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Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy was the seventh of eight children born to a wealthy
mestizo family in Cavite on March 22, 1869. His father, Carlos Aguinaldo y Jamir,
was the town mayor or gobernadorcillo of Old Cavite. Emilio's mother was Trinidad
Famy y Valero.
The boy went to elementary school and attended secondary school at the Colegio
de San Juan de Letran, but had to drop out before earning his high school diploma
when his father passed away in 1883. Emilio stayed home to assist his mother with
the family agricultural holdings.
On January 1, 1895, Emilio Aguinaldo made his first foray into politics with an
appointment as Cavite's capitan municipal. Like fellow anti-colonial leader Andres
Bonifacio, he also joined the Masons.
Katipunan and the Philippine Revolution:
In 1894, Andres Bonifacio himself inducted Emilio Aguinaldo into the Katipunan, a
secret anti-colonial organization. The Katipunan called for the ouster of Spain from
the Philippines, by armed force if necessary.
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In 1896, after the Spanish executed the voice of Filipino independence, Jose Rizal,
the Katipunan started their revolution. Meanwhile, Aguinaldo married his first wife Hilaria del Rosario, who would tend to wounded soldiers through her Hijas de la
Revolucion (Daughters of the Revolution) organization.
While many of the Katipunan rebel bands were ill-trained and had to retreat in the
face of Spanish forces, Aguinaldo's troops were able to out-fight the colonial troops
even in pitched battle. Aguinaldo's men drove the Spanish from Cavite. However,
they came into conflict with Bonifacio, who had declared himself president of the
Philippine Republic, and his supporters.
In March of 1897, the two Katipunan factions met in Tejeros for an election. The
assembly elected Aguinaldo president in a possibly fraudulent poll, much to the
irritation of Andres Bonifacio. He refused to recognize Aguinaldo's government; in
response, Aguinaldo had him arrested two months later. Bonifacio and his younger
brother were charged with sedition and treason, and were executed on May 10,
1897 on Aguinaldo's orders.
This internal dissent seems to have weakened the Cavite Katipunan movement. In
June of 1897, Spanish troops defeated Aguinaldo's forces and retook Cavite. The
rebel government regrouped in Biyak na Bato, a mountain town in Bulacan Province,
central Luzon, to the northeast of Manila.
Aguinaldo and his rebels came under intense pressure from the Spanish, and had to
negotiate a surrender later that same year. In mid-December, 1897, Aguinaldo and
his government ministers agreed to dissolve the rebel government and go into exile
in Hong Kong. In return, they received legal amnesty and an indemnity of 800,000
Mexican dollars (the standard currency of the Spanish Empire). An additional
$900,000 would indemnify the revolutionaries who stayed in the Philippines; in
return for surrendering their weapons, they were granted amnesty and the Spanish
government promised reforms.
On December 23, Emilio Aguinaldo and other rebel officials arrived in British Hong
Kong, where the first indemnity payment of $400,000 was waiting for them. Despite
the amnesty agreement, the Spanish authorities began to arrest real or suspected
Katipunan supporters in the Philippines, prompting a renewal of rebel activity.
The Spanish-American War:
In the spring of 1898, events half a world away overtook Aguinaldo and the Filipino
rebels. The United States naval vessel USS Maine exploded and sank in Havana
Harbor, Cuba in February. Public outrage at Spain's supposed role in the incident,
fanned by sensationalist journalism, providing the US with a pretext to start the
Spanish-American War on April 25, 1898.
Aguinaldo sailed back to Manila with the US Asian Squadron, which defeated the
Spanish Pacific Squadron in the May 1 Battle of Manila Bay. By May 19, 1898,
Aguinaldo was back on his home soil. On the 12th of June, 1898, the revolutionary
leader declared the Philippines independent, with himself as the unelected
President. He commanded Filipino troops in the battle against the Spanish.
Meanwhile, close to 11,000 American troops cleared Manila and other Spanish
bases of colonial troops and officers. On December 10, Spain surrendered its
remaining colonial possessions (including the Philippines) to the US in the Treaty of
Paris.
Aguinaldo as President:
Emilio Aguinaldo was officially inaugurated as the first president and dictator of the
Philippine Republic in January of 1899. Prime Minister Apolinario Mabini headed the
new cabinet. However, the United States did not recognize this new independent
Filipino government. President William McKinley offered as one reason the specious
American goal of "Christianizing" the (largely Roman Catholic) people of the
Philippines.
Indeed, although Aguinaldo and other Filipino leaders were unaware of it initially,
Spain had handed over direct control of the Philippines to the United States in return
for $20 million, as agreed in the Treaty of Paris. Despite rumored promises of
independence made by US military officers eager for Filipino help in the war, the
Philippine Republic was not to be a free state. It had simply acquired a new colonial
master.
To commemorate the United States's most substantial foray into the imperial game,
in 1899 the British author Rudyard Kipling wrote "The White Man's Burden," a poem
extolling American power over "Your new-caught, sullen peoples / Half-devil and
half-child."
Resistance to American Occupation:
Obviously, Aguinaldo and the victorious Filipino revolutionaries did not see
themselves as half-devil or half-child. Once they realized that they had been tricked
and were indeed "new-caught," the people of the Philippines reacted with outrage
far beyond the "sullen," as well.
Aguinaldo responded to the American "Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation" as
follows: "My nation cannot remain indifferent in view of such violent and aggressive
seizure of a portion of its territory by a nation which has arrogated to itself the title
'Champion of Oppressed Nations.' Thus it is that my government is disposed to open
hostilities if the American troops attempt to take forcible possession. I denounce
these acts before the world in order that the conscience of mankind may pronounce
its infallible verdict as to who are the oppressors of nations and the oppressors of
mankind. Upon their heads be all the blood which may be shed!"
In February of 1899, the first Philippines Commission from the US arrived in Manila
to find 15,000 American troops holding the city, facing off from trenches against
13,000 of Aguinaldo's men, who were arrayed all around Manila. By November,
Aguinaldo was once again running for the mountains, his troops in disarray.
However, the Filipinos fought on against this new imperial power, turning to guerrilla
war when conventional fighting failed them.
For two years, Aguinaldo and a shrinking band of followers evaded concerted
American efforts to locate and capture the rebel leadership. On March 23, 1901,
however, American special forces disguised as prisoners of war infiltrated
Aguinaldo's camp at Palanan, on the north-east coast of Luzon. Local scouts dressed
in Philippine Army uniforms led General Frederick Funston and other Americans into
Aguinaldo's headquarters, where they quickly overwhelmed the guards and seized
the president.
April 1, 1901. Emilio Aguinaldo formally surrendered, swearing allegience to the
United States of America. He then retired to his family farm in Cavite. His defeat
marked the end of the First Philippine Republic, but not the end of the guerrilla
resistance.
World War II and Collaboration:
Emilio Aguinaldo continued to be an outspoken advocate of independence for the
Philippines. His organization, the Asociacion de los Veteranos de la Revolucion
(Association of Revolutionary Veterans), worked to ensure that former rebel fighters
had access to land and pensions.
His first wife, Hilario, died in 1921. Aguinaldo married for a second time in 1930 at
the age of 61. His new bride was the 49-year-old Maria Agoncillo, niece of a
prominent diplomat.
In 1935, the Philippine Commonwealth held its first elections after decades of
American rule. Then aged 66, Aguinaldo ran for president, but was soundly defeated
by Manuel Quezon.
When Japan seized the Philippines during World War II, Aguinaldo cooperated with
the occupation. He joined the Japanese-sponsored Council of State, and made
speeches urging an end to Filipino and American opposition to the Japanese
occupiers. After the US recaptured the Philippines in 1945, the septugenarian Emilio
Aguinaldo was arrested and imprisoned as a collaborator. However, he was quickly
pardoned and released, and his reputation was not too severely tarnished by this
war-time indiscretion.
Post-World War II Era:
Aguinaldo was appointed to the Council of State again in 1950, this time by
President Elpidio Quirino. He served one term before returning to his work on behalf
of veterans.
In 1962, President Diosdado Macapagal asserted pride in Philippine independence
from the United States in a highly symbolic gesture; he moved the celebration of
Independence Day from July 4 to June 12, the date of Aguinaldo's declaration of the
First Philippine Republic. Aguinaldo himself joined in the festivities, although he was
92 years old and rather frail. The following year, before his final hospitalization,
Aguinaldo donated his home to the government as a museum.
In 1907 Quezon ran successfully as candidate for the Philippine Assembly on the
Nacionalista party platform. In the Assembly he was elected floor leader, and Sergio
Osmea, his archrival, became Speaker of the House. Quezon served as resident
commissioner in Washington, D. C. (1909-1916), where he became notorious as a
romantic dancer, playboy diplomat, and shrewd lobbyist. He was instrumental in
having a law revised so that Filipinos would form a majority in the Philippine
Commission, the highest governing body in the Philippines. In February 1916 he
cosponsored the Jones Act, which gave the Filipinos the power to legislate for
themselves subject to veto by the American governor general. With this act, Quezon
returned home a hero.
In 1916 Quezon was elected to the Senate, and soon became its president. Here he
began attacking Osmea for the latter's theory of "unipersonal" leadership.
Quezon's "collectivist" idea of leadership won in the 1922 election. Soon, however,
the two warring factions of the Nacionalista party united in the Partido Nacionalista
Consolidado, headed by Quezon, who then became president of the party.
In 1933 a bill providing for the future independence of the Philippines, the HareHawes-Cutting Bill, was passed by the U.S. Senate. Quezon opposed the new law
because "America would still hold military and naval bases in the Philippines even
after the latter's independence, and, moreover, export duties regulated in the law
would destroy both industry and trade." He was referring to what has since become
the most troublesome cause of conflict between the Philippines and the United
States: the right of jurisdiction over military bases and the special trade concessions
given to landlords, compradors, and bureaucrat-capitalists with interests in export
industries.
The real cause of Quezon's opposition to the law, apart from his objection to specific
provisions, was the fact that it was identified with the Osmea faction. Quezon led a
mission to the United States to work for a bill generally similar to the Hare-HawesCutting Law, the Tydings-McDuffie Law, known also as the Philippine Independence
Act. This law provided for Philippine independence in 1946 and tax-free importation
of Philippine products such as sugar, coconut oil, and cordage into the United States
and the diplomatic negotiation of the military bases issue.
President of the Philippines
In September 1935, under the banner of a coalition party, Quezon was elected first
president of the commonwealth, with Osmea as vice president. Quezon's first act
as chief executive was to push a national defense bill through the rubber-stamp
unicameral legislature, which he controlled. This bill made him chairman of the
Council for National Defense, with the chief of staff of the armed forces directly
subordinate to him.
created. Laurel was named president of the body, which was tasked with drafting
the constitution for the republic to be. The Japanese had their own ideas on how the
constitution was to be framed, and they made no secret of it.[2]
Laurel, however, was shot at by a guerrilla believing Laurel was too pro-Japanese.
Laurel survived the attempt, although he was badly wounded and had to be
confined at the Philippine General Hospital. Even before he had fully recovered, he
met with the PCPI members and, from his hospital bed, postulated his own ideas on
how the constitution should beregardless of what the Japanese wanted. Laurel
immediately showed that he was in charge. With his long experience in government,
as well as his role in framing the 1935 Constitution, Laurel knew what the country
needed and how the Constitution should be shaped.[3]
The ensuing 1943 constitution established a republican government with a strong
executive, which Laurel felt was important for that time, for more direct action. It
stressed the duties and obligations of the people rather than their rights and
privileges, so as to mobilize the nation so that it may survive during the emergency
period. This constitution, however, was categorically temporary, until the end of the
war. Once peaceful conditions were restored, the transitory provisions of the
constitution clearly stated that a new one would be promulgated to suit the times.
The Japanese had kept close watch over the PCPI and the draft constitution, and
saw great similarities between it and the 1935 Constitution. The US democratic
tradition still showed, and it was completely different from the Japanese
Constitution, which they probably hoped would be emulated. The Japanese tried to
get some changes and objected to some points, such as the absence of military
conscriptionbut Laurel stood his ground.[4]
Even though Laurel tried to push his ideas while keeping the Japanese at bay, most
Filipinos could not see the high-level conflicts and joked that PCPI actually meant
Please Cancel Philippine Independence, because a Japanese-sponsored
independence would not be real. Laurel would have to contend with this sentiment
when he became president.
This Constitution, Laurel stated, was a constitution of action, because those days
were days of action. These are days of responsibility; these are days of courage;
these are days of determination; these are days of life and death, continued Laurel,
and so a strong executive was needed. He explained the various other aspects of
the constitution and why they were needed at that time. The speech was very well
receivedrounds of applause cut in oftenand it was reproduced and translated
into the major Philippine languages and given wide distribution.
A catch phrase he used in the speechOne Nation, One Heart, One Republic
became a slogan which was embodied in posters and the newspapers. The
Constitution was duly ratified by the KALIBAPI general assembly.[5]
The KALIBAPI assembly then elected members of the national assembly for the
republic-to-be. The assemblymen then proceeded to elect the president of the
country.
Laurel was undoubtedly the most qualified to be president. He was virtually the
father of the 1943 Constitution, was eloquent, had a full grasp of the situation and a
clear idea of where and how he wanted to direct the country. He could also deal with
the Japanese as he had their respect. This was obvious to the PCPI, to the KALIBAPI,
and to most Filipinos. He was, thus, unanimously elected as president on September
25, 1943 by the National Assembly.
Even the Japanese approved of Laurel, because they felt hehaving served as
lawyer for some Japanese before the war and having had a son study in the
Japanese Military Academy, in addition to his own honorary doctorate from the
University of Tokyowould be pro-Japanese. In this, they were wrong.
Shortly after the election, Laurel, together with Speaker of the National Assembly
Benigno Aquino and outgoing Chairman of the Executive Commission Jorge B.
Vargas, were summoned to Tokyo for a meeting with Prime Minister Tojo. After some
pleasantries, Tojo urged Laurel to declare war against the U.S. It became clear that
this was the strongly attached to early independence. It was too late now to refuse
the Japanese independence offer; but it was unthinkable that the Philippines would
do as Tojo wished. Laurel walked the tightrope using tact: he argued that the Filipino
people, would not accede to it and besides, he was not popular enough to win the
people over. Furthermorein Laurels own wordsit would not be decent for the
Filipinos to declare war against the United States that was their benefactor and
ally only unworthy people could be expected to do that.[6] Laurel was thus able
to stave off the Japanese condition for independence, but he knew he would not be
able to keep it away forever.
All of this had been happening with no concrete date set for independence. Only
during the visit of Laurels party to Tokyo was the date publicly set: October 14,
1943.
the Japanese military was the Japanese embassy, which represented other Japanese
interests.
The Damocles Sword of the Japanese military thus hung over Laurels head. With
the war going on, the Japanese also reasoned that Laurel had no military forces of
his own to defend the republic against outside attack (meaning the U.S.) or internal
threats (the guerrillas), and thus the Japanese military would have to stay on
ostensibly to defend the sovereignty of the republic.
The Japanese military presence and the war led to corollary problems, among them
a shortage of food, clothing, fuel and other basic commodities. The Japanese
Military Administration had taken over most of the pre-war government owned or
controlled corporations, and had created controlled agencies to supervise the
acquisition, transport and distribution of foods, fuel, prime commodities, and sugar.
Just before independence, the Japanese returned the National Rice and Corn
Corporation to Filipino hands, but kept all others, even after independence. With
these strategic commodities out of Filipino hands, the republic was crippled
economically.
To make matters more difficult, the peace and order situation was deteriorating
rapidly, with the guerrilla movement gaining more adherents and sympathizers
daily. In addition to the guerrillas, there were criminal elements and others posing
as guerrillas, but were actually bandits.
Within the government itself were some unscrupulous and corrupt persons, which
gave government a bad image to the public.
Above all this, most people felt that the government was a puppet government, and
while the people understood the position and ideals of Laurel, many did not take the
republic seriously.
Laurel was aware of all these, and said to a friend, This independence we have is
an independence which is not independence. You have the {Japanese} Navy on one
side, the {Japanese} Army on the other, the guerrillas, the Embassy and my own
government. Five in all![9]
Laurel had to walk a dangerous tightrope then, balancing himself and his aims with
the various forces arrayed against the Republic. He had to give in when it was
impossible to push hard, to gain more advantageous position in other areas and to
forward the interests of the Philippines and the Filipinos.
Upon taking office, Laurel had to take immediate action to try to ease the burdens
bearing on the country. The number one problem was to provide food to the
residents of Manila and other cities. He called for unitythis theme that he kept
harping on in his various speeches. After all, on this, depended national survival.
Laurel took various steps to solve the food problem: reorganizing the rice control
agencies; giving farmers more recognition and raising the governments buying
price; increasing food production and distribution were also dependent on other
factors, not all of which were in the hands of the republic.
Shortage of fuel and transportation was one cause of the food crisis, but control of
these remained in Japanese hands. Laurel would try hard to get them transferred to
the republic, but the Japanese argued that since these were necessary for the army
and navy they could not be transferred. He would try to organize a separate
transportation company run by the government, but due to practical problems it
was short lived.[10]
Related to the shortage of food and other basic commodities was inflation, and
again Laurel used a variety of steps to deal with it: creating special courts to try
profiteers, increasing penalties against those who unjustly raise prices; and raising
government salaries, among others.
The deteriorating peace and order situation also had to be addressed, as it
threatened the stability and even the life of the government. Initially Laurel tried to
win the guerrillas by offering an amnesty and suspending all Japanese operations
during the period allotted for guerrillas to avail of that amnesty. The Japanese did
not like the plan, preferring to keep up military pressure, but Laurel prevailed.
Laurel planned to strengthen the constabulary in lieu of an army, partly to combat
unlawful elements but also to remove the Japanese excuse they had to stay to
maintain peace and order. He also tried to build up the morale of the peace officers
by giving awards (such as the Order of Tirad Pass) to those who served the
government heroically.
Laurel also had to protect Filipinos from Japanese abuses and depredations. Well
known were his refusals to turn over Manuel Roxas and then Major Jesus Vargas to
the Japanese military police. He repeatedly protested to the Japanese embassy and
military officials incidence of slapping, beatings, unwarranted arrests and other
abuses and human indignities. The Japanese, however, chose not to act on them,
most of the time.
Extremely important was to win the loyalty and support of the people, and many of
Laurels speeches focused on convincing the people that independence and the
government were realbut the people had to believe in it and give it a chance.
In the limited time that he had, Laurel also tried social reform and was even able to
distribute actual land titles to the residents of the Buenavista estate, an estate
bought by the government before the war but whose redistribution had been
delayed.
The Japanese had hoped Laurel would follow their prodding and hints and act as a
puppet president, but they were disappointed. Laurel was clear on where his
loyalties layin the Philippines and Filipinosand he stood up to the Japanese by
pressing themas well as the Filipino peopleto make Philippine independence,
real.
Continued Japanese attempts to pressure Laurel to declare war and mobilize
Filipinos to fight together with Japan were strongly resisted by the President. He
reasoned out to the Japanese military and diplomatic leaders in the Philippines that
the country could not afford fighting another war, having already suffered in 19411942. Much precious Filipino blood had been spilt there, and the economy was
ravagedhence, it was not advisable for the Philippines to join in the war. Only in
September 1944, when American carrier-based planes bombed Manila, did Laurel
have no choice. Even so, he declared a state of wara passive expression of
realityand announced that there would be no conscription. And he did not have it
ratified by the National Assembly to make it legally binding.
Some Japanese, thwarted in many of their desires and plans, actually planned a
coup d etat to replace Laurel with someone more pliable and more sympathetic to
the Japanese cause. Actual preparations for the coup had been made, but the more
sober Japanese officers were able to dissuade the radicals from pursuing that line of
action for fear it would completely alienate the Filipino people.
With the return of the Americans, the Japanese did mobilize a seemingly proJapanese armed organizationthe Kalipunang Makabayan ng mga Pilipino, or
Makapili for shortagainst the wishes of Laurel, and outside of the government.
They virtually forced Laurel to attend the inauguration of the group, and then forced
Laurel and his Cabinet to evacuate to Baguio, and later to Japan.
The Second Republic effectively ceased to function with the departure of President
Laurel from Manila, although skeleton government offices continued to operate until
February 1945. With the re-establishment of the Commonwealth government and
Laurels subsequent forced departure for Japan, the republic existed only on paper,
and was finally officially dissolved by Laurel upon the Japanese surrender to the
Allied powers, on August 17, 1945.
Sergio Osmea, (born Sept. 9, 1878, Cebu City, Phil.died Oct. 19, 1961, Manila)
Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and
president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.
Constitution
Predecessor
Sergio Osmea
Successor
Elpidio Quirino
Date elected
Inauguration
Seat of Government
Manila
Vice President
Chief Justice
Senate President
Jose Avelino (May 25, 1946-July 4, 1946; July 5, 1946February 21, 1949)
Eugenio Perez (May 25, 1946-July 4, 1946; July 5, 1946December 30, 1949)
Previous Positions
Provincial: Governor of Capiz (1919-1921)
Bureaucracy: Chairman, Bigasan ng Bayan (1943-1945)
Cabinet: Secretary of Finance (1938-1941)
National: Chairman, National Economic Council (1938-1941)
Executive
Legislative
Judicial
Others
Personal Details
Born
Died
Resting Place
January 1, 1892
Capiz (now Roxas City), Capiz
April 15, 1948
Clark Air Base, Pampanga
Manila North Cemetery, Manila
Partido Colectivista Liberal (1922)
Partido Nacionalista Consolidado (1923-1933)
Partido Nacionalista (Pro) (1934)
Political Parties
Parents
Spouse
Children
Education
Profession
Academe
Manuel Roxas, (born Jan. 1, 1892, Capiz, Phil.died April 15, 1948, Clark Field,
Pampanga) political leader and first president (194648) of the independent Republic of
the Philippines.
After studying law at the University of the Philippines, near Manila, Roxas began his
political career in 1917 as a member of the municipal council of Capiz (renamed Roxas
in 1949). He was governor of the province of Capiz in 191921 and was then elected to
the Philippine House of Representatives, subsequently serving as Speaker of the
House and a member of the Council of State. In 1923 he and Manuel Quezon, the
president of the Senate, resigned in protest from the Council of State when the U.S.
governor-general (Leonard Wood) began vetoing bills passed by the Philippine
legislature. In 1932 Roxas and Sergio Osmea, the Nacionalista Party leader, led the
Philippine Independence Mission to Washington, D.C., where they influenced the
passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. Roxas was later opposed by Quezon, who
held that the act compromised future Philippine independence; the Nacionalista Party
was split between them on this issue. In 1934, however, Roxas was a member of the
convention that drew up a constitution under the revised Philippine Independence and
Commonwealth Act (Tydings-McDuffie Act). Roxas also served as secretary of finance
in the Commonwealth government (193840).
During World War II Roxas served in the pro-Japanese government of Jos Laurel by
acquiring supplies of rice for the Japanese army. Although a court was established after
the war to try collaborators, Roxas was defended by his friend General Douglas
MacArthur. Roxas was elected president of the Commonwealth in 1946 as the nominee
of the liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party (which became the Liberal Party), and, when
independence was declared on July 4, he became the first president of the new
republic.
Although Roxas was successful in getting rehabilitation funds from the United
States after independence, he was forced to concede military bases (23 of which were
leased for 99 years), trade restrictions for Philippine citizens, and special privileges for
U.S. property owners and investors. His administration was marred by graft and
corruption; moreover, the abuses of the provincial military police contributed to the rise
of the left-wing Hukbalahap (Huk) movement in the countryside. His heavy-handed
attempts to crush the Huks led to widespread peasant disaffection. Roxas died
in officein 1948 and was succeeded by his vice president, Elpidio Quirino.
Elpidio Quirino, (born Nov. 16, 1890, Vigan, Phil.died Feb. 28, 1956, Novaliches)
political leader and second president of the independent Republic of
the Philippines.
Tydings-McDuffie Act, signing of [Credit: Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc.]After
obtaining a law degree from the University of the Philippines, near
Manila, in 1915, Quirino practiced law until he was elected a member