Pope John calls attention to certain characteristics of his age, the "signs of the

times" which will form the basis of his analysis and proposals in this encyclical:
-- people have become increasingly conscious of their human dignity (a. 79)
-- workers are claiming their rights in the socio-economic sphere (a. 40)
-- women are claiming the rights and duties that befit a human person (a. 41)
-- nations are achieving their independence (a. 42)
-- more and more nations are basing government on constitutions (a. 76) and are
including in their constitutions charters of fundamental human rights (a. 75)
-- people are showing an increasing interest in the affairs of all other people, and
they are becoming more aware that they are living members of a world community
(a. 145)
-- the interdependence of national economies has grown deeper (a. 130), and no
country can pursue its own interests and develop itself in isolation (a. 131)
-- leaders of nations, working through normal diplomatic channels or top-level
meetings, are no longer able to solve world problems (a. 133-35)
-- people are becoming more and more convinced that disputes which arise
between states should not be resolved by recourse to arms, but rather by
negotiation (a. 126)
-- the human family has entered the era of the atom and the conquest of space on
its new advance toward limitless horizons (a. 156)
The chosen topic of the encyclical is peace. Pope John says that the consolidation of
peace is a profound aspiration shared by all people of good will (a. 166), and yet we
face an immense task of bringing about true peace in the order established by God
(a. 163). The challenge is to take the fundamental principle on which the present
peace depends--the fear and anxious expectation of war--and replace it with
another, which declares that true world peace can only consist in mutual trust, not
in equality of arms (a. 113). The fundamental thesis of the encyclical is that peace
will only be an empty-sounding word unless it is based on the order founded on
truth, built according to justice, integrated by charity, and put into practice in
freedom (a. 167). In developing this thesis, John reminds Christians that Jesus Christ
is the author of peace (a. 117), the Prince of Peace (a. 167) who brings us peace
and leaves us peace (a. 170), and he reminds everyone that there can be no peace
among people unless there is peace within each one of them (a. 165).

John sees reigning in the world an astonishing order which humans can understand
(a. 2). The source of this order is the personal and transcendent God (a. 38).
Conscience reveals God's order to us and enjoins us to obey it (a. 5), and we can

establish peace only if we observe the order laid down by God (a. 1). This social
order is by nature moral: it is grounded in truth, guided by justice, inspired by love,
and refined in freedom (a. 37); or, to put it another way: its foundation is truth, its
measure and objective is justice, it driving force is love, and its method of
attainment is freedom (a. 149).

This social order is based on the principle of human dignity: every human being is a
person, endowed with intelligence and free will, and having rights and duties which
are universal, inviolable and inalienable (a. 9). It requires, therefore, that we
recognize and observe mutual rights and duties (a. 31). The goal is the achievement
of the common good, which embraces the sum total of those conditions of social
living whereby people are enabled to achieve their own integral perfection more
fully and more easily (a. 58). The common good can never exist fully and
completely unless the human person is taken into account (a. 55), and even the
public authority of the world community must have as its fundamental objective the
recognition, respect, safeguarding and promotion of the rights of the human person
(a. 139)

What are the basic human rights? John lists them in this order: the right to life,
bodily integrity, food, clothing, shelter, rest, medical care, necessary social services
(a. 11); the right to respect for one's person, good reputation, freedom to search for
truth, freedom of speech, freedom of information (a. 12); the right to share in the
benefits of culture, education (a. 13); freedom of worship (a. 14); freedom to choose
one's state of life and to form a family (a. 15); freedom of initiative in the economic
field, the right to work (a. 18); the right to adequate working conditions (a. 19),
proper wage (a. 20), private property, even of productive goods (a. 21); freedom of
assembly and association (a. 23); freedom of movement and residence, the right to
emigrate and immigrate (a. 25, 106); the right to active participation in public
affairs (a. 26); the right to juridical protection of rights (a. 27); and the right to act
freely and responsibly (a. 34).

John points out that people possessing these rights have the duty to claim them as
marks of their dignity (a. 44). Moreover, these rights must be acknowledged and
respected by others, and also effectively fulfilled (a. 32). They should be regulated
so as not to threaten others in the exercise of their own rights, and when they are
violated, they should be completely restored (a. 62). Exiles are persons, and they do
not lose their human rights simply because they have lost their citizenship (a. 105).
John praises the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which he
says represents an important step on the path toward the juridico-political
organization of the world community (a. 144).

The pope makes clear that each right obligates others to acknowledge and respect
that right (a. 30) and also that each right carries with it a corresponding duty (a.
28). For example, there is a social duty inherent in the right of private property (a.
22). The encyclical, then, stresses personal rights, but it also stresses personal
obligations: individuals and groups must make their specific contributions to the
common welfare (a. 53), and this means not only their own countries but also the
entire human family (a. 146); individuals should take an active part in government
(a. 73); people should carry on their worldly activities competently but also as the
exercise of a right, as the performance of a service, and as a response to God's
providence (a. 150).

Communities of people also have rights. Each country has the right to existence, to
self-development and the means to attain it, to primary responsibility for its own
development, to a good name and the respect which is its due (a. 86). It has the
corresponding duty to respect these rights in other countries (a. 92), and it has the
duty to accept immigrants and to help integrate them as new members (a. 106).

Pope John addresses the principles of national governance, since they are essential
to peace in the world. He points out that it is inhuman to base a human society on
force (a. 34). People have the right to choose who governs, the form of government,
and the manner and extent of governing authority (a. 52), and all members of the
political community are entitled to share in it (a. 56). The best form of government
is that which best reflects the historical background and circumstances of the
particular political community and which embodies the three principal functions of
government (a. 68).

Public authorities derive their authority from God (a. 46), and obedience to them
shows reverence to God (a. 50). Public authority must derive its obligatory force
from the moral order (a. 47), so that its first appeal is not to fear of punishment or
promise of reward but to individual consciences (a. 48). The chief concern of civil
authorities is to insure that personal rights are acknowledged, respected,
coordinated with other rights, defended and promoted (a. 60). When a government
disregards personal rights, its orders completely lack juridical force (a. 61). Civil
authorities must promote both the material and the spiritual welfare of citizens (a.
57), and sometimes civil authorities must give more attention to the members of
the community less able to defend their rights and assert their legitimate claims (a.
56). Government should concern itself with social as well as economic progress (a.
64), intervening in economic, political and cultural matters to limit the inequalities
among citizens (a. 63) but without curtailing an individual's freedom of personal
initiative (a. 65).

Addressing the matter of law, Pope John speaks on one level of natural law, pointing
out that every fundamental human right derives its moral force from the natural law
(a. 30). He asserts that laws governing human relationships are based on human
nature, and they are different from the laws governing the irrational forces of the
universe (a. 6). On the practical level of legislation, John insists that laws should
conform to the needs of a given historical situation (a. 54); legislators should never
forget the norms of morality, the constitution, or the requirements of the common
good (a. 69); and laws contrary to the moral order and the will of God are not
binding on the consciences of citizens (a. 51).

Every discussion of world peace must address the issue of the world community. All
countries are by nature equal in dignity (a. 86, 89). They all have rights and duties,
John says, and their relationships must be harmonized in truth, justice, solidarity
and freedom (a. 80). Countries with a higher level of development should not take
unjust advantage of their superiority over others (a. 88), and no country should
develop itself by restricting or oppressing other states (a. 92). Indeed, economically
developed nations should come to the aid of those which are in the process of
development (a. 121), respecting the moral heritage and ethnic characteristics
peculiar to those countries and avoiding any intention of political domination (a.
125).

The common good of each country cannot be divorced from the common good of
the entire human family (a. 98). No country may unjustly oppress others or unduly
meddle in their affairs (a. 120), and indeed what should reign among nations is not
fear but a love expressing itself in productive collaboration (a. 129). In this spirit,
countries should facilitate the circulation from one to the other of capital, goods and
manpower (a. 101).

Noting that the promotion of the common good demands effective authority (a.
136), and that the universal common good poses problems of world-wide
dimensions (a. 137), Pope John proposes that a public authority, having worldwide
power and the means to pursue its objective, be set up by common accord and not
imposed by force (a. 138). The public authority of the world community must have
as its fundamental objective the recognition, respect, safeguarding and promotion
of the rights of the human person (a. 139). It should facilitate the work of national
governments, and in no way should limit their sphere of action, much less take their
place (a. 141). The pope expresses the hope that the day may come when every
human being will find in the United Nations an effective safeguard for the rights
derived from one's dignity as a human being (a. 145).

The worst offense against peace, of course, is war, and Pope John quotes Pope Pius
XII, who said: "Nothing is lost by peace; everything may be lost by war" (a. 116).

John himself asserts that it is hardly possible to imagine that in the atomic era war
could be used as an instrument of justice (a. 127). He notes that nations are
spending fabulous sums for armaments, not for aggression, they say, but to
dissuade others from aggression (a. 128). This stockpiling of armaments depletes
intellectual and economic resources and deprives other countries of needed
collaboration (a. 109). He also notes that even though the monstrous power of
modern weapons acts as a deterrent, the mere continuance of nuclear tests may
have fatal consequences for life on earth (a. 111). He concludes that the arms race
should cease, stockpiles should be equally and simultaneously reduced, nuclear
weapons should be banned, and there should be an agreement on progressive
disarmament and an effective method of control (a. 112).

Avoiding war is one thing; building peace is quite another. John proposes certain
actions and approaches which we might consider his directives for peace.

He teaches that the equal dignity of all people means that racial discrimination
cannot be justified (a. 44), and every trace of racism should be eliminated in
international relations (a. 86).

He teaches that it is for the common good to respect the ethnic characteristics of
different groups (a. 55). The betterment of minority ethnic groups should be
promoted by government (a. 96), and their strength and numerical increase should
never be limited (a. 95). At the same times, ethnic characteristics should not be
placed above human values (a. 97), and ethnic characteristics must not be
transformed into a watertight compartment in which people cannot communicate
with people from other ethnic groups (a. 100).

He teaches that international differences must be settled, not by force, nor by

deceit or trickery, but by assessing the conflicting positions and reconciling the
differences (a. 93).

He teaches that world leaders should seek an adjustment founded on mutual trust,
on sincerity in negotiations and on faithful fulfillment of obligations assumed (a.
118).

He teaches that those who are inclined to change things through revolution should
be aware that to proceed gradually is the law of life in all its expressions (a. 16162).

Before closing his encyclical, Pope John provides a Christian perspective on the
search for peace. He points out that many institutions in Christian countries do not
reflect Christian values (a. 151). In John's opinion, this is so because of an
inconsistency between Christians' faith and their life in the world (a. 152), an
inconsistency resulting from the lack of a solid Christian education (a. 153).

He explains that, because the principles outlined in this document are from the
natural law, Catholics should be able to come to an understanding with other
Christians and with non-Christians (a. 157). He says that in dealing with others, we
must never confuse error and the person who errs: the person who errs always
retains his dignity as a person and should be treated in accord with that dignity (a.
158). Moreover, we must distinguish between false philosophical teachings and the
historical movements they spawn, since the movements are always subject to
change (a. 159). It may opportune and prudent, therefore, to arrange for meetings
to achieve economic, social, cultural and political ends which are honorable and
useful (a. 160).

In the end, he encourages every believer to be a spark of light, a center of love, and
a leaven among people (a. 164).

History
Pacem in Terris (Latin for Peace on Earth) was founded by an interfaith group of
clergy and business leaders (Rabbi Herbert Drooz, Rabbi Jacob Kraft, Rev. Albert
Nielson, Msgr. Thomas Reese, Richard Rhoads, and Charles Robinson) in Wilmington,
Delaware in 1967. For 47 years it has facilitated the active participation of people
and organizations on issues and projects relevant to the quest for peace, justice,
and sustainability throughout the world. It is an independent, member-supported
non-profit organization whose work embodies a creative mix of hope and vision with
pragmatic education and positive action.
Mission
Peace with justice for a world restored, thriving and secure, for all, forever.
Pacem in Terris is a grassroots, non-partisan, interfaith, member-supported nonprofit organization that brings together people of all ages, ethnic backgrounds and
professions for the purpose of positive peaceful change on the local, national and
global level. It helps people understand that peace is not just the absence of war
and conflict, but a vibrant, thriving, safe, secure and sustainable neighborhood and
world that peace is a necessity for survival, not a luxury for the affluent.
Pacem in Terris has been on the front lines of the movements for peace, ending
racism, anti-apartheid, nuclear freeze, disarmament, peace and reconciliation in
Northern Ireland, ending the death penalty, stopping gun violence, restorative

justice, non-violent conflict resolution, environmental sustainability, global

awareness and local action.

Summary: First addressed to all people of goodwill and underlines the rights and responsibilities of individuals. This
document also condemns the arms race and racism and advocates resources to be shared in the common
endeavour for development.

Backstory: The terrifying threat of nuclear war had become heightened with the Berlin Wall and the Cuban Missile
Crisis. In addition, the civil rights movement in the US had also exposed divisions of race.

The Cold War

<Page 1 2
Kennedy and the Cold War
Cold War rhetoric dominated the 1960 presidential campaign. Senator John F.
Kennedy and Vice President Richard M. Nixon both pledged to strengthen American
military forces and promised a tough stance against the Soviet Union and
international communism. Kennedy warned of the Soviet's growing arsenal of
intercontinental ballistic missiles and pledged to revitalize American nuclear forces.
He also criticized the Eisenhower administration for permitting the establishment of
a pro-Soviet government in Cuba.
John F. Kennedy was the first American president born in the 20th century. The Cold
War and the nuclear arms race with the Soviet Union were vital international issues
throughout his political career. His inaugural address stressed the contest between
the free world and the communist world, and he pledged that the American people
would "pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend,
oppose any foe to assure the survival and success of liberty."
The Bay of Pigs
Before his inauguration, JFK was briefed on a plan drafted during the Eisenhower
administration to train Cuban exiles for an invasion of their homeland. The plan
anticipated that support from the Cuban people and perhaps even elements of the
Cuban military would lead to the overthrow of Castro and the establishment of a
non-communist government friendly to the United States.
Kennedy approved the operation and some 1,400 exiles landed at Cuba's Bay of
Pigs on April 17. The entire force was either killed or captured, and Kennedy took full
responsibility for the failure of the operation.
The Arms Race

In June 1961, Kennedy met with Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev in Vienna, Austria.
(See a memorandum outlining the main points of conversation between President
Kennedy and Khrushchev at their first lunch meeting.) Kennedy was surprised by
Khrushchev's combative tone during the summit. At one point, Khrushchev
threatened to cut off Allied access to Berlin. The Soviet leader pointed out the Lenin
Peace Medals he was wearing, and Kennedy answered, "I hope you keep them." Just
two months later, Khrushchev ordered the construction of the Berlin Wall to stop the
flood of East Germans into West Germany.
As a result of these threatening developments, Kennedy ordered substantial
increases in American intercontinental ballistic missile forces. He also added five
new army divisions and increased the nation's air power and military reserves. The
Soviets meanwhile resumed nuclear testing and President Kennedy responded by
reluctantly reactivating American tests in early 1962.
The Cuban Missile Crisis
In the summer of 1962, Khrushchev reached a secret agreement with the Cuban
government to supply nuclear missiles capable of protecting the island against
another US-sponsored invasion. In mid-October, American spy planes photographed
the missile sites under construction. Kennedy responded by placing a naval
blockade, which he referred to as a "quarantine," around Cuba. He also demanded
the removal of the missiles and the destruction of the sites. Recognizing that the
crisis could easily escalate into nuclear war, Khrushchev finally agreed to remove
the missiles in return for an American pledge not to reinvade Cuba. But the end of
Cuban Missile Crisis did little to ease the tensions of the Cold War. The Soviet leader
decided to commit whatever resources were required for upgrading the Soviet
nuclear strike force. His decision led to a major escalation of the nuclear arms race.
In June 1963, President Kennedy spoke at the American University commencement
in Washington, DC. He urged Americans to critically reexamine Cold War
stereotypes and myths and called for a strategy of peace that would make the world
safe for diversity. In the final months of the Kennedy presidency Cold War tensions
seemed to soften as the Limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty was negotiated and signed.
In addition, Washington and Moscow established a direct line of communication
known as the "Hotline" to help reduce the possibility of war by miscalculation.
Vietnam
In May 1961, JFK had authorized sending 500 Special Forces troops and military
advisers to assist the government of South Vietnam. They joined 700 Americans
already sent by the Eisenhower administration. In February 1962, the president sent
an additional 12,000 military advisers to support the South Vietnamese army. By
early November 1963, the number of US military advisers had reached 16,000.
Even as the military commitment in Vietnam grew, JFK told an interviewer, "In the
final analysis, it is their war. They are the ones who have to win it or lose it. We can
help them, we can give them equipment, we can send our men out there as
advisers, but they have to win itthe people of Vietnam against the Communists. . .

. But I don't agree with those who say we should withdraw. That would be a great
mistake. . . . [The United States] made this effort to defend Europe. Now Europe is
quite secure. We also have to participatewe may not like itin the defense of
Asia." In the final weeks of his life, JFK wrestled with the need to decide the future of
the United States commitment in Vietnamand very likely had not made a final
decision before his death.