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Emilio Aguinaldo

Emilio Aguinaldo y Famy was the seventh of eight children born to a wealthy
mestizo family in Cavite on March 22, 1869. His father, Carlos Aguinaldo y Jamir,
was the town mayor or gobernadorcillo of Old Cavite. Emilio's mother was Trinidad
Famy y Valero.
The boy went to elementary school and attended secondary school at the Colegio
de San Juan de Letran, but had to drop out before earning his high school diploma
when his father passed away in 1883. Emilio stayed home to assist his mother with
the family agricultural holdings.
On January 1, 1895, Emilio Aguinaldo made his first foray into politics with an
appointment as Cavite's capitan municipal. Like fellow anti-colonial leader Andres
Bonifacio, he also joined the Masons.
Katipunan and the Philippine Revolution:
In 1894, Andres Bonifacio himself inducted Emilio Aguinaldo into the Katipunan, a
secret anti-colonial organization. The Katipunan called for the ouster of Spain from
the Philippines, by armed force if necessary.
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In 1896, after the Spanish executed the voice of Filipino independence, Jose Rizal,
the Katipunan started their revolution. Meanwhile, Aguinaldo married his first wife Hilaria del Rosario, who would tend to wounded soldiers through her Hijas de la
Revolucion (Daughters of the Revolution) organization.
While many of the Katipunan rebel bands were ill-trained and had to retreat in the
face of Spanish forces, Aguinaldo's troops were able to out-fight the colonial troops
even in pitched battle. Aguinaldo's men drove the Spanish from Cavite. However,
they came into conflict with Bonifacio, who had declared himself president of the
Philippine Republic, and his supporters.
In March of 1897, the two Katipunan factions met in Tejeros for an election. The
assembly elected Aguinaldo president in a possibly fraudulent poll, much to the
irritation of Andres Bonifacio. He refused to recognize Aguinaldo's government; in
response, Aguinaldo had him arrested two months later. Bonifacio and his younger

brother were charged with sedition and treason, and were executed on May 10,
1897 on Aguinaldo's orders.
This internal dissent seems to have weakened the Cavite Katipunan movement. In
June of 1897, Spanish troops defeated Aguinaldo's forces and retook Cavite. The
rebel government regrouped in Biyak na Bato, a mountain town in Bulacan Province,
central Luzon, to the northeast of Manila.
Aguinaldo and his rebels came under intense pressure from the Spanish, and had to
negotiate a surrender later that same year. In mid-December, 1897, Aguinaldo and
his government ministers agreed to dissolve the rebel government and go into exile
in Hong Kong. In return, they received legal amnesty and an indemnity of 800,000
Mexican dollars (the standard currency of the Spanish Empire). An additional
$900,000 would indemnify the revolutionaries who stayed in the Philippines; in
return for surrendering their weapons, they were granted amnesty and the Spanish
government promised reforms.
On December 23, Emilio Aguinaldo and other rebel officials arrived in British Hong
Kong, where the first indemnity payment of $400,000 was waiting for them. Despite
the amnesty agreement, the Spanish authorities began to arrest real or suspected
Katipunan supporters in the Philippines, prompting a renewal of rebel activity.
The Spanish-American War:
In the spring of 1898, events half a world away overtook Aguinaldo and the Filipino
rebels. The United States naval vessel USS Maine exploded and sank in Havana
Harbor, Cuba in February. Public outrage at Spain's supposed role in the incident,
fanned by sensationalist journalism, providing the US with a pretext to start the
Spanish-American War on April 25, 1898.
Aguinaldo sailed back to Manila with the US Asian Squadron, which defeated the
Spanish Pacific Squadron in the May 1 Battle of Manila Bay. By May 19, 1898,
Aguinaldo was back on his home soil. On the 12th of June, 1898, the revolutionary
leader declared the Philippines independent, with himself as the unelected
President. He commanded Filipino troops in the battle against the Spanish.
Meanwhile, close to 11,000 American troops cleared Manila and other Spanish
bases of colonial troops and officers. On December 10, Spain surrendered its
remaining colonial possessions (including the Philippines) to the US in the Treaty of
Paris.
Aguinaldo as President:
Emilio Aguinaldo was officially inaugurated as the first president and dictator of the
Philippine Republic in January of 1899. Prime Minister Apolinario Mabini headed the

new cabinet. However, the United States did not recognize this new independent
Filipino government. President William McKinley offered as one reason the specious
American goal of "Christianizing" the (largely Roman Catholic) people of the
Philippines.
Indeed, although Aguinaldo and other Filipino leaders were unaware of it initially,
Spain had handed over direct control of the Philippines to the United States in return
for $20 million, as agreed in the Treaty of Paris. Despite rumored promises of
independence made by US military officers eager for Filipino help in the war, the
Philippine Republic was not to be a free state. It had simply acquired a new colonial
master.
To commemorate the United States's most substantial foray into the imperial game,
in 1899 the British author Rudyard Kipling wrote "The White Man's Burden," a poem
extolling American power over "Your new-caught, sullen peoples / Half-devil and
half-child."
Resistance to American Occupation:
Obviously, Aguinaldo and the victorious Filipino revolutionaries did not see
themselves as half-devil or half-child. Once they realized that they had been tricked
and were indeed "new-caught," the people of the Philippines reacted with outrage
far beyond the "sullen," as well.
Aguinaldo responded to the American "Benevolent Assimilation Proclamation" as
follows: "My nation cannot remain indifferent in view of such violent and aggressive
seizure of a portion of its territory by a nation which has arrogated to itself the title
'Champion of Oppressed Nations.' Thus it is that my government is disposed to open
hostilities if the American troops attempt to take forcible possession. I denounce
these acts before the world in order that the conscience of mankind may pronounce
its infallible verdict as to who are the oppressors of nations and the oppressors of
mankind. Upon their heads be all the blood which may be shed!"
In February of 1899, the first Philippines Commission from the US arrived in Manila
to find 15,000 American troops holding the city, facing off from trenches against
13,000 of Aguinaldo's men, who were arrayed all around Manila. By November,
Aguinaldo was once again running for the mountains, his troops in disarray.
However, the Filipinos fought on against this new imperial power, turning to guerrilla
war when conventional fighting failed them.
For two years, Aguinaldo and a shrinking band of followers evaded concerted
American efforts to locate and capture the rebel leadership. On March 23, 1901,
however, American special forces disguised as prisoners of war infiltrated
Aguinaldo's camp at Palanan, on the north-east coast of Luzon. Local scouts dressed

in Philippine Army uniforms led General Frederick Funston and other Americans into
Aguinaldo's headquarters, where they quickly overwhelmed the guards and seized
the president.
April 1, 1901. Emilio Aguinaldo formally surrendered, swearing allegience to the
United States of America. He then retired to his family farm in Cavite. His defeat
marked the end of the First Philippine Republic, but not the end of the guerrilla
resistance.
World War II and Collaboration:
Emilio Aguinaldo continued to be an outspoken advocate of independence for the
Philippines. His organization, the Asociacion de los Veteranos de la Revolucion
(Association of Revolutionary Veterans), worked to ensure that former rebel fighters
had access to land and pensions.
His first wife, Hilario, died in 1921. Aguinaldo married for a second time in 1930 at
the age of 61. His new bride was the 49-year-old Maria Agoncillo, niece of a
prominent diplomat.
In 1935, the Philippine Commonwealth held its first elections after decades of
American rule. Then aged 66, Aguinaldo ran for president, but was soundly defeated
by Manuel Quezon.
When Japan seized the Philippines during World War II, Aguinaldo cooperated with
the occupation. He joined the Japanese-sponsored Council of State, and made
speeches urging an end to Filipino and American opposition to the Japanese
occupiers. After the US recaptured the Philippines in 1945, the septugenarian Emilio
Aguinaldo was arrested and imprisoned as a collaborator. However, he was quickly
pardoned and released, and his reputation was not too severely tarnished by this
war-time indiscretion.
Post-World War II Era:
Aguinaldo was appointed to the Council of State again in 1950, this time by
President Elpidio Quirino. He served one term before returning to his work on behalf
of veterans.
In 1962, President Diosdado Macapagal asserted pride in Philippine independence
from the United States in a highly symbolic gesture; he moved the celebration of
Independence Day from July 4 to June 12, the date of Aguinaldo's declaration of the
First Philippine Republic. Aguinaldo himself joined in the festivities, although he was
92 years old and rather frail. The following year, before his final hospitalization,
Aguinaldo donated his home to the government as a museum.

Emilio Aguinaldo's Death and Legacy:


On February 6, 1964, the 94-year-old first president of the Philippines passed away
due to a coronary thrombosis. He left behind a complicated legacy. To his credit,
Emilio Aguinaldo fought long and hard for independence for the Philippines, and
worked tirelessly to secure veterans' rights. On the other hand, he ordered the
execution of rivals including Andres Bonifacio, and collaborated with the brutal
Japanese occupation of the Philippines.
Although today Aguinaldo is often heralded as a symbol of the democratic and
independent spirit of the Philippines, he was a self-proclaimed dictator during his
short period of rule. Other members of the Chinese/Tagalog elite, such as Ferdinand
Marcos, later would wield that power more successfully.
Quezon
Encyclopedia of World Biography | 2004
COPYRIGHT 2004 The Gale Group Inc.
Manuel Luis Quezon
Manuel Luis Quezon (1878-1944) was the first president of the Commonwealth of
the Philippines. He prepared the groundwork for Philippine independence in 1946.
Manuel Quezon was born on Aug. 19, 1878, to Lucio Quezon and Maria Molina, both
schoolteachers, in Baler, Tayabas (now Quezon) Province, in Luzon. Manuel enrolled
at San Juan de Letran College, after which he was appointed lecturer at the
University of Santo Toms. There he studied law, but his studies were interrupted by
the outbreak of the Spanish-American War.
Quezon was considered "bright but lazy"; but when he joined the revolutionary
forces of Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo during the revolution against Spain, Quezon
displayed his fearless, bold, and quick-tempered style of fighting. He was promoted
from private to major until, in 1899, he surrendered to the Americans, spent 6
months in jail, and then returned to Manila.
Early Public Offices
In 1903 Quezon passed the bar examination and set up practice in Baler. He gave
up private practice to assume the post of provincial fiscal of Mindoro and later of
Tayabas. In 1906 he was elected provincial governor. His campaign showed his
native political wisdom when he sided with popular issues in a somewhat
opportunistic manner. Often he abandoned consistency for the sake of pursuing
what to his enemies was nothing but plain demagoguery.

In 1907 Quezon ran successfully as candidate for the Philippine Assembly on the
Nacionalista party platform. In the Assembly he was elected floor leader, and Sergio
Osmea, his archrival, became Speaker of the House. Quezon served as resident
commissioner in Washington, D. C. (1909-1916), where he became notorious as a
romantic dancer, playboy diplomat, and shrewd lobbyist. He was instrumental in
having a law revised so that Filipinos would form a majority in the Philippine
Commission, the highest governing body in the Philippines. In February 1916 he
cosponsored the Jones Act, which gave the Filipinos the power to legislate for
themselves subject to veto by the American governor general. With this act, Quezon
returned home a hero.
In 1916 Quezon was elected to the Senate, and soon became its president. Here he
began attacking Osmea for the latter's theory of "unipersonal" leadership.
Quezon's "collectivist" idea of leadership won in the 1922 election. Soon, however,
the two warring factions of the Nacionalista party united in the Partido Nacionalista
Consolidado, headed by Quezon, who then became president of the party.
In 1933 a bill providing for the future independence of the Philippines, the HareHawes-Cutting Bill, was passed by the U.S. Senate. Quezon opposed the new law
because "America would still hold military and naval bases in the Philippines even
after the latter's independence, and, moreover, export duties regulated in the law
would destroy both industry and trade." He was referring to what has since become
the most troublesome cause of conflict between the Philippines and the United
States: the right of jurisdiction over military bases and the special trade concessions
given to landlords, compradors, and bureaucrat-capitalists with interests in export
industries.
The real cause of Quezon's opposition to the law, apart from his objection to specific
provisions, was the fact that it was identified with the Osmea faction. Quezon led a
mission to the United States to work for a bill generally similar to the Hare-HawesCutting Law, the Tydings-McDuffie Law, known also as the Philippine Independence
Act. This law provided for Philippine independence in 1946 and tax-free importation
of Philippine products such as sugar, coconut oil, and cordage into the United States
and the diplomatic negotiation of the military bases issue.
President of the Philippines
In September 1935, under the banner of a coalition party, Quezon was elected first
president of the commonwealth, with Osmea as vice president. Quezon's first act
as chief executive was to push a national defense bill through the rubber-stamp
unicameral legislature, which he controlled. This bill made him chairman of the
Council for National Defense, with the chief of staff of the armed forces directly
subordinate to him.

On Aug. 10, 1940, influenced by the growing Japanese imperialist encroachment,


Quezon jammed through the National Assembly the Emergency Powers Bill, which
vested him with dictatorial powers. Passed by a vote of 62 to 1, the bill gave Quezon
the authority to change even the social and economic structure of the country: he
was given the authority to require civilians to render service to the government, to
outlaw strikes, to commandeer shipping and other transportation, to control fuel
resources, to revise the educational system, and so forth.
In November 1941 Quezon was reelected president of the commonwealth. When the
Japanese forces occupied Manila in 1942, Quezon and his Cabinet fled from the
Philippines and set up an exile government in Washington in May 1942. Quezon died
on Aug. 1, 1944, a year before the liberation of the Philippines.
Assessment of Quezon
Although Quezon lived through the most turbulent times in Philippine history, when
the peasantrywho composed 75 percent of the peoplewas rebelling against
social injustice and age-old exploitation, he failed to institute long-lasting reforms in
land tenancy, wages, income distribution, and other areas of crisis. Essentially a
politician who was both tactful and bullheaded, supple and compulsive, Quezon
served mainly the interest of the Filipino elite, or ruling oligarchy (about 200
families), who owned and controlled the estates and businesses.
Quezon became a popular hero when he attacked the racist policies of Governor
Leonard Wood with his declaration that he preferred "a government run like hell by
Filipinos to one run like heaven by Americans." Senator Claro M. Recto, a
contemporary, pronounced the most balanced and acute judgment when he
described Quezon as "a successful politician because he was a master of political
intrigue. He knew how to build strong and loyal friendships even among political
opponents, but he knew also how to excite envy, distrust, ambition, jealousy, even
among his own loyal followers."
Dr. Jose P. Laurel as President of the Second Philippine Republic
The following essay was written by Dr. Ricardo T. Jose and was published as the
afterword in His Excellency Jose P. Laurel, President of the Second Philippine
Republic: Speeches, Messages and Statements.
This was made available online with the permission of the author.
The Second Philippine Republic was born under great duressduring the Japanese
occupationand faced virtually insurmountable obstacles. Despite the odds, Dr.
Jose P. Laurel as President of this republic, did all he could and more to meet the
problems of the time and to try to transcend them.

The Road to Japanese-Sponsored Independence


Hardly had the Japanese occupied Manila when the seeds of the Second Philippine
Republic were sown. In an attempt to win the loyalty of the Filipinos, Japanese Prime
Minister Hideki Tojo, in January 1942, announced that Japan would grant the
Philippines the honor of independence if the Philippines understood Japans real
intentions in the war and cooperated sincerely with the Japanese. Filipinos were
then fighting bitterly together with the Americans against the Japanese invaders in
Bataan, Corregidor and other fronts.
A week later, in front of the Japanese Diet, Tojo noted that much progress has been
made in cooperating with the Japanesethe Japanese have established a military
administration and had successfully prodded several pre-war political leaders to
create the Philippine Executive Commission, which would carry out the Japanese
plansand that therefore, plans for independence would be carried out in the
shortest possible time.
While indeed peace and order had been restored in Manila, the war was still going
on in Bataan and other fronts, and would continue for a few more months. Few
Filipinos gave the promise much thought, seeing it as a ploy to coax them to
cooperate with the Japanese. Those in the Executive Commissionincluding Laurel,
who was first Commissioner of Justice and later Commissioner of the Interiorsaw
the possibility of softening the Japanese demands and for carrying out much needed
reforms in the administration. They were, after all, on the spot and Manuel L.
Quezon, president of the pre-war Philippine Commonwealth governmentthen in
Corregidor and later in exile in the United States had given them instructions to stay
behind and do the best they could to soften the blow of enemy occupation.[1]
A year later, Tojo repeated his promise, prompting the Japanese Military
Administration to exert more pressure on the Executive Commission to cooperate. In
May 1943, Tojo visited Manila to get a first-hand view of Philippine conditions, and
again dangled the promise of independence. Satisfied with his reception in Manila,
Tojo declared that the Filipinos were cooperating well with Japanese (when actually
they were not, and the guerrilla resistance movement thrived in the hills), and thus,
Japan would grant the Philippines the honor of independence within the year.

Laurel and the 1943 Constitution


As a concrete step towards Japanese-sponsored independence, the Japanese
mandated that a Preparatory Commission for Philippine Independence (PCPI) be

created. Laurel was named president of the body, which was tasked with drafting
the constitution for the republic to be. The Japanese had their own ideas on how the
constitution was to be framed, and they made no secret of it.[2]
Laurel, however, was shot at by a guerrilla believing Laurel was too pro-Japanese.
Laurel survived the attempt, although he was badly wounded and had to be
confined at the Philippine General Hospital. Even before he had fully recovered, he
met with the PCPI members and, from his hospital bed, postulated his own ideas on
how the constitution should beregardless of what the Japanese wanted. Laurel
immediately showed that he was in charge. With his long experience in government,
as well as his role in framing the 1935 Constitution, Laurel knew what the country
needed and how the Constitution should be shaped.[3]
The ensuing 1943 constitution established a republican government with a strong
executive, which Laurel felt was important for that time, for more direct action. It
stressed the duties and obligations of the people rather than their rights and
privileges, so as to mobilize the nation so that it may survive during the emergency
period. This constitution, however, was categorically temporary, until the end of the
war. Once peaceful conditions were restored, the transitory provisions of the
constitution clearly stated that a new one would be promulgated to suit the times.
The Japanese had kept close watch over the PCPI and the draft constitution, and
saw great similarities between it and the 1935 Constitution. The US democratic
tradition still showed, and it was completely different from the Japanese
Constitution, which they probably hoped would be emulated. The Japanese tried to
get some changes and objected to some points, such as the absence of military
conscriptionbut Laurel stood his ground.[4]
Even though Laurel tried to push his ideas while keeping the Japanese at bay, most
Filipinos could not see the high-level conflicts and joked that PCPI actually meant
Please Cancel Philippine Independence, because a Japanese-sponsored
independence would not be real. Laurel would have to contend with this sentiment
when he became president.

Toward the Presidency


On September 7, 1943, Laurel delivered an extemporaneous speech at the
Legislative Building in front of a special assembly of the Kapisanan sa Paglilingkod
sa Bagong Pilipinas (KALIBAPI), the semi-political organization the Japanese had
created to replace all pre-war political parties. Laurel explained the highlights of the
Constitutionand also his political philosophy, and in so doing, urged that the
Constitution be ratified.

This Constitution, Laurel stated, was a constitution of action, because those days
were days of action. These are days of responsibility; these are days of courage;
these are days of determination; these are days of life and death, continued Laurel,
and so a strong executive was needed. He explained the various other aspects of
the constitution and why they were needed at that time. The speech was very well
receivedrounds of applause cut in oftenand it was reproduced and translated
into the major Philippine languages and given wide distribution.
A catch phrase he used in the speechOne Nation, One Heart, One Republic
became a slogan which was embodied in posters and the newspapers. The
Constitution was duly ratified by the KALIBAPI general assembly.[5]
The KALIBAPI assembly then elected members of the national assembly for the
republic-to-be. The assemblymen then proceeded to elect the president of the
country.
Laurel was undoubtedly the most qualified to be president. He was virtually the
father of the 1943 Constitution, was eloquent, had a full grasp of the situation and a
clear idea of where and how he wanted to direct the country. He could also deal with
the Japanese as he had their respect. This was obvious to the PCPI, to the KALIBAPI,
and to most Filipinos. He was, thus, unanimously elected as president on September
25, 1943 by the National Assembly.
Even the Japanese approved of Laurel, because they felt hehaving served as
lawyer for some Japanese before the war and having had a son study in the
Japanese Military Academy, in addition to his own honorary doctorate from the
University of Tokyowould be pro-Japanese. In this, they were wrong.
Shortly after the election, Laurel, together with Speaker of the National Assembly
Benigno Aquino and outgoing Chairman of the Executive Commission Jorge B.
Vargas, were summoned to Tokyo for a meeting with Prime Minister Tojo. After some
pleasantries, Tojo urged Laurel to declare war against the U.S. It became clear that
this was the strongly attached to early independence. It was too late now to refuse
the Japanese independence offer; but it was unthinkable that the Philippines would
do as Tojo wished. Laurel walked the tightrope using tact: he argued that the Filipino
people, would not accede to it and besides, he was not popular enough to win the
people over. Furthermorein Laurels own wordsit would not be decent for the
Filipinos to declare war against the United States that was their benefactor and
ally only unworthy people could be expected to do that.[6] Laurel was thus able
to stave off the Japanese condition for independence, but he knew he would not be
able to keep it away forever.

All of this had been happening with no concrete date set for independence. Only
during the visit of Laurels party to Tokyo was the date publicly set: October 14,
1943.

President of the Second Philippine Republic


In lavish ceremonies accompanied by a four-day holiday, the Japanese Military
Administration was terminated and withdrawn and the Second Philippine Republic
was born. Laurel took his oath as presidentin Tagalogand then delivered his
inaugural address. In this address, Laurel did not just point out the priorities and
directions of his government, but also presented his social, economic and political
philosophy. The addressthe first speech presented in this booksought both
solutions to immediate and concrete problems, such as the loss of morals, national
unity and economic security.
Although todays conditions are not as severe as in 1943, the philosophy and
solutions Laurel offered, hold contemporary relevance.
To view Laurels administration in proper perspective, the conditions of the
Philippines in late 1943 have to be examined. First of all, the Second World War was
brewing in Europe and Asia. The Japanese military presence dominated the
Japanese-occupied Philippines, and even though independence had been declared,
the Laurel government had to sign a pact of alliance with Japan. Part of the pact
stated in no uncertain terms that the Philippines will afford all kinds of facilities for
military actions to be undertaken by Japan; the Philippines and Japan will closely
cooperate with each other to safeguard the territorial integrity and independence of
the Philippines.[7]
The Japanese army and navy, then, were in the Philippines to stay, and the threat of
Japan recruiting Filipinos to fight in the war loomed large.
As if to dramatize the situation, Japanese garrisons and outposts ringed Malacaang
Palace. In September 1944, some 10,000 Japanese servicemen surrounded the
palace and some 100,000 armed Japanese occupied the whole of Greater Manila. In
mid-1944, no less than the Commanding General of Japans Southern Armywhich
covered not just the Philippines but the whole of Southeast Asia and New Guinea
made Manila his headquarters. Laurel had only 300 Presidential Guards to defend
the palace.[8]
The Japanese military itself was not a homogenous organization, and the Japanese
Army and Navy were keen rivals for power, resources and publicity. In addition to

the Japanese military was the Japanese embassy, which represented other Japanese
interests.
The Damocles Sword of the Japanese military thus hung over Laurels head. With
the war going on, the Japanese also reasoned that Laurel had no military forces of
his own to defend the republic against outside attack (meaning the U.S.) or internal
threats (the guerrillas), and thus the Japanese military would have to stay on
ostensibly to defend the sovereignty of the republic.
The Japanese military presence and the war led to corollary problems, among them
a shortage of food, clothing, fuel and other basic commodities. The Japanese
Military Administration had taken over most of the pre-war government owned or
controlled corporations, and had created controlled agencies to supervise the
acquisition, transport and distribution of foods, fuel, prime commodities, and sugar.
Just before independence, the Japanese returned the National Rice and Corn
Corporation to Filipino hands, but kept all others, even after independence. With
these strategic commodities out of Filipino hands, the republic was crippled
economically.
To make matters more difficult, the peace and order situation was deteriorating
rapidly, with the guerrilla movement gaining more adherents and sympathizers
daily. In addition to the guerrillas, there were criminal elements and others posing
as guerrillas, but were actually bandits.
Within the government itself were some unscrupulous and corrupt persons, which
gave government a bad image to the public.
Above all this, most people felt that the government was a puppet government, and
while the people understood the position and ideals of Laurel, many did not take the
republic seriously.
Laurel was aware of all these, and said to a friend, This independence we have is
an independence which is not independence. You have the {Japanese} Navy on one
side, the {Japanese} Army on the other, the guerrillas, the Embassy and my own
government. Five in all![9]
Laurel had to walk a dangerous tightrope then, balancing himself and his aims with
the various forces arrayed against the Republic. He had to give in when it was
impossible to push hard, to gain more advantageous position in other areas and to
forward the interests of the Philippines and the Filipinos.
Upon taking office, Laurel had to take immediate action to try to ease the burdens
bearing on the country. The number one problem was to provide food to the

residents of Manila and other cities. He called for unitythis theme that he kept
harping on in his various speeches. After all, on this, depended national survival.
Laurel took various steps to solve the food problem: reorganizing the rice control
agencies; giving farmers more recognition and raising the governments buying
price; increasing food production and distribution were also dependent on other
factors, not all of which were in the hands of the republic.
Shortage of fuel and transportation was one cause of the food crisis, but control of
these remained in Japanese hands. Laurel would try hard to get them transferred to
the republic, but the Japanese argued that since these were necessary for the army
and navy they could not be transferred. He would try to organize a separate
transportation company run by the government, but due to practical problems it
was short lived.[10]
Related to the shortage of food and other basic commodities was inflation, and
again Laurel used a variety of steps to deal with it: creating special courts to try
profiteers, increasing penalties against those who unjustly raise prices; and raising
government salaries, among others.
The deteriorating peace and order situation also had to be addressed, as it
threatened the stability and even the life of the government. Initially Laurel tried to
win the guerrillas by offering an amnesty and suspending all Japanese operations
during the period allotted for guerrillas to avail of that amnesty. The Japanese did
not like the plan, preferring to keep up military pressure, but Laurel prevailed.
Laurel planned to strengthen the constabulary in lieu of an army, partly to combat
unlawful elements but also to remove the Japanese excuse they had to stay to
maintain peace and order. He also tried to build up the morale of the peace officers
by giving awards (such as the Order of Tirad Pass) to those who served the
government heroically.
Laurel also had to protect Filipinos from Japanese abuses and depredations. Well
known were his refusals to turn over Manuel Roxas and then Major Jesus Vargas to
the Japanese military police. He repeatedly protested to the Japanese embassy and
military officials incidence of slapping, beatings, unwarranted arrests and other
abuses and human indignities. The Japanese, however, chose not to act on them,
most of the time.
Extremely important was to win the loyalty and support of the people, and many of
Laurels speeches focused on convincing the people that independence and the
government were realbut the people had to believe in it and give it a chance.

He promptly rid Malacaang of Japanese guards and advisers and embarked on a


program of government to cleanse it of crooked elements so that the people would
be more responsive to his administration.
Aside from responding to immediate conditions, he also exerted much effort in
transforming his vision for the Philippines into action. This vision involved social,
political and economic reforms which would set the Philippines on the right course
even after the war.
Politically, he reorganized the government, streamlining it and making it more
responsive to the immediate needs and long-term needs. He abolished nonperforming offices, combined others for efficiency, and created two new offices: the
Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Ministry of Economic Affairs, specifically to
address the nations economic problems.[11]
Morally, he continued the pre-war code committee and urged it to come up with a
civil code which would bolster the Filipinos civic and moral standing. In his inaugural
address and other speeches, Laurel spoke of the role of women, the family, the
need to strengthen the moral fiber of the nation and the need for moral
regeneration. The code committee embodied some of his ideas, but the result of its
work was not published during Laurels presidency.[12]
The Laurel administration, seeing the need for uniting the people, sponsored a
contest for a national symbol around which the people could rally and identify with.
Time was too short, however, and the results of this contest were forgotten after the
war.
Laurel likewise sought to strengthen the Filipino character, developing traditional
values, respecting the flag and the national language, resurging educational
endeavors that would further develop the nations people. Many of his speeches
were delivered in Tagalog; several of his speeches called for Tagalog as the national
language.
Laurel saw the need for a balanced and self-sufficient economy. His creation of the
Ministry of Economic Affairs showed the importance he attached to sound economic
development. He organized scientists and gave them incentives to develop local
medicines, food and other local substitutes for imported items. Under his guidance,
the National Assembly passed an act creating the Central Bank, and concrete steps
were taken to print Philippine money, so the next-to-useless Mickey Mouse money
could be replaced and the Republic could enjoy financial independence. Actual test
samples of bills for the Second Republicin Tagalogwere printed, but technical
problems delayed their circulation.

In the limited time that he had, Laurel also tried social reform and was even able to
distribute actual land titles to the residents of the Buenavista estate, an estate
bought by the government before the war but whose redistribution had been
delayed.
The Japanese had hoped Laurel would follow their prodding and hints and act as a
puppet president, but they were disappointed. Laurel was clear on where his
loyalties layin the Philippines and Filipinosand he stood up to the Japanese by
pressing themas well as the Filipino peopleto make Philippine independence,
real.
Continued Japanese attempts to pressure Laurel to declare war and mobilize
Filipinos to fight together with Japan were strongly resisted by the President. He
reasoned out to the Japanese military and diplomatic leaders in the Philippines that
the country could not afford fighting another war, having already suffered in 19411942. Much precious Filipino blood had been spilt there, and the economy was
ravagedhence, it was not advisable for the Philippines to join in the war. Only in
September 1944, when American carrier-based planes bombed Manila, did Laurel
have no choice. Even so, he declared a state of wara passive expression of
realityand announced that there would be no conscription. And he did not have it
ratified by the National Assembly to make it legally binding.
Some Japanese, thwarted in many of their desires and plans, actually planned a
coup d etat to replace Laurel with someone more pliable and more sympathetic to
the Japanese cause. Actual preparations for the coup had been made, but the more
sober Japanese officers were able to dissuade the radicals from pursuing that line of
action for fear it would completely alienate the Filipino people.
With the return of the Americans, the Japanese did mobilize a seemingly proJapanese armed organizationthe Kalipunang Makabayan ng mga Pilipino, or
Makapili for shortagainst the wishes of Laurel, and outside of the government.
They virtually forced Laurel to attend the inauguration of the group, and then forced
Laurel and his Cabinet to evacuate to Baguio, and later to Japan.
The Second Republic effectively ceased to function with the departure of President
Laurel from Manila, although skeleton government offices continued to operate until
February 1945. With the re-establishment of the Commonwealth government and
Laurels subsequent forced departure for Japan, the republic existed only on paper,
and was finally officially dissolved by Laurel upon the Japanese surrender to the
Allied powers, on August 17, 1945.
Sergio Osmea, (born Sept. 9, 1878, Cebu City, Phil.died Oct. 19, 1961, Manila)
Filipino statesman, founder of the Nationalist Party (Partido Nacionalista) and
president of the Philippines from 1944 to 1946.

Osmea, Sergio [Credit: Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc.]Osmea received a law


degree from the University of Santo Toms, Manila, in 1903. He was also editor of a
Spanish newspaper, El Nuevo Da, in Cebu City. In 1904 the U.S. colonial
administration appointed him governor of the province of Cebu and fiscal (district
attorney) for the provinces of Cebu and Negros Oriental. Two years later he was
elected governor of Cebu. In 1907 he was elected delegate to the Philippine
National Assembly and founded the Nationalist Party, which came to dominate
Philippine political life.
Osmea remained leader of the Nationalists until 1921, when he was succeeded by
Manuel Quezon, who had joined him in a coalition. Made speaker of the House of
Representatives in 1916, he served until his election to the Senate in 1923. In 1933
he went to Washington, D.C., to secure passage of the HareHawesCutting
independence bill, but Quezon differed with Osmea over the bills provision to
retain U.S. military bases after independence. The bill, vetoed by the Philippine
Assembly, was superseded by the TydingsMcDuffie Act of March 1934, making the
Philippines a commonwealth with a large measure of independence. The following
year Osmea became vice president, with Quezon as president. He remained vice
president during the Japanese occupation, when the government was in exile in
Washington, D.C. On the death of Quezon in August 1944, Osmea became
president. He served as president until the elections of April 1946, when he was
defeated by Manuel Roxas, who became the first president of the independent
Republic of the Philippines.

Fifth President of the Philippines


Era

Third and Last President of the Commonwealth


First President of the Third Republic

Constitution

Amended 1935 Constitution

Predecessor

Sergio Osmea

Successor

Elpidio Quirino

Date elected

April 23, 1946, 1,333,392 votes (54% of the electorate)

Inauguration

May 28, 1946, Legislative Building (now National Museum),


Manila (aged 54)
July 4, 1946, Independence Grandstand (now Quirino
Grandstand), Manila (aged 54)

Seat of Government

Manila

Vice President

Elpidio Quirino (May 28, 1946-April 17, 1948)

Chief Justice

Manuel V. Moran (July 9, 1945-March 20, 1951)

Senate President

Jose Avelino (May 25, 1946-July 4, 1946; July 5, 1946February 21, 1949)

Speaker of the House

Eugenio Perez (May 25, 1946-July 4, 1946; July 5, 1946December 30, 1949)

Previous Positions
Provincial: Governor of Capiz (1919-1921)
Bureaucracy: Chairman, Bigasan ng Bayan (1943-1945)
Cabinet: Secretary of Finance (1938-1941)
National: Chairman, National Economic Council (1938-1941)
Executive

Bureaucracy: National Development Corporation (1938-1941)


Bureaucracy: National Enterprises Control Board (1938-1941)
Bureaucracy: Chairman of the Rural Progress Administration
(1938-1941)
Chairman of the Philippine Charity Sweepstakes Office (19381941)
Local: Municipal Councilor of Capiz (1917-1919)
Lower House: Representative of the 1st District of Capiz
(1922-1935)
Lower House: Speaker of the House (1922-1933)

Legislative

Lower House: Assemblyman for the 1st District of Capiz,


National Assembly (1935-1938)
Upper House: Senate President (19451946)
Upper House: Senator (elected in 1941 but did not assume
office due to Japanese Occupation) (19451946)

Judicial

Law clerk to Chief Justice Cayetano Arellano (1913-1917)


1st Place in the Philippine Bar Examination (1913)

Others

Worked under other


Administrations

Delegate, 1935 Constitutional Convention


Member, 1943 Preparatory Commission on Philippine
Independence
QUEZON as Assemblyman; Secretary of Finance; liaison with
the U.S. Army Forces in the Far East (USAFFE); Secretary to
the President; Senator
LAUREL as Head of Bigasang Bayan (BIBA)
OSMEA as Senate President

Personal Details

Born
Died
Resting Place

January 1, 1892
Capiz (now Roxas City), Capiz
April 15, 1948
Clark Air Base, Pampanga
Manila North Cemetery, Manila
Partido Colectivista Liberal (1922)
Partido Nacionalista Consolidado (1923-1933)
Partido Nacionalista (Pro) (1934)

Political Parties

Nacionalista Coalition (Coalition Party) (1935-1937)


Partido Nacionalista (1937-1941)
Nacionalista Party (1945-1946)
Partido Nacionalista-Liberal Wing (1946)
Liberal Party (1946-1948)

Parents
Spouse
Children
Education

Profession

Gerardo Roxas Sr.


Rosario Acua
Trinidad Roura de Leon (1900-1995) (m. 1921)
Maria Rosario Roxas
Gerardo Roxas
Manila High School (now Araullo High School) (1910)
Bachelor of Laws, University of the Philippines (1913)
Interpreter in the Court of First Instance of the 15th Judicial
District
Lawyer

Academe

Professor of Law, Philippine Law School (1916)

Manuel Roxas, (born Jan. 1, 1892, Capiz, Phil.died April 15, 1948, Clark Field,
Pampanga) political leader and first president (194648) of the independent Republic of
the Philippines.
After studying law at the University of the Philippines, near Manila, Roxas began his
political career in 1917 as a member of the municipal council of Capiz (renamed Roxas
in 1949). He was governor of the province of Capiz in 191921 and was then elected to
the Philippine House of Representatives, subsequently serving as Speaker of the

House and a member of the Council of State. In 1923 he and Manuel Quezon, the
president of the Senate, resigned in protest from the Council of State when the U.S.
governor-general (Leonard Wood) began vetoing bills passed by the Philippine
legislature. In 1932 Roxas and Sergio Osmea, the Nacionalista Party leader, led the
Philippine Independence Mission to Washington, D.C., where they influenced the
passage of the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act. Roxas was later opposed by Quezon, who
held that the act compromised future Philippine independence; the Nacionalista Party
was split between them on this issue. In 1934, however, Roxas was a member of the
convention that drew up a constitution under the revised Philippine Independence and
Commonwealth Act (Tydings-McDuffie Act). Roxas also served as secretary of finance
in the Commonwealth government (193840).
During World War II Roxas served in the pro-Japanese government of Jos Laurel by
acquiring supplies of rice for the Japanese army. Although a court was established after
the war to try collaborators, Roxas was defended by his friend General Douglas
MacArthur. Roxas was elected president of the Commonwealth in 1946 as the nominee
of the liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party (which became the Liberal Party), and, when
independence was declared on July 4, he became the first president of the new
republic.
Although Roxas was successful in getting rehabilitation funds from the United
States after independence, he was forced to concede military bases (23 of which were
leased for 99 years), trade restrictions for Philippine citizens, and special privileges for
U.S. property owners and investors. His administration was marred by graft and
corruption; moreover, the abuses of the provincial military police contributed to the rise
of the left-wing Hukbalahap (Huk) movement in the countryside. His heavy-handed
attempts to crush the Huks led to widespread peasant disaffection. Roxas died
in officein 1948 and was succeeded by his vice president, Elpidio Quirino.
Elpidio Quirino, (born Nov. 16, 1890, Vigan, Phil.died Feb. 28, 1956, Novaliches)
political leader and second president of the independent Republic of
the Philippines.
Tydings-McDuffie Act, signing of [Credit: Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc.]After
obtaining a law degree from the University of the Philippines, near
Manila, in 1915, Quirino practiced law until he was elected a member

of the Philippine House of Representatives in 191925 and a senator in


192531. In 1934 he was a member of the Philippine independence
mission to Washington, D.C., headed by Manuel Quezon, which secured
the passage in Congress of the TydingsMcDuffie Act, setting the date
for Philippine independence as July 4, 1946. He was also elected to the
convention that drafted a constitution for the new Philippine
Commonwealth. Subsequently he served as secretary of finance and
secretary of the interior in the Commonwealth government.
Quirino, Elpidio [Credit: Encyclopdia Britannica, Inc.]After World War II, Quirino
served as secretary of state and vice president under the first
president of the independent Philippines, Manuel Roxas. When Roxas
died on April 15, 1948, Quirino succeeded to the presidency. The
following year, he was elected president for a four-year term on the
Liberal Party ticket, defeating the Nacionalista candidate.
President Quirinos administration faced a serious threat in the form of the
Communist-led Hukbalahap (Huk) movement. Though the Huks
originally had been an anti-Japanese guerrilla army in Luzon, the
Communists steadily gained control over the leadership, and, when
Quirinos negotiations with Huk commander Luis Taruc broke down in
1948, Taruc openly declared himself a Communist and called for the
overthrow of the government. By 1950 the Huks had gained control
over a considerable portion of Luzon, and Quirino appointed the able
Ramon Magsaysay as secretary of national defense to suppress the
insurrection.
Quirinos six years as president were marked by notable postwar reconstruction,
general economic gains, and increased economic aid from the United
States. Basic social problems, however, particularly in the rural areas,
remained unsolved; Quirinos administration was tainted by
widespread graft and corruption. The 1949 elections, which he had
won, were among the most dishonest in the countrys history.
Magsaysay, who had been largely successful in eliminating the threat
of the Huk insurgents, broke with Quirino on the issue of corruption,
campaigning for clean elections and defeating Quirino as the
Nacionalista candidate in the presidential election of 1953.
Subsequently, Quirino retired to private life.

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