Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Gary Shilling
Internet by studying online discourse centred on the protests of the 2010 Olympics in
Vancouver utilizing case study method and critical discourse analysis. Since the
evolution of the Olympic games into the modern era, the event has been an arena for
political and diplomatic struggle. The tensions of staging the Olympics within an urban
centre such as Vancouver were exhibited in the demonstrations and protests and
deliberated online by media and individuals alike. This research sought to measure the
hegemony of a global event such as the Olympics and determine the effectiveness of the
Knowledge is essentially a public good, but in the global information free market there is
information and knowledge. The goal of the exploration herein was to understand how
the colliding forces of competition and cooperation are socially shaped and
online stories around the 2010 Olympic protests in Vancouver, examining the origins
and sharing of these stories, and investigating the dialectic that emerged.
framework for examining the power dynamic between capitalism and democracy on the
Underlying these themes, it is understood that social phenomena do not have linear
causes and effects, but are contradictory, open, dynamic, and conceived of in complex
forms (Fuchs, 2009). Critical theory, and by extension critical discourse analysis, is
interested in what society could become, and this inquiry studies the potential for the
Internet to foster positive social change. Within dominant critical theory, the Frankfurt
School sees the increasing corporate control of media reflected in the global convergence
Internet's democratic potential. This research sought to assess the hegemony of a global
event such as the Olympics and determine the effectiveness of the Internet in facilitating
online postings, with this analysis focused on a selection of mainstream media and
counter-pubic texts relating to the protests that took place in Vancouver during the 2010
Olympics.
Literature Review
Within what can be termed community computing is the creation of a vast network
of decentralised power for moving and sharing data breaking “codes of behaviour” that
is systematically imposed by mass media (Herman & Chomsky, 1988). The propaganda
model of media industrialists perpetuates the idea that sharing is criminal; while
interactions with other people their personal reasoning. Whether motivated by altruism
or reciprocity, sharing behaviour brings positive outcomes for the individual sharing
and the public commons. Unlike traditional mass media audiences, Internet consumers
humanity, where “participation by everyone is progress toward a true respect for the
Since the evolution of the Olympic games into the modern era, the event has been an
arena for political and diplomatic struggle. The 1896 Summer Olympics in Athens,
Greece represented the onset of the New Olympic Era, as documented in photographs of
the opening ceremonies, the celebrity of the athletes, and the excitement among the
Fast-forward to the 1936 Summer Olympics in Berlin—the stage was set for the
Nazism was visual, and physical theatre, everything from the massive wooden eagle
at Nuremberg, the gleaming limestone and the polished surfaces, to the rock star
features of its great Charismatic, and the pageantry and cathedrals of light. The 1936
Olympics were fully in this tradition, a great Nazis set piece arising out of the
News media became entrenched in the presentation of the games with Leni Riefenstahl's
Nazi ideal of the perfect human body, the film “conforms to the ideals that led Hitler's
party towards establishing a society based on racial unity, violence, and discrimination"
In analyzing the protest activities at the 2000 Olympics in Sydney, Neilson (2002)
described the activities of the protestors as "unAustralian". His usage of the term was
that exceeds national boundaries" (p. 23). He used the term as a counterpoint to the
Deliberating the 2010 Olympic Protests Online Gary Shilling 6
culture". Riggs, Eastman, and Golobic (1993) direct our attention to Espy and his
hypothesis that it is the "essential neutrality" of sport that is the key ingredient for
making it a foreign policy tool. The attention, the passion, and the controversy make the
sports spectacle a suitable instrument for nationalistic focus. The Olympics "‘involve a
basic tension between the impulses towards nationalism and globalism, and it is never
asks ‘basic moral questions of justice, equity and the public good’” (Murdock & Golding
as cited in Fuchs, 2009, p. 71). The different branches of Marxist media and cultural
theory are united in their focus on critique and the negation of capitalism and
domination. By speaking through the media, and standardizing the public conversation,
national media reach every individual in their home creating an isolated virtual mob
with no actual power to do anything (p. 102). The result is a worker transformed into
consumer. And so, instead of co-operating and creating value for our communities, we
compete to help corporations extract value from our communities (p. 182). The Internet
challenges this power dynamic created by the oligarchs of media by facilitating massive
collaboration with the net result being “not only a counter-hegemonic move but a
serious, hard-to-stop mass captivity” (Hughes & Lang K.R., 2003, p. 169). Within this
solving, evolving and a building of the collective (Lowey, 1991). Just as production and
Economy shifts the values of production again, where anyone with a computer can
Open Systems
Unlike radio and TV before it, the Internet allows us to hold on to the images and
sounds that we view—modify, augment, and share them. Like its predecessors, the
effective way to reach an audience/collaborators, no matter how small a niche that may
be. What joined the first generation of personal computer users was a relationship with
the computer and a shared aesthetic for transparent understanding (Turkle, 1984). The
Internet extended this understanding beyond the personal realm and into the connected
new populism in which citizens would band together to run information resources and
Open systems of collaborative and peer production challenge the capitalist approach,
As Fuchs (2009) notes: "New media do carry a certain potential for advancing
structures and it is unclear if the capitalist integument can be stripped away" (Fuchs,
2009, p.82). This study looks to determine if new forms of social engagement can
reverse the erosion of social capital and participation noted by Putnam (2000). Closely
related to civic virtue, social capitalists posit that participation is most powerful "when
embedded in a dense network of reciprocal social relations" (p. 3). As such, the Internet
Radical Democracy
Deliberating the 2010 Olympic Protests Online Gary Shilling 8
with deliberative being the most popular. As advocated by Habermas, it centres on the
concept that problems can be resolved through rational argument. "Political community
is therefore based on communicative reason” (Dahlberg & Siapera, 2007, p.8), where
participation.
As critical theory proponents, Adorno and Habermas agree that late capitalist
with the environment in a negative way” (Cook, 2004). While Adorno denounces the
effects of economic systems of commodity exchange, Habermas sees the economic and
problems begin when functionalist rationality extends "into areas of action that resist
being converted over to the media of money and power because they are specialised in
Mainstream deliberative arenas can still leave the most powerless marginalized, with
public sphere theory to include politics associated with voices excluded from
mainstream public spheres" (Dahlberg, 2007, p. 142), providing a place for voices that
consumption. The very structure of capitalism is a dialectical one: every form and
Deliberating the 2010 Olympic Protests Online Gary Shilling 9
institution of the economic process begets its determinate negation, and the crisis is the
extreme form in which the contradictions are expressed" (Marus cited in Fuchs, 2008,
p.23).
In Athenian democracy, the exercise of citizenship was central to life in society, and
politics was a preoccupation shared by all. Within their concept of direct democracy, the
interest than the person themselves (Grossman, 1995, p.35). The notion of self-
2008), "where citizens are engaged at the local and national levels in a variety of
political activities and regard discourse, debate and deliberation as essential conditions
for reaching common ground and arbitrating differences between people in a large
themselves, if not in all matters, all of the time, at least in some matters at least some of
the time” (p. 231). Modern representative democracy adds layers between the governor
and the governed and weakens the connection between the two.
Method
This research on the potential for deliberative democracy on the Internet combined
the case study method with critical discourse analysis to examine online texts posted
during the 2010 Winter Olympic protests. What case study does best is study process,
and that process is the heart of an explanatory method (Stoecker, 1991). As Yin (1994)
suggests, the more one seeks to explain the "how" or "why" of a social phenomenon, the
more case study method will be relevant. These forms of study are not easily separated
from the social context in which they occur, with the suitability of a case study grounded
in the bounded nature of case study, and the flexibility in choosing the data to be
Deliberating the 2010 Olympic Protests Online Gary Shilling 10
gathered (Cutler, 2004). This study used qualitative analysis to understand how
messages and conversations that took place on the Internet shaped our understanding
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) rejects the possibility of a "value-free" science, and
sees discourse as part of social structure, produced in social interaction. With a focus on
power and dominance in society" (Van Dijk, 2001, p. 353). Society by its very nature is
derived from discourse. Meaning making depends not only on what is explicit within the
text, but what is implicit. This is partly a matter of understanding, partly a matter of
A central concept in most critical work on discourse analysis is power dynamics, and
more specifically, the social power of groups or institutions within society and politics
(van Dijk, 2001). Fairclough (1992) describes the CDA method as a combination of
'micro-analysis' and 'macro-analysis', with the former concerned with the explication of
how participants produce and interpret texts on the basis of their members' resources.
between the dimensions of social practice and text, wherein "it is the nature of social
practice that determines the macro-processes of discursive practice, and it is the micro-
processes that shape the text" (p. 86). Fairclough (1992) creates a three-dimensional
social practice" (p. 4). This research strategy is based on interpretation and
Discourses within media propagate texts, images and graphics that promote biased
models of persuasion. These discourses include representations of how things are, and
presentation in the media do such topics reach the larger public and subsequently gain a
place on the ‘public agenda.’” (Habermas, 1996, p.381). The media are both sites of and
members of that public could contribute to issues of concern. Recognizing the single
public sphere as a physical impossibility, Habermas evolved this idea to reframe the
World Wide Web as a public sphere is a place for connected knowledge, and as such, is
messy. Sir Tim Berners-Lee, the inventor of the World Wide Web designed it as “a
permission-free zone" (Weinberger, 2007, p. 189). The Web has no central registry, no
approval process, and no hierarchy. Anyone can post anything they want; and link to
pages, images, graphics, or texts. Within the open communities of the web, physical
1830s and gave rise to commercial media in the form of the "penny press", altering the
Deliberating the 2010 Olympic Protests Online Gary Shilling 12
landscape of how politics were conducted thereafter. The result was the invention of the
idea of "news" (Grossman, 1995) and the attaching of financial gain to its distribution.
The telegraph wire services in the 1840s accelerated this trend and began a process of
decentralizing reportage and local input. In the modern era, newspapers grew more
commodity.
rally primarily against the neo-liberal international institutions that have been created
Organisation (WTO) and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). In the international
world of sports, the Olympics regulate the globalization of sport as the ultimate
transformative spectacle, and “the stage at which the commodity has succeeded in
totally colonising social life" (Debord, 1977, para. 42). For Zizek (2008), globalism is the
new racism, where commodities travel freely but people do not. The result is a
segregation of economic order between those with economic prosperity and those
without.
disenfranchisement: The marginalization of the homeless in the city; the impact of the
Games on First Nations land without treaty; the appropriation of arts funding in the
province of British Columbia; and the hegemonic practices of the corporate sponsors of
the event. The impact of the Games on personal freedom began in July of 2009, when it
was announced that the Olympic Security Officials were creating “free speech areas” for
the Olympics (2010 Olympic security plans, 2009). And although the head of security
later claimed that protesters would not be required to use these spaces, the authority of
Deliberating the 2010 Olympic Protests Online Gary Shilling 13
the Games accelerated with the installation of 900 closed-circuit cameras, the legalized
arrests of homeless people citing that it was “for their safety”, a patrol force of more than
4,500 Canadian soldiers, and an additional 15,500 private security guards (Dvorak,
2010).
In January 0f 2010, the City of Vancouver spent $50,000 (Bader, 2010) and
published “The 2010 Vancouver Residents Guide”, explaining the magnitude of impact
of the games and how “every resident will play a part in its success in some way” (City of
Vancouver, 2010, p.1). Central to the theme was a list of 10 ways to be a good host.
Highlights included: “Learn your venues”, “Be patient on public transit”, “Show off your
language skills”, “Share your love of the city”, and “enjoy yourself” (p. 1). The mandated
nature of behaviour modification clearly dictated the responsibilities of all citizens for
The Olympics kick-off was a countrywide torch relay funded in part by $25 million
dollars from the Government of Canada (Feds to give $25M, 2010), and supplemented
by sponsorship money from Coca Cola Ltd., and Royal Bank of Canada. On February
12th, 2010, the torch relay was stopped on Commercial Drive in Vancouver, where
marchers chanted “No Olympics on Stolen Native Land” and the torchbearer was
ushered away under police protection (Olympic Torch Blocked by Protestors, 2010).
Protestors in the Downtown East Side (DTES) came with their families and marched
peacefully (Anti Olympic 2010 Protest, 2010). On day three of the Olympics, February
13th, 2010, a protest organized by the “Black Bloc” sought to block access to the opening
day of the games. Black Bloc is described as a tactic for protest rather than a formal
group wherein the common goals are “to provide solidarity in the face of a repressive
Deliberating the 2010 Olympic Protests Online Gary Shilling 14
police state and to convey an anarchist critique of whatever is being protested that day”
publisher The Georgia Straight’s website quotes Mark Leler, director of SFU’s Centre for
Labour Studies at Simon Fraser University, and his evaluation of the protest as “more in
the way of disturbance than it was violence directed against people” (Pablo, 2010, para.
3). Leler sees the protest as setting the stage for a dialogue between what is “respectable
protestors” and disruptive ones. Habermas believes that “only through their
controversial presentation in the media do such topics reach the larger public and
subsequently gain a place on the ‘public agenda’” (Habermas, 1996, p.381). As such,
discerning the line between violence and vandalism frames the discourse that follows.
Leler probes into the dialectic of anarchy versus anarchism. “Anarchy tends to mean
says people do not need an authoritarian state to live in harmony. Anarchists do not say
that the world should simply be chaotic. What they say is that human beings can
actually live together without force” (para. 8). In the final paragraph of the reporter’s
text, Leler describes the field of action defining social practice, as such: “the anarchist
ideal is a time when people—not their leaders—decide for themselves what form of
action they need to fight for their interests” (para. 14). And with that, reader comments
The media produce the text that initiates the discourse. As Fraser notes, "media
publicity serves to determine what things become political, and hence, worthy of state
and/or public action" (Simone, 2008, p.12), whereas Habermas argues that legitimizing
norms in the context of pluralism can only occur through the process of rational
Deliberating the 2010 Olympic Protests Online Gary Shilling 15
argumentation (Barney, 2007). The media text and dialogue that follows is a
Street Journal story on the protests opens with, “Anti-Olympic protests turned violent
spray painted buildings and cars downtown” (Dvorak, 2010, para. 1), equating the
destruction of property with violence. In The Globe and Mail, the black bloc protestors
are described as “thugs from central Canada” (Matas, para. 2, 2010). The Globe and
Mail and The Wall Street Journal are the leading business newspapers in Canada and
the United States respectively and as such are aligned with the priorities of property as
Marx, in his analysis of the commodity, asserts the damage that capitalism has
caused to human life. He argued: "No sooner does a sensuous object emerge as a
commodity than “it changes into a thing which transcends sensuousness" (Cook, 2004,
p. 39). Commodities become animated, while human life becomes passively subjective.
capitalist society "personifies things and reifies people" (p. 39). Since the introduction of
television in 1952 the Olympic performance and pageantry has been reduced to a fervent
Within the spectacle of the Olympics, national pride gets confused with the commodity
fetishism of collecting medals. Canada’s “own the podium” initiative, places winning as
the primary objective of involvement, as stated in the number one goal: “Place first in
Deliberating the 2010 Olympic Protests Online Gary Shilling 16
(http://ownthepodium2010.com/about).
relationship between the Olympics, national pride, and public protest. Medal tallies
become symbolic of national success and superiority (Riggs, Eastman, & Golobic, 1993).
When the Canadian Press distributed a story entitled Caped Canadians surprise
world with national pride rarely seen (Keller, 2010), news outlets throughout
Canada carried the story. The superhero hooliganism of fandom was interpreted as
national pride, with the reporter recounting the scene, where “one cry prompts another,
sparking a chain reaction of hooting and hollering that rises above fans draped in flags,
with hockey jerseys on their backs and maple leaves temporarily tattooed on their faces”
(para. 2). The dialectic between “hooting sport fans” and “hooded thugs” of protest
plays out in the comments on the online news sites. Threads of conversion spiralled as
the dialogue focussed on publicly unmasking the “cowards” as a form of justice. The
Zizek (2008) believes that the tolerant liberal attitude that prevails today is to
oppose all violence, with the notion of objective violence taking on a new shape with
theoretical edge. He proposes that when we find ourselves bombarded with mediatic
images of violence, we must learn what causes this violence. "What kind of universe is it
that we inhabit, which can celebrate itself as a society of choice, but in which the only
option available to enforced democratic consensus is blind acting out?"(p. 64). Within
this construct, opposition to the system can only take the shape of anarchistic outburst,
Deliberating the 2010 Olympic Protests Online Gary Shilling 17
where the only choice is playing by the rules or self-destructive violence. For two
members of The Raised Fist Collective who participated in the Heart Attack protest
rally, their purpose is clear: “To give capitalism a heart attack, you know, clog the
Submedia.tv, documented the activities “the mother-fuckin’ resistance” and its effect on
the sub-class in the video series It’s the end of the world as we know it and I feel
fine. For a resistor’s view of the Olympic Games, The 5 Cock Rings Died Episode
As The Stimulator (our host) points out, “You break a few windows and corporate boot
lickers from the ass crunching corporate media start paying attention” (Stimulator,
2010). Profanity peppers The Stimulator’s dialogue, as he willingly alienates those that
Johan Galtung defines violence as "the cause of the difference between the potential
and the actual, between what could have been and what is" (Fuchs, 2008, p.247). Using
this definition, one can draw that political systems of modern society institutionalize
violence in their control of certain groups against the will of others. Even in
representative democracy this may entail controlling the majority through a minority
group. For Zizek (2008), it is not the masked protesters that are the perpetrators of
criminal violence; it is the violence masked within capitalism is the real offender. The
"mad self-enhancing circulation of capital" (p. 10), and its pursuit of profitability is
indifferent towards the affects on social reality. As he describes it, the violence of
Deliberating the 2010 Olympic Protests Online Gary Shilling 18
Conclusion
strengthen democracy was first formulated in Berthold Brecht’s 1932 radio theory,
starts a daily log of interesting web links and publishes them a “weblog” (Carvin, 2007).
The idea catches on, and in 2007 there are over 120,000 blogs created every day (Sifry,
2007). A significant attraction to these blogs is the combination of the posting of the
author, and the dialog that ensues in the comments about the post. Due to the potential
easier and shifts into a more expressive and affective mode. Dewey described the public
civil society (Dewey, 1927). To be a citizen, after all, is to be engaged in the practice of
judgement (Barney, 2007) and a part of the democratic tradition through the ages.
In determining the validity of the Internet as a public sphere, we can again turn to
Habermas, who suggests, “regardless of whether or not the media conform to normative
ideals, they still function as a public sphere, albeit a defective one, in the sense that they
1998, p. 360). Radical democracy is part of a healthy public sphere, advanced through
Deliberating the 2010 Olympic Protests Online Gary Shilling 19
the contestation between dominant and marginalized publics, where deliberation and
against the inequalities of a social order that glorifies sport at the expense of personal
freedom. In contrast to the capitalist globalization of sport and media and an incessant
that results in the creation of public good. The open deliberation facilitated by media
their impact to determine the nature of this emerging social sphere. For Barber, "If the
technology is to make a political difference, it is the politics that will first have to
change" (Barber as cited in Dahlberg, 2001, p. 630). Technology can only facilitate
change not create it—and so to understand how democracy can thrive within the
relatively young Internet and access the impact on political process, further situational
Acknowledgments
Thanks to my critical research buddy Nigel Barker for walks and talks in the rain at
RRU; to Trish Riemer & Helen Simeon for reviewing my first draft; and to April Vannini
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