Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
THIS IS, AS FAR AS I KNOW, the first conference to be devoted entirely to music
and communism outside the communist bloc.1 As such, it presents an interesting
counter-narrative to prevailing scholarship, which has tended to emphasize
music under totalitarian regimes, communist and fascist: that is, situations in
which the operational relationship between music and politics is more readily
identifiable, if not necessarily clearer, than it is in Western democracies. The
notion of practising communism in the West may seem counterintuitive to some,
self-indulgent and naive to others. Particularly in the political climate of the
early twenty-first century, in which the fall of state communism has been
followed by a widespread dismissal of all views that ever pertained to it (at least
in mainstream politics), the whole enterprise of communist-inspired music
composed by citizens of Western democracies seems to have been rather
quixotic.
The topic of this conference focuses on the situations that arise as a result
of left-wing parties and cultural programmes occupying different positions in
non-communist countries than they did in communist ones. The communist
bloc itself was of course hardly monolithic. Eastern bloc countries had different
histories and different relationships with Moscow, which resulted in vastly
different cultural experiences. (We need think only of avant-garde music in
Poland.) Western communist parties likewise differed in size, influence, and
degree of participation in the political process, as well as in their degree of
loyalty to Moscow. Whereas after the Second World War, the communist parties
1
I would like to express my thanks to the conference participants for their engaged questions
and insightful remarks on the original presentation, and to Andrea Bohlman for research assistance
in the preparation of this text.
Proceedings of the British Academy 185, 6787. The British Academy 2013.
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Anne C. Shreffler
in France and Italy controlled seats in their respective parliaments and numerous
other offices at the state and city level, the Communist Party of the US has never
influenced mainstream politics. By comparison, the Communist Party of Great
Britain had a much larger (and fanatically loyal) following, although it too was
minuscule in relation to the mass parties on the continent.2
The Western communist parties also differed in their views on the importance
of employing art and culture for political ends. Here the French and Italian
parties were again the leaders, devoting their energies and substantial
resources to the cultural sphere, recognizing that the adroit wielding of soft
power would win them prestige far beyond the limitations of their actual
political impact. Both parties also supported a far wider range of styles and
aesthetics than those officially approved in the Soviet Union.
If Western communist parties were freer than their counterparts in
communist-governed countries to theorize about how best to apply Marxist
principles to music, left-wing musicians in the West were freer still. Some
subscribed strictly to the party line, while others maintained their own, perhaps
blended or muddled, personal philosophies and political views. Luigi Nono, for
example, was a member of the Italian Communist Party, while others expressed
their political beliefs without formal participation in the political process. It
was relatively unusual for drastic penalties to be attached to party membership
in the West. The most striking exception was the period of Red Scare anticommunism in the United States during the late 1940s and 1950s. Elsewhere,
certain career paths or professorships at certain universities were off limits to
party members. The British historian Eric Hobsbawm recalled that the early
1950s was a bad time to be a communist in the intellectual professions. Public
policy encouraged discrimination and treated us as potential or actual traitors,
and we were deeply suspect to our employers and colleagues.3 Others felt
pressure to migrate to more congenial Western countries, as Konrad Boehmer
did when he left West Germany for Holland, or as Judith Malina did when she
relocated the Living Theater from New York to Italy after being the target of a
politically motivated tax investigation in the United States.4
Others found ways to work within the system. The obvious fact that musicians are involved first and foremost with their profession, and often have little
time or training for the sustained study of political theory, means that their
For information about the relative size and strength of the European communist parties, see
R. Neal Tannahill, The Communist Parties of Western Europe: A Comparative Study (Westport,
CT and London: Greenwood Press, 1978), 67 (Italy), 78 (France), 18 (Great Britain).
3
Eric Hobsbawm, Interesting Times: A Twentieth-Century Life (London: Allen Lane, 2002), 174.
4
Pierre Biner, The Living Theatre (New York: Horizon Press, 1972), 8283.
69
See my Stefan Wolpe: Excerpts from Dr. Einsteins Address about Peace in the Atomic Era,
in Settling New Scores: Music Manuscripts from the Paul Sacher Foundation, ed. Felix Meyer
(Mainz and London: Schott, 1998), 177.
6
On twelve-tone music in the Soviet Union, see Peter Schmelz, Such Freedom, If Only Musical:
Unofficial Soviet Music during the Thaw (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2009).
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Anne C. Shreffler
Blitzstein clearly identifies Popularist music as international, and notes particularly the significance of Russian and French influences. For this group, Saties
transparent and intentionally simple music language was both immediately
accessible as well as a bulwark against turgid over-complexity. Similar expressions of a populist music cognate with progressive politics are found in the
Marc Blitzstein, Towards a New Form, The Musical Quarterly, 20/2 (1934), 21617.
71
music and writings of Aaron Copland and other Americans, especially during
the red 1930s.
The second category, the modernist model of progressive music, received
its most extensive, and extreme, treatment in Theodor W. Adornos Philosophie
der neuen Musik of 1949, although the basic ideas had already been articulated
in the 1920s by Adorno and others. This viewpoint sees musical language
evolving as an inevitable result of historical forces. In using an advanced idiom
for example an atonal, twelve-tone, or serial language music resists being
co-opted into the commercial sphere, or being used as a symbol of state power.
Responsible art music embodies all the contradictions and crises of society
in its forms and language; in its autonomy, it holds up a mirror to the flawed
society and serves as a locus for structural critique. Specifically, in the 1930s
and 1940s it was held to represent an anti-Fascist stance. Advanced musical
languages moreover prevent a passive, culinary, purely emotional reception
of music on the part of the listener; the goal is to get the listener to think,
and even to change the listeners consciousness. This strand of modernist
Marxism evolved musically from the Schoenberg school; Luigi Nono and
Helmut Lachenmann are among its descendants. It sees neo-classicism, and
indeed all contemporary tonal music, as politically and historically regressive.8
The two basic models for representing and fostering socialist thought in
music the populist and the modernist have been expressed in very different
ways by different people and have led to a great variety of musical styles, and
there are countless hybrid models as well.9 They are found on both sides of the
Iron Curtain, although the populist model is more closely associated with
Moscow and the United States, and the modernist one with Western Europe.
They coexisted throughout most of the century, often in the same country or
region and even within the same creative personality (Hanns Eisler comes to
8
This perception started quite early. Hanns Eisler, in a 1928 review in the communist paper, Die
rote Fahne, of a performance of Stravinskys Oedipus Rex, associates neoclassicism with political
reaction; Die Flucht in die Vorvergangenheit: Oedipus Rex, in Hanns Eisler: Musik und Politik:
Schriften: Addenda, selected and ed. Gnter Mayer (Leipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag fr Musik,
1983), 26. The following year, an article by the Italian composer Alfredo Casella extolling the
suitability of musical classicism for Italian fascism ignited a music-political debate: see Alfredo
Casella, Scarlattiana. Alfredo Casella ber sein neues Stck, Musikbltter des Anbruch 11/1
(January 1929), 2628. Also see the responses by Schoenberg, Krenek, and Malipiero in the
next issue (11/2 (February 1929), 7981); and by Adorno, Atonales Intermezzo?, 11/5 (May
1929), 18793.
9
Such as the approaches of Kurt Weill and Hanns Eisler, who were strongly influenced by Bertolt
Brecht; the anarchic experimentalism represented by the Cage circle; and the participant-based
composition of Cornelius Cardew and Christian Wolff. Each of these approaches has its own
genealogy and many descendants.
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Anne C. Shreffler
mind). Yet the populist and the modernist approaches have just as often been
pitted against each other as arch-enemies; the Expressionism debate of the
late 1930s between Georg Lukcs on the realist side and Ernst Bloch and
Bertolt Brecht on the modernist side, centres around just this dichotomy.10
The current historiography of twentieth-century music, at least in the United
States, is strongly oriented towards the history of populist musical Marxism at
the expense of the modernist strain, which is almost completely unknown. In
European historiography it is practically the reverse. So it is useful to outline
these two perspectives for historiographical reasons alone.
In the two histories of progressive music sketched here, I have chosen some
examples that contrast in different ways; some clearly represent one or the
other camp, others blend the two models, and still others are associated with
non-communist or even anti-communist thought. Ive made no attempt at
inclusiveness; many relevant figures, such as Brecht, Weill, Cardew, and Cage,
are left out, and I do not touch on popular music. I would like to use my examples
to explore the two primary categories of left-wing music and ask, what made
them such powerful models? What is at stake, musically and politically, in
each of them? What forces created and sustained the associations between
musical idioms and political ideas? Finally, how have these works been treated
in Western historical accounts, and how have these historiographical narratives
shifted since the end of the Cold War?
To the barricades
Hanns Eislers Comintern Song (on a text by Franz Jahnke and Maxim
Vallentin), and the genre of Kampflied in general, represent the epitome of the
populist strain of Marxist music. Recorded by the legendary political singer
Ernst Busch, the song, composed in 192930, is meant to be experienced by a
group of people and to inspire them to action (Example 7.1).11
The songs musical qualities contribute to its effectiveness. The rhythmic
identity across phrases, for example in the first two, which in their halting,
emphatic way evoke the texts call to action, makes the song memorable. The
third phrase spins out the rhythm of the first two, stopping cleanly with the
10
73
Example 7.1. Hanns Eisler, Komintern-Lied, from Canciones de las Brigadas Internacionales,
ed. Ernst Busch, 5th edition (Barcelona, 1938). Facsimile reprint with a prologue
by Manuel Requena Gallego (Seville: Centro de Estudios Andaluces/Editorial
Renacimiento, 2007), 127.
characteristic ending rhythm of two crotchets on the downbeat. Then the logjam
breaks. With Die Fahnen entrollt (the banners unfurled) the crotchet/dotted
quaver/semiquaver rhythm (a diminution of the minim/dotted crotchet/quaver
rhythm from the beginning) sets up a strong forward motion and a seemingly
unstoppable momentum. The return of the opening rhythm, along with the
singular melisma from the highest note, E, to the tonic D, underlines the allimportant line, Wir erobern die Welt! (Well conquer the world!).
There is much more that one could say about the songs musical features
alone, as there is about Buschs performance, particularly the tempo changes
that he employs to masterful effect. Instead I would like to think for a moment
about the function of the song, and how it signifies politically. While a concert
performance or passive listening is possible, the Comintern Song is constructed in such a way that it is almost impossible not to sing along. (In his
recording, Busch sings the verses solo, and the chorus the people join in at
the refrains.) Even though the melody has large leaps, and there is a prominent
tritone at the beginning of the second phrase, these are easily negotiated diatonic
intervals, and the song is firmly anchored in D minor. The rhythms of the vocal
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Anne C. Shreffler
line assist the less musically adept; the song could be chanted by a crowd in
rhythm without any melody at all, and still be perfectly intelligible and effective.
Yet the characteristic minor key and the march rhythms lend the song a grim,
almost desperate quality, implying that the world has not yet been erobert,
and the real fight is yet to come.
Therefore, Eislers Comintern Song operates on several levels: as a catchy,
well-composed melody; as an effective vehicle for transmitting the meaning
of the words and making them memorable; as an opportunity for people to
participate in a musical action together; as a means of articulating a political
goal and generating positive feelings about the Communist International. The
ultimate goal, of course, was to motivate people to political action. This is just
as relevant in the specific context of the Spanish Civil War as it was for the
songs origins in the agitprop group Das rote Sprachrohr in 1929, or in mass
demonstrations in New York in 1935, or in any number of the songs other
contexts.12 In the fight against Francos fascist army, the creation of a strong
collective identity was especially important, since volunteers had come from
all over the world. The songbook from which Example 7.1 is taken, Canciones
de las Brigadas Internacionales (which was edited by Busch), provides songs
and lyrics in sixteen languages. Above the English translation of the Comintern
Song is the note: This song has been translated into more different languages
than any other revolutionary song excepting the International.13 Unifying these
disparate troops (which were also quite disparate politically, as George Orwell
unforgettably showed in his Homage to Catalonia) was crucial if the effort
was to be successful which, as we know, it was not.
The idiom of the Kampflied cannot be stretched very far and surely Eisler
stretched it about as far as it could go without destroying a songs suitability
for mass singing. Although it is possible to admire the songs craftsmanship,
as we have done here, its accessibility and the political goals that this enables
outweigh any perception of aesthetic autonomy, and intentionally so. It was
crucial, according to Eisler, that the new workers songs avoid beauty for its
own sake, which had been the primary goal of bourgeois music as well as of
the earlier Tendenzlied. He wrote in 1931:
Enjoyment, which had been the main aim of music, was now the means to an
end. The [music] does not [primarily] satisfy the aesthetic sense of the [listener],
12
The song was arranged many times, and Eisler also used a version of this tune in his Suite for
Orchestra No. 5, Op. 34 (1933).
13
Canciones de las Brigadas Internacionales, ed. Ernst Busch, 5th edition (Barcelona, 1938).
Facsimile reprint with a prologue by Manuel Requena Gallego (Seville: Centro de Estudios
Andaluces/Editorial Renacimiento, 2007), 127.
75
but rather it uses beauty to educate him, in order to present the working classs
method of thinking in a clear and tangible way.14
Eisler (Die Kunst als Lehrmeisterin im Klassenkampf, 1931), in Hanns Eisler: Musik und
Politik: Schriften 192448, selected and ed. Gnter Mayer (Leipzig: VEB Deutscher Verlag fr
Musik, 1973), 12829. Translation mine.
15
Richard Taruskin, The Oxford History of Western Music: The Early Twentieth Century (Oxford
and New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 654.
16
Howard Pollack, Aaron Copland: The Life and Work of an Uncommon Man (New York: Henry
Holt, 1999), 357.
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Anne C. Shreffler
17
Aaron Copland, Lincoln Portrait for Speaker and Orchestra (New York: Boosey & Hawkes,
1943), 36.
77
Finally, the Lincoln Portrait would have been understood as left-wing because
Copland himself was known to have been strongly sympathetic to Socialist
causes; he was active in the communist-led Composers Collective in the 1930s,
and even composed a mass song, Into the Streets May First. This involvement
raised a red flag, so to speak, with the House Committee on Un-American
Activities, and Copland was to go through a gruelling interrogation and highly
public humiliation at the peak of McCarthyism.18 The Lincoln Portrait, which
had been programmed for the inauguration of President Dwight Eisenhower in
1954, was abruptly taken off the programme as soon as objections were raised
by conservative Congress members.
The Lincoln Portrait survived this right-wing attack, however, and remains
a staple in the repertory, at least in the United States. Many famous personages
have recited the text, and in fact, the choice of narrator has a great impact on
the political message. For example, on September 11, 2005 (the fourth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks), there was a performance with the Chicago Symphony
Orchestra; the narrator was the then Senator from Illinois, Barack Obama.19
We need to keep this history of the red Copland in mind, because its easy
for our more politically cynical age to hear the Lincoln Portraits glowing
portrait of an American hero as jingoistic American nationalism. The political
effect of the piece depends to a large extent on who is performing the narration.
A favourite of actors, the piece has been recited by Gregory Peck, James Earl
Jones, Katherine Hepburn, Tom Hanks, and many others, in (presumably)
politically neutral performances. As we have seen with the Obama performance,
Lincoln Portrait is also used as a vehicle for politicians, who are happy to
associate themselves with Lincoln. Yet Margaret Thatcher reciting the text is
apt to make a different political impression than Obama.20 Another example
of a right-wing performance was narrated (in English) by the Italian businesswoman and politician Letizia Moratti, who was mayor of Milan and a
member of Berlusconis party, Il Popolo della Libert. As education minister,
Moratti undertook unpopular reforms. In the YouTube video of the performance,
shouting and jeering protesters are seen interrupting the performance.21 While
18
See Pollack, Aaron Copland, 27576 (Into the Streets May First), 45160 (on McCarthy,
Copland, and Lincoln Portrait), and Jennifer L. DeLapp, Copland in the Fifties: Music and Ideology in the McCarthy Era, Ph.D. dissertation (University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, 1997), 12334.
19
An excerpt from this performance is available on YouTube at http://www.youtube.com/watch
?v=KTNv53j7fSo (accessed 25 January 2012).
20
This performance was released on Salute to Democracy, Wyn Morris, conductor, London
Symphony Orchestra, Margaret Thatcher, reciter (CD, EMI Classics, CDC 7 54539 2, 1992).
21
This excerpt is available on YouTube at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2DFjunYx66A
(accessed 25 January 2012).
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Anne C. Shreffler
Copland composed the work in the spirit of left-wing populism, given the right
context and speaker, even this clearly defined political message can flip to a
different one entirely.
Whereas Coplands Lincoln Portrait is intended to honour a hero,
Schoenbergs Ode to Napoleon, for string quartet (or string orchestra), piano,
and reciter, based on Byrons epic satire, cruelly mocks the figure of the defeated
and exiled emperor. It was apparent to the first audiences, as it is to us today,
that here Napoleon represents Hitler.22 After some 162 lines of angry verse
excoriating the tyrant Napoleon/Hitler, a true hero is invoked in the last stanza:
George Washington.23 A review of the premiere in December 1944 in Newsweek
magazine carried the approving headline: Arnold Schoenberg scores off
tyrants.24 Of course, Hitler was still in power when the piece was composed
while the exiled composer was living in Los Angeles, so for the original audiences, the text painted a vivid imaginative picture of what could and should
happen; it was, in effect, propaganda, even though Schoenberg came up with
the idea for the piece himself and the government had nothing to do with its
commissioning. As Schoenberg later explained, It deals with Napoleon like
we would have dealt with Hitler if we had caught him alive.25
The compositional challenge for Schoenberg was capturing Byrons scornful
and ironic tone while creating enough variety to sustain such a long text.
Whereas the Lincoln Portrait is completely devoid of irony, Schoenberg claimed
(in a letter to Orson Welles, who Schoenberg hoped would recite the text) that
the music of the Ode to Napoleon suggests 170 different shades of irony. For
these purposes Schoenberg employed a twelve-tone row with strong tonal
associations: each of the three adjacent notes form diatonic triads. Indeed the
sound of triads permeates the texture from the beginning (Example 7.2).
In spite of the explicit anti-hero to hero narrative of the piece, the political
implications of Schoenbergs Ode are less clear-cut than those of the Lincoln
Portrait. Yet the US State Departments Office of War Information found the
work sufficiently convincing politically to be interested in broadcasting it in
wartime Germany over the Voice of America radio, as Reinhold Brinkmann
22
See for example the review by Olin Downes of the premiere, Rodzinski Offers Ode to
Napoleon, New York Times, 24 November 1944, 18.
23
According to Leonard Stein, Schoenberg was very impressed with Winston Churchill and was
thinking of his voice as a model for how he wanted the text recited; perhaps the Napoleon/Hitler
equation could be extended to Washington/Churchill? See Gerold W. Gruber, ed., Arnold
Schnberg: Interpretationen seiner Werke, vol. 2 (Laaber: Laaber-Verlag, 2002), 89.
24
Quoted in Gruber, Arnold Schnberg, 81.
25
Quoted in Gruber, Arnold Schnberg, 88.
79
Example 7.2. Arnold Schoenberg, Ode to Napoleon, op. 41; entrance of reciter (used by
permission of Belmont Music Publishers).
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Anne C. Shreffler
and Judith Ryan have shown.26 It was therefore deemed suitable for anti-fascist
propaganda, and the State Department asked Schoenberg for a German version
of the piece. It is not clear whether it was actually broadcast.27
On the personal level, Schoenberg could in no sense have been construed
as left-wing. His anti-communist convictions verged on the paranoiac, as his
later correspondence with Hermann Scherchen reveals.28 So we can safely say
that Schoenbergs intentions did not include any kind of left-wing message,
however the piece might have been perceived. While the political resonances
of a work should never be limited to the composers intentions, there are other
factors besides Schoenbergs own anti-communism that would have prevented
an American audience of that time from hearing the piece as left-wing. The
main one is the twelve-tone musical language, which remained antithetical to
the common American perception that Marxist culture had to be populist in
tone.29 However full of triads this particular twelve-tone row may have been,
the Ode was still heard as advanced and devilishly difficult, as a reviewer of
the premiere wrote.30
Another clue to the words political resonances is Schoenbergs treatment
of the end of the piece, when the poem invokes George Washington. To my ears,
not one of the 170 forms of irony can be found in this passage; Schoenberg
seems to be completely sincere in his praise of the first American president.
Not only the pieces notorious E-flat major close, but also the rising chromatic
line and vast crescendo that lead to it underline a heroic reading of this passage.
This interpretation is even stronger in the German text, which Schoenberg
prepared; here, instead of Byrons To make man blush there was but one!,
Washington has brought freedom to the human race: vermacht/ der Menschheit,
26
See Abteilung VI: Kammermusik: Melodramen und Lieder mit Instrumenten, series B, vol. 24:2,
Arnold Schnberg: Smtliche Werke, ed. Reinhold Brinkmann (Mainz and Vienna: Schott and
Universal, 1997), 132, and Judith Ryan, Schoenbergs Byron: The Ode to Napoleon Buonaparte,
the Antinomies of Modernism, and the Problem of German Imperialism, in Music and the
Aesthetics of Modernity (Festschrift Reinhold Brinkmann), ed. Karol Berger and Anthony
Newcomb (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Department of Music, 2005), 20116.
27
Sabine Feisst notes that the Office of War Information made a recording of the work, but
performances did not materialize; see her book, Schoenbergs New World: The American Years
(Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2011), 149.
28
Schoenbergs 1950 correspondence with Scherchen was published in Hermann Scherchen
Musiker 18911966, ed. Hansjrg Pauli and Dagmar Wnsche (Berlin: Akademie der Knste
Edition Hentrich, 1986), 6266.
29
Taruskin speaks, for example, of Wolpes modified twelve-tone technique, formerly the bte
noir of all socially committed musicians; see Taruskin, The Oxford History of Western Music:
The Early Twentieth Century, 13.
30
H. T., Full House Hears Schoenberg Music, New York Times, 24 November 1949, 46.
81
Example 7.3. Arnold Schoenberg, Ode to Napoleon, op. 41; conclusion (used by permission of
Belmont Music Publishers).
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Anne C. Shreffler
der er Freiheit bracht (see Example 7.3). The use of the word freedom here
eerily anticipates the Western, individualistic interpretation of the word that
became a Cold War trope.31
Whereas the Lincoln Portrait harks back to the 1930s, a time in which leftwing thought reigned supreme in American intellectual and artistic circles,
the Ode to Napoleon, composed only a year later, looks ahead to a Cold War
aesthetic landscape in which advanced musical languages were used to symbolize Western values, particularly that of individual freedom. At the same time,
the two works have a lot in common. Both spring from a musical environment
saturated with Hollywood films. Both reflect an age that embraced both heroworship and respect for the common man, like those portrayed in the popular
book, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men, by James Agee, with photographs by
Walker Evans.32 And both, in spite of the enduring popularity of the Lincoln
Portrait, sound dated today, perhaps because the melodrama genre, so reminiscent of 1940s newsreels, and the texts themselves seem clichd to todays
more cynical ears.33
Suspended elegies
With Luigi Nonos Il Canto Sospeso, premiered in 1956 at the apex of Cold War
tensions, we finally arrive at the post-war timeframe of the Red Strains
conference. The work is composed in an unabashedly modernist idiom integral
serialism but still articulates a strong political message. Nono drew the texts
of Il Canto Sospeso from letters of resistance fighters who were to be executed.
In an extended work for chorus and orchestra, whose vocal polyphony and scale
is meant to recall Bachs B Minor Mass, Mozarts Requiem, and Italian madrigals, Nono commemorates those who gave their lives fighting fascism and
oppression.34
At the time of its first performance in 1956, much was made of the fact that
the highly emotional text of Il Canto Sospeso had been set in such a way as to
31
See Anne C. Shreffler, Ideologies of Serialism: Stravinskys Threni and the Congress for
Cultural Freedom, in Music and the Aesthetics of Modernity, ed. Berger and Newcomb, 21745.
32
James Agee and Walker Evans, Let Us Now Praise Famous Men (Boston: Houghton Mifflin,
1944).
33
Yet the young Luigi Nono admired Schoenbergs Ode enough to adopt its row in his Variazioni
canoniche of 1950, his first Darmstadt breakthrough.
34
Luigi Nono, Text Musik Gesang (1960), in Luigi Nono: Texte, Studien zur seiner Musik,
selected and ed. Jrg Stenzl (Zrich: Atlantis, 1975), 5058.
83
The earliest and most influential critic was the composer Karlheinz Stockhausen (Musik und
Sprache II, Darmstdter Beitrge zur Neuen Musik 1 (1958), 6574. Reprinted in Stockhausen,
Texte, vol. 2: Aufstze 195262 zur musikalischen Praxis (Cologne: Verlag M. DuMont
Schauberg, 1964), 15766).
36
Recent analyses of the work include Wolfgang Motz, Konstruktion und Ausdruck: Analytische
Betrachtungen zu Il Canto Sospeso (1955/56) von Luigi Nono (Saarbrcken: Pfau, 1996) and
Laurent Feneyrou, Il Canto Sospeso de Luigi Nono: Musique & Analyse (Paris: M. de Maule, 2002).
37
Luigi Nono, Il Canto Sospeso, Claudio Abbado, conductor, Berlin Philharmonic (CD, Sony
Classical, SK 53360, 1993).
84
Anne C. Shreffler
85
The question of the relationship between the meaning of the text in Il Canto
Sospeso and its deployment in the piece brings up two concepts that I believe
are crucial to the modernist model of progressive music: (1) breaking through
false consciousness; and (2) modelling a future, still unattained, utopia in
musical structure. The first relates to the notion that art should not lull its
recipients into a sense of false security or complacency, but rather should
communicate the truth about societys historical position. The ultimate goal of
music, according to this understanding, would be to break down the audiences
false consciousness: to pull away the curtain, revealing the sense of satisfaction
and well-being that the bourgeois concert ritual aims to provide as illusory and
artificial. Music should not be a diversion or a merely sensual enjoyment, as if
it were analogous to good cooking or interior decoration. Instead, music, like
all the higher arts, has an ethical obligation to speak the truth. Most established
artistic institutions, however, have a vested interest in making sure that this does
not happen, since their survival depends on deluding audiences into a belief
that the concerts and operas that they attend, whose repertories draw mainly
from the past, represent a vital musical culture. According to a modernist
Marxist understanding, any attempts to restore imagined traditions simply paper
over the deep fissures in our social organization and in our individual psyches.
Authentic art should reveal the contradictions of its time and place, rather than
rendering them in pleasant and harmless disguises.
In addition to destroying the passivity and complacency that false consciousness brings, music could also play a positive role by modelling a future,
still unattained, utopia. Encountering new sounds and new ways of organizing
them could not indeed, in this view, should not stop at musical perception,
but should lead to changes in the listeners way of thinking. Simply by recognizing the new creation as a legitimate example of music, the listener would
be acknowledging that music can progress far beyond the familiar. A deeper
knowledge of the complex details of this new sonic landscape could lead to
thoughts about what else in society could also be changed to the same degree.
Nono explicitly claimed this kind of artistic modelling of reality in his music,
writing that it has always been clear [to me] that a human being can realize
himself only in his relations with other people and society. In Il Canto Sospeso
in particular, these connections are modelled, made audible by, in Nonos words,
a horizontal melodic construction encompassing all registers; floating from
sound to sound, from syllable to syllable . . . These relationships . . . affect all
levels of the composition, like a net which extends in all directions.38
38
From Conversation with Hansjrg Pauli, in Hansjrg Pauli, Fr wen komponieren Sie
86
Anne C. Shreffler
87
40
David Priestland, The Red Flag: A History of Communism (New York: Grove Press, 2009),
xxiv.
41
Antonio Gramsci, Marxism and Modern Culture, in Marxism and Art: Essays Classic and
Contemporary, ed. Maynard Solomon (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979), 26869.
42
Virgil Thomson, Music, Right and Left (New York: Holt, 1951).