Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Emory University
A B S T R A C T
For Ethiopian Jews and (formerly Jewish)
Pentecostals in Israel, coffee (buna) is more than
just a stimulant, a cultural symbol, or even a social
lubricant. It is a material medium for disputes about
the limitations of moral agency, the experience of
kin relations that have been broken or restructured,
and the eruption of dangerousbut also
healingpotencies in the social world. Buna
consumption has become a focal point for at least
three different forms of moral compulsion (physical
addiction; zar, or spirit, affliction; and kinship
obligations) that are experienced as isomorphic with
culture and from which freedom is sought. The
decision to drink or to refrain from drinking buna
has therefore emerged as a fulcrum of moral
experience around which different Ethiopian groups
in Israel negotiate the limits of culture and the
quest for an elusive moral freedom. [African
Pentecostalism, Ethiopian Jews, existential
anthropology, moral experience, religious conversion,
culture theory, freedom]
AMERICAN ETHNOLOGIST, Vol. 42, No. 4, pp. 734748, ISSN 0094-0496, online
C 2015 by the American Anthropological Association. All rights reserved.
ISSN 1548-1425.
DOI: 10.1111/amet.12167
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blame such violence on individual spirit possession, Pentecostals tend to associate the hidden potential for violence
with the whole of the unconverted community. One day, as
we strolled together on the Via Dolorosa in Old Jerusalem,
Tadesse urged me darkly to give up my research on buna
because he thought someone might try to harm or even
kill me if I persisted. There are a lot of things people dont
want you to know about, he said. I never was ultimately
threatened, but it is true that my questions about buna
and spirit possession frequently seemed to provoke real
discomfort.
One of the things that has changed over the years since
I first started speaking with Ethiopian Israeli Pentecostals
during the mid-1990s is that, instead of gathering to pray
and read the Bible in homogeneous Amharic-speaking
groups (cf. Seeman 2009:131132), some believers now
attend small prayer communities (Heb. kehillot, sing.
kehillah) composed predominantly of white, middle-class
Israelis. These Israelis may not identify as Pentecostals
they more often refer to themselves as Messianic Jews,
or yehudim meshichiyim (see Ariel 2006; Feher 1998;
Westmark 2014; cf. Kornblatt 2004)but Pentecostal
(and broader charismatic or Renewalist) influences are
frequently profound. The U.S. Pentecostal televangelist
Morris Cerullo (ordained in 1950 by the Assemblies of God)
describes himself as a Jew by birth and says that he received
a specific divine vision to begin evangelizing Jews while he
was preaching in Argentina shortly before the Six Day War
in 1967. He claims to have mailed copies of the New Testament to every Jewish household in Israel (see Cerullo 2010).
He also held a major congress for believers in Jerusalem in
1994, the same year Tadesses family immigrated, and when
I ask Tadesse about religious role models, Cerullo is one of
the first names he mentions (Seeman 2013). Some of the
individuals most closely involved in promoting Messianic
Judaism among those currently waiting in Ethiopia for
immigration visas are Pentecostal in their personal practice
(cf. Dulin 2013).
Despite their assertions of belief in Jesus, gifts of the
spirit, and participation in global Christian networks like
Cerullos, however, Ethiopian Israeli believers like Tadesse
do not generally refer to themselves as Christians. Christianity, Tadesse once told me, is the worship of Mary and
the angels (he has the Orthodox Church in mind)it is
avodah zarah (Heb. idolatry). Major evangelical organizations like the London Society for the Promotion of Christianity amongst the Jews, which played an important role in
the evangelization of Beta Israel through the 19th and 20th
centuries (Seeman 2000, 2009), labored to create a Hebrew
Christian community that would evangelize the House of
Israel from within. Consistent with this model, contemporary believers tend to function as Jews with respect to many
aspects of Israeli Jewish civil culture (Seeman 2013), though
they are also frequently reviled.
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Charismatic worship allows for the emergence of otherwise impossible taxonomies and juxtapositions. It is only
among believers, for example, that Israeli Jews and Arabs
regularly participate together in communal prayer. Tadesse
tells me that one Arab family prays with his kehillah in central Israel, but he hastens to add that these are people who
believe in the Bible, not the Koran. On a trip to the Old
City of Jerusalem, he parks his car at an Arab-owned lot
near the Damascus Gate and chats amicably in Hebrew with
the Palestinian attendant. Later, when I ask him whether he
thinks there is a solution to Israels long-standing impasse
with the Palestinians, he paraphrases a biblical verse warning the ancient Israelites not to enter into any covenants
with the Canaanite nations lest they become a snare in
your midst. You see, he says, that is the problem we have
now, and it wont end. Then he pauses for a moment and
becomes more thoughtful. But you know, if that is the decision that has been made [by the State of Israel], not to
follow these verses, then I am completely against giving
people only half-freedom. You cannot do that. If they are living here, then you have to give them their rights or we will
never have peace.
Ostensibly contradictory moral and historical frames
are thus invoked and juxtaposed. Should we be surprised
that the elegant cultural and theological templates traced
by anthropologists often fail to encompass the messy contrarieties with which people actually think about and act in
the social world? Pentecostalisms focus on the overwhelming binary of moral compulsionone must belong either
to God or to Satandoes not in any way preclude a subtle
self-awareness of moral and political agency in the hands of
human beings (cf. Meyer 2001). It is just that human agency
must always fall short, always risk imploding upon itself or
being subverted by demonic imperatives. In a world where
agency is always perceived to be subject to higher powers,
one must eventually make a decision whose patronage to
accept. It is in the decision to belong to God alone that real
freedomnot the merely imagined freedom of cultural authenticity or personal indulgencepertains.
This conception of moral freedom may complicate the
comparison between buna avoidance and other forms of
commensality and abstention studied by anthropologists.
Building on the work of Gillian Feeley Harnick (1995) and
others, Tom Boylston, for example, argues that fasting and
participation in the Eucharist render Orthodox Ethiopian
Christians consubstantials under Gods aegis (2013:271)
and members of a common moral community. Fasting
prepares individuals for the Eucharists sacred feast and
also reenacts the suffering of Christ. Yet despite Boylstons
welcome attention to theological and intersubjective motifs
in Ethiopian rituals of abstention, any comparison between
fasting and buna avoidance must remain somewhat tentative. Anthropologists have not typically examined the
relationship of commensality or abstention to the shifting
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dynamics of morally freighted relationships along an individuals life course. Emphasizing the way shared abstinence
helps to create moral community would also tend to suggest a sharp distinction between the collective boundarymaking properties of buna avoidance among Pentecostals
and the more idiosyncratic effects of such avoidance
among individual Jewish Beta Israel, while I have argued by
contrast that we ought to highlight the existential continuities between these two settings. Pentecostals themselves
reject all comparison of buna avoidance with practices like
fasting or dietary prohibitions, not merely because they
are loyal to their own commensal practices but because
they interpret all prohibitions and restraintsespecially
those practiced by Orthodox Christians and traditional
Beta Israel as oppositional to the simple freedom that
they say can only be achieved by resting in the hands of
God.
I once asked Tadesse to explain why the buna prohibition seemed so much more important to him than what
I took to be more explicit biblical directives like the Jewish
dietary laws or Saturday Sabbath. The Pauline resonance of
his reply should not have surprised me, but it did help to
shake me loose from some stubborn ethnographic misconceptions:
Look, nothing is prohibited, but it is always a question
of what it means. Like, I wont drive on Shabbat to go
shopping or to work or something, but I drive to meet
my friends, to pray to God and to be with them. Do you
think God wants me to sit alone in my house? We are
just like those Jews you have in America, what are they
called? The ones who drive to synagogue on Shabbat
you know, reformim (Reform Jews).
Tadesse wasnt just telling me that I had unfairly invoked a
foreign cultural and religious concept called prohibition,
which was true enough. The real problem was that I was
still trying to understand buna avoidance as a fixed semiotic
practice or cultural rule while he was insisting upon a doctrine of freedom. Nothing is prohibited, he insisted when
I pressed. Not buna, not even pig! The reason people dont
drink buna is that they want to be with God, and this [drinking buna] isnt being with God.
The constraints imposed by Ethiopian culture, by
biblical law, or by zar possession are all analogous from
Tadesses point of view, and to suggest otherwise is to impute precisely the kind of cultural compulsion or constraint
against which believers continually chafe. Frustrating
though it may be for the anthropologist-as-interpreter-ofculture, his claim is precisely that there is no overarching
rule or supererogatory cultural norm and certainly no fixed
prohibition to reckon with: just the minute-by-minute
decision to throw oneself freely into the hands of God.
My ethnographic dilemma is that I do not possess a ready
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on tropes of continuity and rupture in ethnographic writing. This prominence is no doubt partly due to Pentecostalisms own strong idioms of radical conversionary transformation andas Joel Robbins (2007b) so astutely notes
anthropologys difficulty in taking claims about rupture of
the cultural fabric at face value. Believers feel themselves
called upon to break with ties of kinship and commensality
as well as with traditional religious practices and to engage
their preconversion cultural matrix as if it were shot through
with demonic power. The well-noted paradox, of course (cf.
Meyer 1999), is that by treating local spirits like the zar as satanic forces, Pentecostals also help to keep traditional cosmologies alive despite the dislocations of modernity that
might otherwise obliterate them. Robbins (2004) argues
that Pentecostals help to preserve traditional cosmologies
in cognitive terms (e.g., through belief in varied spiritual
forces) by self-consciously shifting the normative (and,
I would add, affective-experiential) evaluation of these
claims in radical and distinctive ways. The real question is
not, therefore, whether there really is a rupture of culture at
stake in Pentecostal conversion (an interpretive question, at
any rate), but rather what kinds of rupture and what kinds of
continuity define the lived horizons of some particular inhabited world (Seeman 2014). This is a question that takes
on added significance in the context of the abiding association between cultural rupture and the experience of moral
freedom suggested by many converts themselves in these
Christian settings (see Engelke 2004; Meyer 1998).
Anthropological fascination with rupture as part of
the deep structure of Christian theological concern (cf.
Robbins 2007b) is not the only context in which these issues
have been raised. We shall need a way of describing the
possibilities of human freedom, James Laidlaw challenged
anthropology more than a decade ago, of describing . . .
how freedom is exercised in different social contexts and
cultural traditions (2002:311). Under the explicit influence
of Michel Foucaults (2000) later theorizing, Laidlaw worried
that without an ethnographic commitment to describing
such possibilities, anthropology would always tend to fall
back onto bad habits of valorizing collective action and social regulation over peoples attempts to fashion themselves
into certain kinds of persons and, indeed, to reflect on what
kinds of persons those should be. Yet while Laidlaws and
Robbinss emphasis on the technologies of self through
which some people seek self-consciously to remake themselves against the grain of culture seems descriptively apt
to a practice like buna avoidance, my ethnography pushes
toward a wider engagement with the unscripted, everyday
practices in which freedom is imperfectly negotiated over
time and against the backdrop of significant relationships
with other people. Both buna practice and its avoidance, I
have argued, need to be understood against an intersubjective horizon of emotionally fraught relationships with
kin or neighbors, economic pressures, and the shifting,
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Notes
Acknowledgments. This article has benefited from generous
comments by more colleagues than I could possibly mention here
by name. However, I would like to single out the members of the Fri-
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