the myth of culture being a pleasnat
luxury of the civilised life. Cultural revolution reminded the artists that to
be a revolutionary artist the important criteria is, first to be a revolutionary.
It was an attempt to fine tune the culture with the socialist state and social
relations in China. It recognized that if the class struggle is watered down
then class consciousness too would be compromised and then capitalism
could make an easy comeback by cultural route. The cultural revolution
targeted four bad tendencies in the society - the reactionary tendencies
relating to customs, culture, habits and ideas. It regarded the culture as
an essential or constitutive part of human consciousness and social being
in the words of Ernest Fisher, the famous Marxist art critique. It was an
Lets try to look at the contemporary cultural scene in India from the
point of class consciousness, which was given cardinal importance in the
Cultural Revolution of China. The working masses in India have yet to
become fully conscious about the ideological deceptions practiced by the
ruling classes through their agenda of religious sectarianism and false
notions of patriotism. The working masses of India have not yet fully grasped
the importance of solidarity across the regional, sectoral, religious, national
and caste divisions. The working people are struggling on the issues of
immediate concern for their own survival but they are unable to grasp the
importance and feasibility of the capturing of political power for the
betterment of their own lot. The revisionists in the working class movement
are responsible for limiting the working people's struggle to their immediate
concerns and stopping it from developing into a full scale class struggle
aimed at capturing the means of production. The weakness in the class
consciousness of working masses in India is a result of the weakness of
the class struggle. The working masses are indulging in the practice of the
popular reactionary culture and being swayed by the sectarian revivalist
tendencies due to this lower level of class consciousness. They are still
June, 2016
35
36
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
under the influence of ruling class culture which narrows down the limits of
their social consciousness. This state of the lower social consciousness
is responsible for the dismal state of culture in our society.
37
under such conditions results in pushing our society and culture away from
the path of its progressive development and glory.
38
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
regular jeans. The magical quality ascribed to the iconic brand becomes
justification for the high monetary value assigned to those jeans in complete
disregard of its universal exchange value in the market. The commodity is
thus fetishized and the perception of its value is based upon the false
consciousness of the commodity as hyped by the brand managers. Under
the influence of this false consciousness, the pursuit of happiness in a
consumption driven economy is often associated with individual acquisition
and consumption of commodities. The struggle for collective happiness
through collective efforts of the working masses is then undermined due to
this false consciousness of things.
The false consciousness among the working masses about the social
reality blurs the idea of class solidarity amongst them. The social and
political narrative as espoused by the ruling classes is imbibed by the
working masses due to their lack of class consciousness. People are made
to believe in things about society that are not valid from the scientific point
of view. The working masses fail to see the importance of unity amongst
them for a united struggle against the exploitation by the ruling classes.
The ruling class ideologies cover up the class nature of society and foster
illusions about betterment of lives through individual efforts. They are being
swayed by the agitations and movements based on the lines of regional,
casteist, religious and other such concerns. These movements cause a
serious set back to the ideas of the class struggle, class solidarity and
class consciousness in general. The ruling classes backed by the
imperialist powers therefore always prefer to resort to such struggles for
diverting peoples anger against the system.
39
advance on the expected lines and the reactionaries are taking full
advantage of this situation to infuse a false social consciousness among
the working masses.
40
June, 2016
Water Emergency to
Combat Drought
NEW DEMOCRACY
Bhalachandra Shadangi
For the last several weeks many parts of the country including Odisha
are witnessing an unprecedented drought situation. Officially one third of
the country i.e. 11 of the 29 states, 256 out of 660 districts, 2327 out of
6800 blocks and 96,954 out of 2,57,000 gram panchayats are severely
affected by this drought. The Marathwada region of Maharashtra and the
Bundelkhand region of Uttar Pradesh are the worst hit where large numbers
of farmers are committing suicides and mothers are feeding their children
rotis made of grass.
Not only that, major perennial rivers like Ganga, Godavari and Krishna
have dried up at several locations which was unheard of earlier. Groundwater
levels are at a record low. In many places hand pumps have dried up
completely. The crisis of water due to drought is such that the Govt. had to
supply drinking water by trains to Latur and some areas of Maharashtra
though it was largely for propaganda purposes. The number of people
impacted and the intensity of the impact are huge this time. This is only
the fourth time in the past hundred years that there has been a back-toback drought, but on all previous occasions groundwater, the insurance in
times of drought, had provided relief. That is no longer an available option
in several places. Our rivers are in a much worse situation today than ever
in the past, due to all the ill treatment we have meted out to them, including
multiple and often unnecessary, unjustified damming, diversion of water
from rivers to high water consuming/ wasting industries eg. thermal power
plants being set up in different parts of the country. All this makes the
situation this year much worse.
This drought has once again brought the water crisis of the country to
the fore. India is facing major challenges in the water sector with the per
capita availability going down day by day. Rapid urbanization,
industrialization and commercialization has enhanced its demand many
June, 2016
41
fold.
Our wrong cropping pattern is one of the main reasons for drought in
some areas. In regularly drought hit Marathwada and western Maharashtra
(similarly, also northern Karnataka), though sugar cane is cultivated on
about four to five per cent of cropped land, it takes up about 70 per cent of
water available for irrigation. Considering the rainfall, weather situation and
water availability, sugarcane is not a sustainable crop in these regions.
Same is the case with other high water consuming crops. Also important is
the fact of lack of support to dry area crops like pulses, oilseeds etc.
which has created scarcity of these items and also made the water situation
even more precarious in some parts of the country. Not only in Marathwada,
all the areas which are facing regular water scarcity should promote crops
which require less water.
In this context India should declare a Water Emergency throughout the
42
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
country and take following long term and short term measures to minimize
the impact of drought and of water crisis.
Emergency Measures:
1. Declare all blocks with 10% less rain as drought stricken. Declare
water supply as essential for life.
2.
Ban free trade of water during summer months in all drought areas.
3. Ensure free supply of drinking water for at least 6 hours per day by
local administrations to all rural and urban residential and resettlement
colonies. Strict punishment to officials where water supply is not restored.
No imposition of Section 144 and punishment to people when they protest
against lack of water.
4. Ensure adequate drinking water for animals in all drought stricken
areas free of cost.
June, 2016
43
water starved districts. Implement policy of suitable area wise, low water
consuming cropping pattern, grant of Govt. subsidized cheap inputs and
profitable support price to all such crops.
CPI(ML) Organs
New Democracy
Pratirodh Ka Swar
Voice of New Democracy
New Democracy Bulletin
Biplabi Ganaline
Inquilabi Sada Rah
Lok Yudh
Sangrami Ekta
44
English
Hindi
Telugu
(Telengana)
Telugu
(Andhra Pradesh)
Bengali
Punjabi
Marathi
Odia
June, 2016
Half a century ago on this day, on May 16, 1966, Central Committee
of the Communist Party of China adopted the Circular which is marked
as the beginning of Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution in China.
GPCR was an unprecedented mass movement targeting the capitalist
roaders inside the leadership of the Communist Party of China and
was aimed at preventing capitalist restoration in socialist China. GPCR
enriched the Marxist-Leninist understanding of the class struggle after
capture of political power by the working class and is an important
part of Mao Zedong Thought, which is the further development of
Marxism-Leninism, elevating it to a new level of Marxism-LeninismMao Zedong Thought.
45
46
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
fight it all along the way. Communist Revolutionaries should not wait
till revisionists display their full colours which they do only when they
consolidate themselves in the leadership, but should fight whenever
they try to smuggle in their anti-revolutionary ideas. Reversal in China
is a clear example that revisionist leadership at every step tried to
portray their retrograde policies as correct application of MarxismLeninist-Mao Zedong Thought while all along building capitalism in
China.
47
48
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
49
50
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
are political struggles. When the press began to touch on the political issues
involved in Wu Han's Hai Jui Dismissed from Office, the authors of the
outline went so far as to say: "The discussion in the press should not be
confined to political questions, but should go fully into the various academic
and theoretical questions involved". Regarding the criticism of Wu Han,
they declared on various occasions that it was impermissible to deal with
the heart of the matter, namely, the dismissal of the right opportunists at
the Lushan plenum in 1959 and the opposition of Wu Han and others to the
party and socialism. Comrade Mao Tse-tung has often told us that the
ideological struggle against the bourgeoisie is a protracted class struggle
which cannot be resolved by drawing hasty political conclusions. However,
P'eng Chen deliberately spread rumours, telling many people that Chairman
Mao believed political conclusions on the criticism of Wu Han could be
drawn after two months. P'eng Chen also said that the political issues
could be discussed two months later. His purpose was to channel the
political struggle in the cultural sphere into the so-called pure academic
discussion so frequently advocated by the bourgeois politics and opposing
giving prominence to proletarian politics.
3. The outline lays special emphasis on what it calls 'opening wide'. But
playing a sly trick it grossly distorts the policy of 'opening wide' expounded
by Comrade Mao Tse-tung at the party's National Conference on Propaganda
Work in March 1957 and negates the class content of 'opening wide'. It
was in dealing with this question that Comrade Mao Tse-tung pointed out:
'We still have to wage a protracted struggle against bourgeois and pettybourgeois ideology. It is wrong not to understand this and to give up
ideological struggle. All erroneous ideas, all poisonous weeds, all ghosts
and monsters, must be subjected to criticism; in no circumstance should
they be allowed to spread unchecked.' Comrade Mao Tse-tung also said,
'To "open wide" means to let all people express their opinions freely, so
that they dare to speak, dare to criticize, and dare to debate.' This outline,
however, poses 'opening wide' against exposure by the proletariat of the
bourgeoisie's reactionary stand. What it means by 'opening wide' is
bourgeois liberalization, which would allow only the bourgeoisie to 'open
wide', but would not allow the proletariat to 'open wide' and hit back; in
other words, it is a shield for such reactionary bourgeois representatives
as Wu Han. The 'opening wide' in this outline is against Mao Tse-tung's
thought and caters for the needs of the bourgeoisie.
June, 2016
51
52
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
and beat it by a wide margin.' This concept which makes no class distinction
on academic matters is also very wrong. The truth on academic questions,
the truth of Marxism-Leninism, of Mao Tse-tung's thought which the
proletariat has grasped has already far surpassed and beaten the
bourgeoisie. The formulation in the outline shows that its authors laud the
so-called academic authorities of the bourgeoisie and try to boost their
prestige, and that they hate and repress the militant newborn forces
representative of the proletariat in academic circles.
6. Chairman Mao often says that there is no construction without
destruction. Destruction means criticism and repudiation; it means
revolution. It involves reasoning things out, which is construction. Put
destruction first, and in the process you have construction. MarxismLeninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought, was founded and has constantly
developed in the course of the struggle to destroy bourgeois ideology. This
outline, however, emphasizes that 'without construction, there can be no
real and thorough destruction'. This amounts to prohibiting the destruction
of bourgeois ideology and prohibiting the construction of proletarian
ideology. It is diametrically opposed to Chairman Mao's thought. It runs
counter to the revolutionary struggle we have been waging on the cultural
front for the vigorous destruction of bourgeois ideology. And it amounts to
prohibiting the proletariat from making any revolution.
7. The outline states that 'we must not behave like scholar-tyrants who
are always acting arbitrarily and trying to overwhelm people with their power'
and that 'we should guard against any tendency for academic workers of
the left to take the road of bourgeois experts and scholar-tyrants'. What is
really meant by 'scholar-tyrants'? Who are the 'scholar-tyrants'? Should the
proletariat not exercise dictatorship and overwhelm the bourgeoisie? Should
the academic work of the proletariat not overwhelm and eradicate that of
the bourgeoisie? And if proletarian academic work overwhelms and
eradicates bourgeois academic work, can this be regarded as an act of
'scholar-tyrants'? The outline directs its spearhead against the proletarian
left. Obviously, its aim is to label the Marxist-Leninists 'scholar-tyrants'
and thus to support the real, bourgeois scholar-tyrants and prop up their
tottering monopoly position in academic circles. As a matter of fact, those
party people in authority taking the capitalist road who support the bourgeois
scholar-tyrants, and those bourgeois representatives who have sneaked
into the party and protect the bourgeois scholar-tyrants, are indeed big
June, 2016
53
party tyrants who have usurped the name of the party, have no contact
with the masses, have no learning at all, and rely solely on 'acting arbitrarily
and trying to overwhelm people with their power'.
8. For their own ulterior purposes, the authors of the outline demand a
'rectification campaign' against the staunch left in a deliberate effort to
create confusion, blur class alignments and divert people from the target
of struggle. Their main purpose in dishing up the outline in such a hurry
was to attack the proletarian left. They have gone out of their way to build
up dossiers about the left, tried to find all sorts of pretexts for attacking
them, and intended to launch further attacks on them by means of a
'rectification campaign,' in the vain hope of disintegrating their ranks. They
openly resist the policy explicitly put forward by Chairman Mao of protecting
and supporting the left and giving serious attention to building up and
expanding their ranks. On the other hand, they have conferred on those
bourgeois representatives, revisionists, and renegades who have sneaked
into the party the title of 'staunch left', and are shielding them. In these
ways, they are trying to inflate the arrogance of the bourgeois rightists and
to dampen the spirits of the proletarian left. They are filled with hatred for
the proletariat and love for the bourgeoisie. Such is the bourgeois concept
of brotherhood held by the authors of the outline.
9. At a time when the new and fierce struggle of the proletariat against
the representatives of the bourgeoisie on the ideological front has only just
began, and in many spheres and places has not even started or, if it has
started, most party committees concerned have a very poor understanding
of the task of leadership in this great struggle and their leadership is far
from conscientious and effective the outline stresses again and again
that the struggle must be conducted 'under direction', 'with prudence', 'with
caution', and 'with the approval of the leading bodies concerned'. All this
serves to place restrictions on the proletarian left, to impose taboos and
commandments in order to tie their hands, and to place all sorts of obstacles
in the way of the proletarian cultural revolution. In a word, the authors of
the outline are rushing to apply the brakes and launch a counter-attack in
revenge. As for the articles written by the proletarian left refuting the
reactionary bourgeois 'authorities', they nurse bitter hatred against those
already published and are suppressing those not yet published. But on the
other hand, they give free rein to all the various ghosts and monsters who
for many years have abounded in our press, radio, magazines, books,
June, 2016
NEW DEMOCRACY
stand of those so-called 'academic authorities' who oppose the party and
socialism, thoroughly criticize and repudiate the reactionary bourgeois ideas
in the sphere of academic work, education, journalism, literature and art,
and publishing, and seize the leadership in these cultural spheres. To achieve
this, it is necessary at the same time to criticize and repudiate those
representatives of the bourgeoisie who have sneaked into the party, the
government, the army, and all spheres of culture, to clear them out or
transfer some of them to other positions. Above all, we must not entrust
these people with the work of leading the Cultural Revolution. In fact many
of them have done and are still doing such work, and this is extremely
dangerous.
Those representatives of the bourgeoisie who have sneaked into the
party, the government, the army, and various cultural circles are a bunch
of counter-revolutionary revisionists. Once conditions are ripe, they will
seize political power and turn the dictatorship of the proletariat into a
dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Some of them we have already seen
thorough, others we have not. Some are still trusted by us and are being
trained as our successors, persons like Khrushchev, for example, who are
still nestling beside us. Party committees at all levels must pay full attention
to this matter.
This circular is to be sent, together with the erroneous document issued
by the Central Committee on 12 February 1960, down to the level of county
party committees, party committees in the cultural organizations, and party
committees at regimental level in the army. These committees are asked
to discuss which of the two documents is wrong and which is correct, their
understanding of these documents, and their achievements and mistake.
Party committees at all levels must immediately stop carrying out the
'Outline Report on the Current Academic Discussion made by the Group of
Five in Charge of the Cultural Revolution'. The whole party must follow
Comrade Mao Tse-tung's instructions, hold high the great banner of the
proletarian Cultural Revolution, thoroughly expose the reactionary bourgeois
June, 2016
June, 2016