Studies of Sufism and the Sufi Orders in Indonesia

Author(s): Martin Van Bruinessen

Reviewed work(s):
Source: Die Welt des Islams, New Series, Vol. 38, Issue 2 (Jul., 1998), pp. 192-219
Published by: BRILL
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STUDIES OF SUFISM AND THE SUFI ORDERS

IN INDONESIA
BY

MARTIN VAN BRUINESSEN

Utrecht

Introduction:from Dutch to Indonesian and international scholarship

The beginnings of scholarly studies of sufism and sufi orders in
Indonesia coincided with changes in the nature of Dutch colonialism in the second half of the 19th century, when control over
trade gave way to direct territorial control. Colonisation of the outer islands brought the Dutch face to face with resistance movements in which sufi orders appeared to play a part. As in the case
of the French occupation of the Maghrib, a 'litterature de surveillance' emerged, studies of the sufi orders made by civil servants
(and an occasional missionary) and primarily inspired by security
concerns. Among these civil servants, there appears in the 1880s
the towering figure of Snouck Hurgronje, who was the first to
draw attention to the great sufi authors of the Archipelago and
who can be considered as the real father of the Leiden school of
studies of Indonesian Islam.1 It was not Snouck himself, however,
but his students who made texts written by the Indonesian sufis
available and began analysing their ideas.
The Dutch scholars knew English, French and German and
were aware of contemporary orientalist scholarship in these languages, but they wrote themselves mostly in Dutch, so that much
of their work remained unknown to the wider scholarly community. The first generation of Indonesian scholars, educated by
Snouck and his students, also wrote in Dutch. After Indonesia's
1 For a broader and more
general overview of Dutch scholarship on Indonesian Islam, see BJ. Boland's introduction in B.J. Boland & I. Farjon, Islam in

Indonesia: a bibliographicalsurvey (Dordrecht: Foris Publications, 1983), pp. 1-56.

? Brill, Leiden, 1998

Die Welt des Islams 38, 2

STUDIES OF SUFISM

193

independence, Dutch lost its position as the language of learning

and the generations of scholars who reached maturity after independence usually have no or only limited knowledge of Dutch, so
that they have no access to this earlier scholarship. A thin thread
of continuity with pre-independence Dutch scholarship in Indonesia was maintained by the last of Snouck Hurgronje's successors as
the Advisor for Native and Arab Affairs, G.F. Pijper, who after independence became a professor of Arabic at Jakarta's Universitas
Indonesia. His successor there, Tudjimah, significantly wrote her
Ph.D. thesis (1961) in Indonesian, although her work is otherwise
in the Leiden philological tradition.2
A minor scholarly tradition in English, by scholars based in
Malaya and focusing exclusively on Malay-language materials,
emerged in the 1930s. (Until that time, British students of
Malayan affairs had virtually neglected Islam as an aspect of Malay
culture.) The Malay scholars Shellabear and Archer made some
Malay-language tariqa-related material available in translation and
with some basic comments.3 In the post-independence years, two
English-language scholars stand out by the number and quality of
their publications, the Australian Anthony Johns and the Malaysian Syed Naguib al-Attas. Both have focused primarily on Malay
Sufi literature, and both have had an ambivalent relationship with
the Leiden school, which in this period is most prominently-as
well as most polemically-represented
by Snouck Hurgronje's
longest surviving student, G.WJ. Drewes (who published extremely critical reviews of the said authors' first works in the Dutch
Indonesianist journal Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land en Volkenkunde).
After the end of Dutch rule over the Indies, the 'Leiden school'
of Indonesian Islamic studies, or what was left of it-Ph.S. van
Ronkel, C.A.O. van Nieuwenhuijze, G.W.J. Drewes, P.J. Voorhoeve,
R. Roolvink-went on publishing in Dutch until c. 1960. By then
2
Tudjimah 1961. This is a diplomatic edition of the work of this title by
Nuruddin Raniri. Tudjimah's thesis supervisor was Snouck Hurgronje's protege,
the Malay and Islamic scholar Hoesein Djajadiningrat, who had been the first
Indonesian to write a Leiden dissertation.
3 Shellabear 1930
[translation of an anti-Naqshbandi polemical tract by the
reformist Ahmad Khatib Minangkabau]; Shellabear 1933 [translation of a guide to
the Qadiriyya wa Naqshbandiyya]; Archer 1937 [edition and analysis of Malay texts
associated with various orders].

194

MARTIN VAN BRUINESSEN

it had become clear to all that Dutch no longer was a major language, and they began publishing their works in English, thus for
the first time making the fruits of the accumulated scholarship of
their school available to the outside world. It is around the same
time that the first serious studies in Indonesian or Malay begin
appearing, signalling the arrival of the first truly postcolonial
indigenous scholars on the scene.
The shift in scholarly publishing on Indonesian sufism from
Dutch to other languages is brought out clearly by the following
table, which lists by twenty-yearintervals the number of books and
articles published in each of the major languages. It gives aggregate data on the publications listed in the bibliography at the end
of the present article. This bibliography makes no claims to being
exhaustive, but it is fairly representative and I do not think that
any major works have been omitted.4 Before Indonesia's independence, sufi studies were virtually monopolised by Dutch scholars.
The earliest works in German and French were also written by a
Dutch scholar (Snouck Hurgronje, in both cases) addressing an
international audience. German and French scholarship are each
represented by only one scholar writing in their national languages.5 Virtually all scholarly work on sufism and the orders is
now published in English or Indonesian,6 whatever the author's
nationality. The rapidly increasing volume of work in Indonesian
is remarkable; it would have been even more striking if unpublished master's theses, which often contain significant descriptive
material, had been included in the table.
Period

Dutch

< 1895
1895-1915
1916-1935
1936-1955

9
10
16
15

1956-1975
1976-1995

5
5

German

French

Indonesian

total

3
5

1
-

1
-

10
11
21
20

24
35

1
7

1
2

6
80

37
129

English

4 One possible omission is that of Russian scholarship on the subject, of the

existence of which, apart from Braginsky'swork (see the bibliography), I am not
aware.
5 These are Werner Krausand Denys Lombard, respectively. Another French
scholar, Henri Chambert-Loir,published a relevant article in Indonesian.
6 The term 'Indonesian' is henceforth used as a shorthand for 'Indonesian or
Malaysian'.These official languages of the two neighbour states are both based on
the Malay dialect of Riau and, in spite of some minor differences in vocabulary
and syntax, each is easily understood by speakers of the other.

STUDIES OF SUFISM

195

Colonial scholarship:from 'surveillance' to philology

The complete list of these titles, when ordered by year of publication, brings out some other interesting patterns. The earliest titles
all deal with politically suspect sufi orders or actual rebellions. The
very first article with scholarly pretensions that I am aware of, published in 1869, describes a popular rebellion against the traditional elite of South Borneo that became known as 'beratip beamal',
after the ratib and other recitations ('aral) by which the participants worked themselves into a frenzied state before engaging in
violent encounters. There are reasons to believe that this represented a local adaptation of the Sammaniyya, but our author, the
geographer PJ. Veth, had as yet little understanding of what sufi
orders were, let alone what distinguished one from another.7 Next,
there are a number of articles explicitly dealing with the Naqshbandiyya, partly based on biased information from a well-known
Arab 'alim in Batavia, Sayyid 'Uthman.8
Snouck Hurgronje was the first to write about the orders with a
sufficient background in Islamic studies (as well as, it should be
observed, knowledge of the French 'litt6rature de surveillance' on
the Maghrib). His book on Mecca (1889), based on his own stay
there in 1885, contains important observations on the tariqa teachers in the Holy City and their less than saintly rivalries. This work
remains an important source for the social history of the sufi
orders in the Archipelago. The same is true of his confidential
reports to the Dutch Indies government on the turuq and their
teachers in the Indies, written in the 1890s but only published in
1959.9 In his major work on Acheh (1893-94), material for which
he compiled when on duty 'de surveillance', he not only writes
about the locally important orders, but also is the first outsider to
take note of the great Malay sufi authors who worked there in the
16th-17th century.
7 Veth 1869, 1870. On this movement see also
Sjamsuddin 1991.
8
Berg 1883; Holle 1886; Schuurmans 1890. Snouck Hurgronje 1887 paints a
sympathetic
portrait of Sayyid'Uthman.
9
E. Gobee & C. Adriaanse, Ambtelijkeadviezen van C. Snouck Hurgronje, 1889-

1936. 3 vols. The Hague: Nijhoff, 1957-1965. The reports on sufi orders are in vol.
2, pp. 1182-1221.

196

MARTIN VAN BRUINESSEN

The first monograph on one of these sufis in the Acheh sultanate,

'Abd al-Ra'uf al-Singkili (al-Sinkili, also al-Fansuri), was written by
Snouck's student D.A. Rinkes as a Ph.D. thesis (1909). From the
manuscripts of 'Abd al-Ra'ufs own and other Malay works, Rinkes
reconstructed the man's life, especially his period of study in Medina; he analysed the religious ideas expressed in them, and
traced the development of the Shattariyya, the order with which
'Abd al-Ra'uf was affiliated, in Sumatra and Java. In a later article
(1910) Rinkes deals with the saint who first introduced this order
in Java; here he complements the study of manuscripts with a visit to the saint's shrine and interviews with its guardian and others.
This is the first of a series of six articles on the saints of Java that
is as yet unrivalled.?0
Two other students of Snouck Hurgronje, BJ.O. Schrieke
(1916) and H. Kraemer (1921), produced annotated editions of
anonymous 16th-century Javanese manuscripts expounding 'orthodox' (Ghazzalian) Sufi teachings." G.W.J. Drewes, who was to
become the most prolific author of the Leiden school, wrote his
1925 dissertation on the manuscript writings of three late 19thcentury Javanese Muslim teachers, two of whom propagated a
local tariqa, named Akmaliyah or Haqmaliyah. J. Doorenbos prepared an edition of the writings of the great 16th-century Malay
Sufi and poet Hamzah Fansuri (1933). Two more Leiden dissertations should be mentioned in this series, although they are not by
students of Snouck Hurgronje: P.J. Zoetmulder's 1935 thesis on
non-dualist mysticism in a certain genre of Javanese Muslim literature,12 and C.A.O. van Nieuwenhuijze's excellent study of the
Malay sufi Shamsuddin of Pasai and his works (1945).
The theses by Doorenbos and Van Nieuwenhuijze made the
10An
English translation of these articles, edited by Alijah Gordon, was recently (1996) published by the Malaysian Sociological Research Institute in Kuala
Lumpur as Nine saints ofJava.

l These texts were later re-edited and translated into English and Dutch,
respectively, by G.WJ. Drewes as The admonitionsof SehBari (The Hague: Nijhoff,
1969) and Een Javaanse primbon uit de zestiende eeuw (Leiden: Brill, 1954).

12An English translation of this important work, by Merle Ricklefs, was pub-

lished only recently: PJ. Zoetmulder, Pantheism and monism in Javanese suluk liter-

ature (Leiden: KITLVPress, 1994). The first Indonesian translation (by Dick Hartoko) had appeared a few years earlier: Manunggaling kawula gusti (Jakarta: Gramedia, 1990; revised edition 1991).

STUDIES OF SUFISM

197

works of the first great Indonesian sufis available in print-although Doorenbos' edition was far from satisfactory.13 Editions of
texts by Nuruddin Raniri, 'Abd al-Ra'uf Singkili and lesser known
sufi authors followed. In the 1950s, PJ. Voorhoeve and A.H. Johns
published a number of Malay sufi texts from Sumatra.14 From the
1960s on, Tudjimah, S.M.N. al-Attas and a few others followed suit
with a number of important text editions of works by Hamzah
Fansuri and Nuruddin Raniri.15 Together with the Javanese texts
re-edited by Drewes, a modest corpus of basic texts is now available
in reliable editions and translations. Some of the major works by
the most important authors, Nuruddin Raniri, 'Abd al-Ra'uf Singkili, Yusuf Makassar, 'Abd al-Samad Falimbani, Nafis Banjari (all
but Yusuf writing in Malay) remain unedited.16 Javanese religious
literature is often anonymous; there are no great Javanese sufi
authors comparable to the Malay sufis, but there is a large corpus
of Javanese texts of sufi inspiration, of which only a small fraction
has so far been edited.
The availability of critical editions of the major texts is a necessary
condition for the next step, a systematic analysis of the ideas
expressed in them, tracing how Middle Eastern and Indian sufism
was adapted and developed in Indonesian contexts. Most of the
scholars mentioned above have also made contributions in this
field. Numerous others have meanwhile published analyses of
individual texts or authors.
Relatively much attention has been given to comparisons of the
'monistic' mysticism of the first Malay authors Hamzah Fansuri
13

Syed M. Naguib al-Attas later published an edition of Hamzah's three major

prose works, with an analysis of the sufi and metaphysical ideas in them (Al-Attas
1970); Aly Hasjmy (1967) published a manuscript from Acheh with some of
Hamzah's quatrains, embedded in a commentary by Shamsuddin (see also Drewes
1951); G.WJ. Drewes and L.F. Brakel (1986) published a new edition and analysis
of all quatrains that they judged to be authentically by Hamzah.
14 Most importantly, Voorhoeve 1952-57 and 1955; Johns 1953, 1955a, 1957,
and 1965.
15
Tudjimah 1961; Al-Attas 1966, 1986; Daudy 1978; Djamaris 1983 (all works
by Raniri); Al-Attas 1970 (Hamzah).
16 'Abd al-Samad's two
major sufi works, Sayr al-sdlikin and Hiddyat al-sdlikin, as
well as of Nafis al-Banjari's Tuhfat al-nafis were among the first Malay works to be
printed in Egypt (and have been frequently reprinted in Indonesia since). These
editions, though widely used, are not very satisfactory.

198

MARTIN VAN BRUINESSEN

and Shamsuddin of Pasai (al-Sumatrani) on the one hand and the

allegedly more 'orthodox' doctrines spread by Nuruddin Raniri
on the other, and to the nature of the conflict that turned the latter into a persecutor of the formers' followers.17 To some contemporary Indonesian authors this has been a matter of more than
purely academic interest; Raniri's rejection of the earlier authors'
monism has often been felt to be congruent with present reformist
Muslims' abhorrence of Javanese and other 'syncretist' mystical
movements. Such scholars as Ahmad Daudy strongly identified
with Raniri and criticised the mysticism of Hamzah and Shamsuddin; other authors have gone further and declared all forms of
wahdat al-wujuid heretical.18 A different position was adopted by
Syed M. Naguib al-Attas, who wrote sympathetic studies of both
Hamzah and Raniri, emphasising that the latter also expounded a
form of wahdat al-wujuidand endeavouring to explain this doctrine
as compatible with Islamic orthodoxy.19 More recently, Abdul Aziz
Dahlan has defended Shamsuddin against his detractors.20 In his
study of the learned 18th-century sufi 'Abd al-Samad Falimbani,
M. Chatib Quzwain (1985) showed that Hamzah's and Shamsuddin's teachings had not been abandoned altogether following
Raniri's fierce attacks but in fact retained the respect of the most
accomplished mystics.
Other contemporary scholars from the region, especially in
Malaysia, have approached their subjects in traditional Islamic
rather than orientalist style, summing up, paraphrasing, and commenting on texts by Malay sufi authors. H. Wan Mohammad
Shaghir Abdullah is one of the more interesting among these
scholars, and definitely the most prolific. Much of his work is
about the 'ulama of Patani (in southern Thailand), to some of
whom he traces his ancestry, but he has travelled throughout the
western part of the Archipelago in search of manuscripts and oral
17
Nieuwenhuijze 1948;Johns 1953, 1957; Al-Attas 1966; Lombard 1967.
18
Daudy 1978a, 1983 and 1987; Sou'yb 1976.
19 Al-Attas 1970 and
1986, respectively.
20 Abdul Aziz
Dahlan, Tasawuf Syamsuddin Sumatrani (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, IAIN Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta, 1992); cf. the summary in the Jakartan
'Muslim intellectual' magazine, Ulumul Qur'an (vol.III no. 3), "Pembelaan terhadap wahdat al-wujud: tasawuf Syamsuddin Sumatrani" ["In defence of wahdat alwujuid:Shamsuddin's sufism"].

STUDIES OF SUFISM

199

tradition, and he has presented useful new materials on numerous

Malay authors.
Sociological and 'islamological'studies of the sufi orders
Indonesian scholarship on the sufi orders began in the 1960s,
when two Indonesian scholars of very different backgrounds contributed important historical studies on the sufi orders that are
still frequently used as works of reference. The religious scholar
Aboebakar Atjeh wrote two general works in which he surveyed
the history and the specific methods of the major orders, largely
on the basis of Middle Eastern sources but supplemented by interesting bits of information on their development in Indonesia.21 A
very different, and for Indonesia novel, approach was that of the
social historian Sartono Kartodirdjo, who published important
studies on peasant rebellions in 19th-century Java in which he
showed sufi orders to have been directly or indirectly involved.22
In the 1970s we witness the emergence of a new type of studies
of sufism by young Indonesian scholars: descriptive sociological
studies of particular sufi orders or individual teachers and their
students. Many such studies were carried out by the staff of the
research desks of the Department of Religious Affairs, resulting in
mostly unpublished research reports. There is, furthermore, a
large corpus of unpublished theses by graduates of Indonesia's
State Institutes of Islamic Studies (IAIN) that focus on sufi orders.
These are in most cases unsophisticated descriptions of the history, internal organisation and practices of orders functioning in the
students' home environment. They often contain a strong normative element, as local practices are judged by scripturalist norms.
In this respect, these theses as well as some of the reports by the
21 H. Aboebakar
Atjeh, Pengantar ilmu tarekat (uraian tentang mistik) (1966),
reprinted as Pengantar ilmu tarekat dan tasauf (Kota Bharu: Pustaka Aman Press,
1980); idem, Pengantar sejarah sufi & tasawwuf (Solo: Ramadhani, 1984 [first published in 1962]).
22 Kartodirdjo 1966 and 1975. Kartodirdjo also published primary materials
from Indonesia's national archives containing some observations on the involvement of sufi orders in social unrest and political agitation: Sarekat Islam lokal
(Penerbitan sumber-sumber sejarah, no.7, Jakarta: Arsip Nasional Republik
Indonesia, 1975).

200

MARTIN VAN BRUINESSEN

Department's research desk may be considered as the continuation of the 'litterature de surveillance'. Together, however, these
theses constitute a rich collection of empirical material, welcome
source material for scholars attempting synthesis.23
Since the 1980s, the sufi orders have been receiving wider attention again. They appear to be finding a new following in urban,
educated circles. The numbers of their followers give them a
political significance and have caused certain orders or at least
certain shaykhs to become involved in political rivalries. There has
recently been a corresponding increase in scholarship focusing on
the orders. The Indonesian scholars Djohan Effendy, Zamakhsyari
Dhofier and Moeslim Abdurrahman-all
three once associated
with the Ministry's research desk-have published insightful observations, especially on the social and political dimensions of
tariqa activities.24 In this connection the studies by two foreign
scholars should also be mentioned: Werner Kraus and myself have
published the results of field research on sufi orders.25
New types of approach to sufism: history and politics
A new type of approach combines philology, or at least the findings of philologists, with historical research and analysis. Anthony
Johns has come up with some highly speculative historical hypotheses concerning the role of the sufi orders in the islamicisation
of the Archipelago.26 Associating seaborne trade, trade guilds and
23 A
long list of such theses, compiled with the help of Djohan Effendy, former
head of the Department's research desk, is given in Werner Kraus (Hg.), Islamische mystische Bruderschaften im heutigen Indonesien (Hamburg: Institut fur Asien-

kunde, 1990); see also the second part of the bibliography following this paper,
which lists theses and other unpublished research reports that I have seen. Kraus'
introductory essay in the same volume is an attempt at synthesis. Other surveysat
least in part based on such materials are Denys Lombard's "Les tarekat en
Insulinde" (Lombard 1985) and my own "The history and development of the sufi
orders (tarekat) in Indonesia" (Bruinessen 1994).
24 Abdurrahman 1990b; Effendi 1990b; Dhofier 1978 and the same author's
unpublished Ph.D. thesis, The pesantren tradition: a study of the role of the kyai in the
maintenance of the traditional ideologyof Islam in Java (Canberra, Australian National

University, 1981; partially translated into Indonesian as Dhofier 1982).

25 Kraus 1984, 1990; Bruinessen 1990, 1992 (rev. ed. 1994), 1994a, 1995b,
1995c.
26Johns 1961a, 1961b 1961c, 1976.

STUDIES OF SUFISM

201

sufi orders, and postulating the existing of trade guilds in the

coastal states of the 13th/16th-century Archipelago (for which
there is not one shred of evidence), he suggests that sufi preachers accompanying the traders from the Middle East as their chaplains played crucial roles in converting the natives to Islam. These
is no recorded
speculations will be hard to corroborate-there
mention of any of the orders until several centuries after the
they have stimulated further
beginning of islamicisation-but
research by younger scholars.
A.C. Milner, surveying the relationship between sufi doctrine
and Malay statesmanship, has suggested that it was the sufi doctrine of perfect man (insdn kdmil) that made Islam acceptable to
the Malay rulers, who in earlier times had legitimated their positions by claims of being bodhisattva or even Shiva-Buddha.27 The
evidence that Malay rulers actually claimed to embody the insdn
kamil is thin, as Milner has to admit, but claims to sainthood are
well-documented. Islamic terminology related to waldya is widely
used in relation to worldly rulers in the region. At least some of
the celebrated 'nine saints' of Java, reputedly responsible for its
islamicisation, were in fact the rulers of harbour states.
One related case of the legitimation of political order with reference to sufi doctrine has recently received some scholarly attention. It concerns the state of Buton in Southeast Sulawesi and the
metaphysical concept of emanation in seven stages (martabat
tujuh), which was popularised throughout the Archipelago
through Shamsuddin Sumatrani's and Burhanpuri's adaptations
of Ibn 'Arabi and Jil.28 In Buton, which had a highly stratified
society with four strictly separated castes, martabat tujuh also
became the name for the state's 'basic law' (undang-undang), each
of the stages of emanation appearing to be associated with one of
the castes or finer divisions within them.29
There is a great amount of unpublished written material in local
27 Milner 1983,
especially pp. 39-44.

28 See
Anthony Johns' study of Burhanpfri's

work and its local adaptations,

The gift addressed to the spirit of the Prophet (1965).
29 This is the
analysis of the first scholar to draw attention to this case: Pim
Schoorl (1987). The analysis is developed further (and less schematically) in Abd.
Rahman Yunus's doctoral dissertation, published as Posisi tasawuf dalam sistem
kekuasaan di kesultanan Buton pada abad ke-19 (1995).

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MARTIN VAN BRUINESSEN

languages from the various indigenous states of the Archipelago,

and much of it is pervaded with sufi terminology. Systematicanalysis of these works (begun for the case of Buton by Yunus 1995), in
relation to other historical sources and anthropological fieldwork,
will no doubt yield important new insights.
Important work in precisely this direction was carried out by the
historian and Javanese scholar M.C. Ricklefs. His as yet unpublished study of the rule of PakubuwanaII (1726-1749) focuses on
literary works of a religious nature written by the king's grandmother, Ratu Pakubuwana, with the apparent intention that the
reading of these works offer supernatural protection.30 This is a
sophisticated study analysing the texts and their relationship to
Middle Eastern, mostly sufi texts, as well as the 'magical' use that
is implied in certain passages of the texts themselves, and that
places the texts in the context of their production and the changing context of their use and reproduction-some of the texts were
copied or rewritten at a time of dramatic events, apparently for
the purpose of magical protection.
Research of this kind obviously is not easy; it demands a combination of skills and sensitivities that is not often present in a single
scholar. The language of the Javanese texts that Ricklefs analysed
is notoriously difficult; in order to detect the reverberations of sufi
metaphysical concepts in them one needs a thorough acquaintance with Arabic and perhaps Persian sufi literature, and in order
to understand the context a more than superficial knowledge of
the structure of the kingdoms and their political history is needed. There is hardly an alternative to interdisciplinary cooperation
between scholars of complementary backgrounds. The hard work
is full of promise, though; only by going beyond the purely philological or purely historiographical will we reach a better understanding of what sufism meant to (various strata in) the states of
insular Southeast Asia.

30 M.C. Ricklefs, The seen and unseen worlds in Java, 1726-49:

history, literatureand
Islam in the court of Pakubuwana II (forthcoming).

STUDIES OF SUFISM

203

From Middle Eastern to local traditions

Another new line of research involves a combination of anthropological fieldwork and philological work. An example is the work
of John Bowen among the Gayo (in Central Acheh), where he
found that the 'great' sufi tradition of Hamzah's poetry has filtered down to the 'little' peasant religious tradition.31 In Bowen's
case, the published results of philological scholarship are used to
throw additional light on the anthropologist's observations. (It is,
in fact, hard to understand why certain anthropologists working in
societies with written traditions do not consider acquaintance with
scholarship concerning these written traditions as essential for
their own work.) Other ways to integrate both disciplines are also
thinkable. It was done admirably by Rinkes in his work on the
saints of Java, in which he felicitously combined personal observations and interviews in the field with a careful reading of whatever relevant written texts he could find.
Any work on 'indigenous' mystical traditions such as for instance Javanese kebatinan, in which there is a strong Islamic element to say the least, will necessitate a combination of anthropological, historical, philological and islamological approaches. Soebardi has shown that a reputedly syncretistic work as the Javanese
Serat Centini (sometimes described as an 'encyclopaedia of Javanese culture') is pervaded with references to the world of
'orthodox' Muslim education. Although unlike any Muslim literature of the Middle East or South Asia and strongly rooted in Java's
pre-Islamic religious traditions, this work appears on closer inspection to be more than superficially Islamic in character.32 Almost
three decades earlier, Zoetmulder had penetrated more deeply
31
John Bowen, "Islamic transformations: from sufi doctrine to ritual practice
in Gayo culture" (1987); see also his "Graves, shrines and power in a highland
Sumatran society" (1993).
32 Soebardi 1971. No translation of even
parts of this important text into a
European language exists. Th. Pigeaud's brief Dutch summary of the contents, De
Serat Tjabolang en de Serat Tjentini: inhoudsopgaven (Bandoeng: A.C. Nix, 1933)
brings out the structure of the Centini but does not touch upon the mystical ideas
contained in it; the same is true of the Indonesian summary by Sumahatmaka,
Ringkasan Centini (Suluk Tambanglaras) (Jakarta: Balai Pustaka, 1981). The entire
Javanese text was recently published in latinised script by Kamajaya (12 vols.,
Yogyakarta: Yayasan Centhini).

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MARTIN VAN BRUINESSEN

into the Islamic and Indic layers of this and similar Javanese texts
in his analysis of the (non-dualist) metaphysical and mystical ideas
expressed therein.33 I am somewhat uncomfortable with Father
Zoetmulder's Thomist perspective as well as with his focusing on
the question of the 'heterodoxy' or 'orthodoxy' of the teachings
in these texts, but his work is a shining exemplar of careful scholarship that as yet remains unsurpassed.
The more recent work by Simuh, himself an 'orthodox' Muslim
but also a sympathetic student of Javanese mysticism, continues
along the lines set out by A.H. Johns in his study of Burhanpuiri's
Tuhfa and its Indonesian adaptations. His analysis of a major work
by the last of the great Javanese court poets, Ranggawarsita, is a
fine demonstration of how sufi metaphysics became indigenised,
thereby further islamicising Javanese mysticism.34
My own interests are also especially in this field of 'cultural
translation', the adaptation of ideas and techniques associated
with the sufi orders in the Indonesian cultural context and their
application to such new purposes as legitimation and the acquisition of power (Jav. kasekten, Ind. kesaktian). Progress in this direction, I am convinced, can only be made by recourse to the interdisciplinary approach that I advocated above.35
By way of conclusion
Indonesia is the largest Muslim country, and sufism has been
prominently present throughout the known history of Indonesian
Islam. This alone should be sufficient reason for scholarly interest
in Indonesian sufism by others than regional specialists alone. The
relevant scholarship is, however, lagging behind that focusing on
33

PJ. Zoetmulder, Pantheism and monism in Javanese suluk literature (Leiden:

KITLV,1994 [originally in Dutch, 1935]). Timothy E. Behrend wrote an interesting study of a related Javanese work: The SeratJatiswara: structure and change in a

Javanesepoem, 1600-1900 (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Australian National University, 1987; Indonesian translation published by INIS,Jakarta, 1995).
34 Simuh 1988; see also Simuh 1995, where a number of other Javanese texts
are analysed. Simuh and collaborators also published, in Indonesian translation, a
collection of Muslim mystical poetry from Java's north coast (1989).
35 I immodestly refer to two studies in which I used a wide
varietyof sources to
reach what I believe are new insights: Bruinessen 1994b and 1995a.

STUDIES OF SUFISM

205

other parts of the Muslim world. The relative isolation that is a

consequence of the languages in which much basic work has been
published (first Dutch, later Indonesian) has resulted in minimal
interaction with Islamic scholars working in other geographical
zones. The relative scarcity of written sources in Malay and the difficulty of the older texts in Javanese and other local languages
have also inhibited the emergence of a lively 'school' of Indonesian sufi studies. It is only a handful of scholars who have made
major contributions. It should not be forgotten, however, that
these scholars have depended on numerous others who have done
the humble work of locating, identifying, cataloguing and sometimes transliterating manuscripts,36 or who have written down
their observations and comments on local practices. The volume
of this necessary preliminary work that has been completed is
rapidly increasing. New catalogues and microfilm projects have
made major Indonesian manuscript holdings more easily accessible. Something similar should be done with regard to the theses
(skripsi sarjana, tesis magister and disertasi) and unpublished research reports of the various regional universities that contain
important descriptive material on local practices, for these constitute a treasure of primary materials that because of the poor condition of most university libraries may otherwise get lost again.
With the present availability of resources, major new studies on
the subject should be possible.

36 One name in
particular should be mentioned: that ofJ. Soegiarto, who for
many years was the assistent to the professors ofJavanese at Leiden Universityand
who carefully copied, transliterated and summarised numerous Javanese manuscripts in the University Library,thus making them much more easily accessible.
Most scholars who studied these texts did so through Soegiarto's transliterations;
thus, for instance, Drewes' important re-editions of the oldest Javanese Muslim
texts are also beased on them. Soegiarto is not often mentioned, but there are a
few lines on him in J.J. Ras, "In memoriam Prof.Dr. C.C. Berg", Bijdragentot de
147 (1991), 1-11. I wish to thank Karel Steenbrink for
Taal-,Land- en Volkenkunde
first bringing Soegiarto's role to my attention and referring me to this article.

206

MARTIN VAN BRUINESSEN

Studiesof sufismand the sufi ordersin Indonesia-Bibliography

Listed in this bibliography are scholarly works that deal with
individual sufis, sufi literature and ideas, sufi orders and the cult
of Muslim saints in Indonesia. Included are also those sociological, historical, political and literary studies that give significant
attention to the role of sufis and/or sufi orders. Studies of 'syncretistic' mysticism are included when the Muslim element
receives attention. The studies that I consider as the most significant have been indicated by an asterisk (*) before the title.
The following standard abbreviations are used:
BKI

Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (published by the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Delft and later Leiden)
IAIN
Institut Agama Islam Negeri (State Institute of Islamic Studies)
INIS
Indonesian-Netherlands Cooperation in Islamic Studies
JMBRAS Journal of the MalayanBranch of the Royal Asiatic Society
KITLV KoninklijkInstituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (Royal Institute
for Linguistics and Anthropology)
TBG
Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (published by
the Bataviaasch Genootschap voor Kunsten en Wetenschappen, Batavia/Jakarta)
TNI
Tijdschriftvoor Nederlandsch-Indie
I. Published books and articles

Abdullah, Hawash [H.Wan Muhd. Shaghir] (n.d.[1980?]) Perkembanganilmu

tasawuf dan tokoh-tokohnyadi Nusantara. Surabaya: Al Ikhlas.
Abdullah, H.Wan Muhd. Shaghir (1985) Syeikh Ismail Al Minangkabawi, penyiar
thariqat Naqsyabandiyah Khalidiyah. Solo: Ramadhani.

Abdullah, H.Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1987) "SyeikhAbdurraufbin Ali al-Fansuri",in:

Mohamad

Daud Mohamad

(ed.),

Tokoh-tokoh sastera Melayu klasik. Kuala

Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, pp. 63-71.

Abdullah, H.Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1987) "Al-AllamahSyeikh Nuruddin ar-Raniri",
in: Mohamad Daud Mohamad

(ed.), Tokoh-tokohsastera Melayu klasik. Kuala

Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, pp. 90-100.

Abdullah, H.W. Muhd. Shaghir (1987) SyeikhDaud bin Abdullah al Fathani: penulis
Islam produktif Asia Tenggara. Solo: Ramadhani [reprinted as Syeikh Daud bin
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Hizbi, 1990].

Abdullah, H.W. Muhd. Shaghir (1989) Katalog pameran manuskrip Melayu. Kuala

Lumpur: PerpustakaanNegara Malaysia.

Abdullah, Hj. Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1990) "BahasaMelayu bahasa ilmu: meninjau
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pemikiran Syeikh Ahmad bin Muhammad Zain al-Fattani",Jurnal
1990, 201-6, 292-5, 375-81, 460-3.
Abdullah, Hj. Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1990) "BahasaMelayu bahasa ilmu: Syeikh
Abdul Malik Terengganu",Jurnal DewanBahasa 1990, 528-34.

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Abdullah, Hj. Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1990) "BahasaMelayu bahasa ilmu: mengkaji
kitab gaya bahasa dalam kitab Hidayah as Salikin Syeikh Abdus Samad al Falimbani", Jurnal Dewan Bahasa 1990, 684-91.

Abdullah, Hj. Wan Mohd. Shaghir (1990) "Pendokumentasiankarya-karyaSyeikh

Daud bin Abdullah al Fatani yang belum pernah dicetak",JurnalDewanBahasa
1990, 857-864, 966-974.
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jilid. Kuala Lumpur: KhazanahFathaniyah.

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zanah Fathaniyahdengan kerjasamaImatera Publishers Sdn.Bhd.

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* Abdurrahman, Moeslim (1990a) "Die Tijaniyyain Indonesien: orthodox oder

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