Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
1NC
A. Link: The affirmative discourse and motivations to develop
Latin America creates otherizing dichotomies and props up US
imperialism.
Meyer, 12 (Dominique, Department of International Affairs, Florida State University, April
1, 2012, Making Development Discourse Work in Latin American Indigenous Communities,
Google Scholar)ZB
The first time the world heard and universally accepted the word underdeveloped
to refer to areas of the world not scientifically or technologically advanced was on January 20, 1949 during
U.S. President Trumans inaugural address, where he coined it as an emblem of his
own policy (Esteva, 1992) (Richard Peet, 2009). On that day, two billion people became
underdeveloped, as the hegemonic power of the time drew a line in the sand
between Us and Them. It is that date that welcomed the age of development where the label of
underdeveloped provided the cognitive base for what would become the systematic gesture of development
efforts in the preceding years (Esteva, 1992). The concept of Development and its political merits have well been
debated by policy makers, scholars, and regular folks alike, further dividing the world into two camps: those who
sufficient food to maintain good health; a safe, healthy place in which to live; affordable services available to
According to Marc Edelman and Angelique Howard, development is an ideal, an imagined future towards which
is fitting to accentuate the very debate surrounding the idea of international development as it is understood today-
insist that growth and advancement occur from within the state its self.
All this while those doing development claim to be alleviating poverty and
listening to the voices of those they label poor. Moving from the community level to the
geopolitical level, it is also important to look at the macro-context of violence that allows
policymakers to pay little attention to the voices from the marginalized and the
growing mass resistance to economic globalization. The process of national and global
policymaking and today's geopolitics in the wake of September 11, the invasion of Iraq and the growing US
hegemony is the enabling environment for so much violence to go unheeded in the
name of freedom, democracy and development.
of HIV/AIDS.
C. Vote Negative
1. The question posed by this years resolution is not for us to
answer solutions must come from below and include local
peoples participation.
Kangas, 13 (Laura, Department of Communication, Aalto University, 2013, The WTO
and ambiguous language of development. A rhetorical analysis of the development
discourse of the World Trade Organization.,
<https://aaltodoc.aalto.fi/bitstream/handle/123456789/8955/hse_ethesis_13145.pdf?
sequence=1>)ZB
The human focus is shared also by the participatory development approach, the
purpose of which is to involve local people in their own development. This approach
condemns the classical development practices as western ethnocentric,
disempowering, and characterized by top-downism. (Mohan, 2008, 46-47) The main idea
is that every society must define development for itself and find its own strategy.
(Servaes, 1999, 6) As Mohan (2008, 47) mentions, the focus is on the grass-roots level, often
involving civil society, which permits a plurality of development goals to be realized,
as well as giving communities self-determination they need. A central concept in
participatory development is empowerment, which Melkote and Kandath (2001, 197) define as a dynamic process
the
process of development is being formed in a bottom-up -manner, and the agency
in development is given to developing countries. The emphasis on
participation is part of a wider movement, which has transformed orthodox thinking
about public sector management over the last two decades and made decisionmaking based on participation, rather than imposition, central to the idea of modernity. (Brett, 2003, 2)
that enhances the possibilities of an individual or a community to face the continuous social changes. Hence,
The demand for participatory development is an integral part of personal and social emancipation. Mohan (2008,
46) argues that behind the approach is also the belief in not relying on the state, and
therefore it might not be coincidental that participatory development gained popularity around the same time as
the neoliberal counter-revolution of the 1980s, with its discourse of self-help and individualism.
Out of these counter-spatialities come new conceptions of the political. First, there is
a politics of life that cuts to the very heart of the logics of neoliberal globalization, in
which large sections of the popular classes become disposable, reduced to
conditions of bare life in which they are unable to ensure their social reproduction
and survival (see Agamben, 1998; Rancire, 2004). Yet from these conditions emerge struggles
that challenge the foundations of capitalist accumulation. Paradigmatic of this is the
contribution of Philipp Terhorst, Marcela Olivera, and Alexander Dwinell, who point out that the basis of water
movements in a commons approach generates . . . a renewed reference point for the community and alternative
practices are developed that enable the flourishing, remembering, and reinvention of cosmologies, social
relationships, and political imaginaries. This prefigurative politics challenge the basis of capitalism by enacting an
LINKS
EE Links
Integrating Latin America into a global model of economic
development is part of a larger strategy of hegemonic
development
Munck, 13 (Ronaldo, Head of Civic and Global Engagement at Dublin City University in
Ireland, March 2013, Rethinking Latin America: Development, Hegemony, and Social
Transformation, Google Books)ZB
The compromise state was shattered by military intervention and the development model was overthrown equally
decisively. Some analysts point to 1975 as a turning point in this regard that was as decisive and as punctual as
standard in 1974 that signaled the start of clear market dominance over international finance. The fit-eat debt
crisis of 1982 in Latin American can be traced back to is period and the recycling of the Ham that accrued from the
world became one big market, as Polanyi had foreseen. Latin American economic strategy, insofar as there were
any vestiges of national development still present, was deemed to be at 0 ds with the new world order. Reform
would be necessary of the banking system, of trade regulations, of labor law, and of any state investment in
unprecedented rise in interest rates following the second oil rise in 1979, a sharp deterioration in terms of trade in
the early 1980s, and an almost complete halt in foreign lending (Ffrend-David et al. 1994, p. 185). This set of
circumstances was a direct result of the rich countries seeking to offload part of the price of the capitalist crisis onto
the global South. This had happened under the classic patterns of dependency earlier in the century, when raising
interest rates, cutting imports, and stopping loans was a standard recipe. lt was the sudden halt to foreign loans in
1982 that precipitated the disastrous economic and social performance of the 1980s in Latin America, subsequently
known as thee lost decade. It saw stagnation of production, a lowering of living standards, some staggering
this dire predicament as Gerchunoff and Torre puts it, 'The decision to privatize was swift, far-reaching and
included neither restrictions on the participation of foreign capital nor efforts to nationalize the state-owned
enterprises targeted for transfer to foreign ownership (Gerchunoff and Torre, 1996, p. 739). Trade was completely
liberalized, the domestic deregulation was systemic, and to cap it all Menem committed Argentina to participate in
the Gulf war in support of the imperial power.
international community and the mass media (Chiapas, 1994). As indicated by the previously discussed human
development indicator data from Bolivia, Ecuador, and Guatemala, indigenous populations face significantly
challenging disparities in terms of poverty, lack of access to education and sufficient educational attainment, and
healthcare. However, it must be emphasized that the indigenous perception of adequate well-being largely does
The drive to innovate in Latin America upholds the dominant ideology of economic
development
OBrien, 75 (Phillip J., researcher at the Institute of Latin American Studies at the
University of Glasgow, March 1975, Beyond the Sociology of Development: Economy and
Society in Latin America and Africa, edited by Ivar Oxaal, Tony Barnett, David Booth, Google
Books)ZB
A. O. Hirschman, in a perceptive essay, Ideologies of economic development in Latin America, has traced the main
views advanced by Latin Americans to explain the causes of Latin America's under- development and what could be
Nineteenth-century Latin America, however, evolved few ideas concerning its underdevelopment and it was not
until the twentieth century that Latin American writers concentrated on attempting to explain Latin American
underdevelopment.
Growth Link
Reliance on models of economic growth contributes to a topdown development discourse
Kangas, 13 (Laura, Department of Communication, Aalto University, 2013, The WTO
and ambiguous language of development. A rhetorical analysis of the development
discourse of the World Trade Organization.,
<https://aaltodoc.aalto.fi/bitstream/handle/123456789/8955/hse_ethesis_13145.pdf?
sequence=1>)ZB
The neoliberal agenda often gains the status of hegemonic discourse in the
discussion on development politics today. Thomas (2004, 458) argues that despite different
perspectives on development have been introduced and have ostensibly established their position, they
nevertheless havent succeeded in actually changing the agenda in the discussion. While mentions of human or
sustainable development are nowadays common in discussions the core message eulogizing economic growth still
Smith or David Ricardo: by leaving the job to the invisible hand, the Pareto-optimal outcome will follow and market
efficiency will engender development through economic growth.(Chang & Grabel, 2004, 14) The main restriction on
an inherent tendency for a free capitalist economy to grow is deemed to be market failure resulting from perverse
governmental regulation or other domestic features such as corrupt politicians or rent-seeking bureaucrats. (Hettne,
Major forces such as the World Bank and International Monetary Fund were
the most vocal proponents of neoliberalism as the best source for economic growth
and development all around the world, and in the grounds of this ideology , the highly
2008, 9)
controversial structural adjustment programmes based on the Washington Consensus, eulogizing free market
economy, were introduced in the 1980s to several developing countries. Neoliberalism inherited many aspects from
the modernization school, which is why Simon (1997, 184) refers to it as contemporary incarnation of modernization
prosperity is believed to trickle down also to the lower classes in the society, because markets autonomously
engender redistribution of economic growth. (Aghion&Bolton, 1997)
Amartya Sen (1999), who introduced development as a process of real freedoms that
people enjoy. According to him, development consists of the removal of various types of unfreedoms that leave
people with little choice and little opportunity to exercise their reasoned agency. Freedom is therefore
identified as the main object of development, and the focus is put particularly on
the roles and interconnections between crucial instrumental freedoms, such as
economic opportunities, political freedoms, social facilities, transparency
guarantees and protective security. (Sen, 1999, 7) Economic growth, industrialization, technological
advances or social modernization can be means to expand freedoms, but they are never identified as development
themselves.
Oil Link
Pursuing reform in profitable countries oil policies implies the
country lacks the superior knowledge associated with
definitions of development
Chang, 9 (Ha-Joon, Faculty of Economics, University of Cambridge, February 15, 2009,
Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark: How development has disappeared from todays
development discourse,
<http://www.societies.cam.ac.uk/cisa/documents/Chang_Hamlet_Paper.pdf>)ZB
Before the rise of neo-liberalism since the late 1970s, there was a general
consensus that development is largely about the transformation of the productive
structure (and the capabilities that support it) and the resulting transformation of social structure urbanization,
dissolution of the traditional family, changes in gender relationships, rise of labour movement, the advent of the
welfare state, and so on. This was mainly (although not exclusively) to be achieved through industrialization. Even
though they radically disagreed on how exactly this was to be done, most commentators ranging from Walt
Rostow on the right and the Dependency Theorists on the left shared the view that development is something
following the Second World War, the German income level fell to that of Peru or Mexico, but few people would argue
that Germany at that time should have been re-classified as a developing country, because we know that
Germany still had the necessary technologies and organizational capabilities to regain its pre-war level of living
Developmentalism Link
Policy directed at making foreign economies more prosperous
works through a logic that ignores the actually dynamics of
development
Chang, 9 (Ha-Joon, Faculty of Economics, University of Cambridge, February 15, 2009,
Hamlet without the Prince of Denmark: How development has disappeared from todays
development discourse,
<http://www.societies.cam.ac.uk/cisa/documents/Chang_Hamlet_Paper.pdf>)ZB
quite large quantities). Similarly, what really distinguishes Ecuador or Vietnam from the US or Japan is not the raw
entrepreneurial energy of the people that the neo-liberals so often talk about (which you probably have more in the
former group of countries) but the abilities of a society to set up and manage productive enterprises that can
a lot of collective and systematic efforts at acquiring and accumulating better productive knowledge through the
construction of better organizations, the cross-fertilization of ideas within it, and the channeling of individual
entrepreneurial energy into collective entrepreneurship.
IMPACTS
Env !
Doing development creates a logic of anthropocentrism and
disposability that justifies environmental destruction
Kothari/Harcourt, 4 (Smitu, founding member of the International Accountability
Project/Wendy, Rural Development, International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus
University Rotterdam, 2004, Introduction: The violence of development, Development,
<http://www.palgrave-journals.com/development/journal/v47/n1/full/1100024a.html>)ZB
are polluting and destroying the planet at an enormous and frightening rate through mining, deforestation,
pesticide-intensive agriculture, the massive dumping of toxic wastes, dams, the unsustainable intensive extraction
from our oceans, rivers, forests and lands. Take the much-heralded green revolution of the late 1960s and 1970s
for instance in the Indian states of Punjab and Haryana. New evidence suggests a widening of dying soils, the
We are now
confronted with a situation where life itself is considered even more disposable or is
being re-engineered to sustain the control of a few at the expense of the many. For
instance, genetically modifying organisms is an insidious manipulation of life to
sustain private profit without concern for ecological diversity and security or social
justice. We have moved from extraction from nature and attempting to dominate it to privatizing and reengineering it. The multiple levels and growing intensity of violence should compel the
development community to better understand and challenge the anthropocentric
worldview that not only exploits, manipulates and engineers nature doing grave damage in the process
but also does violence to the thousands of years of wisdom of communities who
have lived with nature and who have evolved complex knowledge systems. It is imperative that the
critical lowering of groundwater and its pollution by the leaching of pesticides and fertilizers.
pluralities of knowledge systems that have evolved with nature rather than against it are brought to the centre of
using natural resources far beyond nature's regenerative capacity, by contributing to the daily extinction of species,
we do violence to nature and to those whose livelihoods, which are dependent on nature, are threatened or
destroyed by development. We are literally undermining the future of our own species. By appropriating the
commons, a collective domain, and privatizing it, we are denying men and women their basic right to life. The
developmental and political system that allows a private (often foreign) company to privatize water, a life source of
all, reinforces inequality and excludes those who are unable to pay for this basic survival resource. Justifying
privatization in the name of enhancing water and food security and in the name of development is a travesty.
Cultural Survival !
Development discourse leads to cultural homogenization that
spills over to conflict and otherization
Kothari/Harcourt, 4 (Smitu, founding member of the International Accountability
Project/Wendy, Rural Development, International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus
University Rotterdam, 2004, Introduction: The violence of development, Development,
<http://www.palgrave-journals.com/development/journal/v47/n1/full/1100024a.html>)ZB
The world's
cultural pluralism is being steadily, often violently, eroded with an alarming loss of
ethnicities, knowledge systems, languages and traditional cultural forms of
expression. There is a deep-seated violence that is severely threatening and
ultimately destroying the identity and rights of ethnic and indigenous groups. There is
Thirdly, in the same way that nature is grossly disrespected and violated, so too is culture.
a profound need to protect creative and grounded cultural, social and political pluralism and diversity through a
deepening of the democratic process. The respect for plurality is a prerequisite to resist the subjugation of marginal
as Arturo Escobar states in his essay in this issue, the inherent violence to marginalized people is written into
development's birth certificate with its interdependent link with the dominant patterns of economic growth,
such global news and representations of domestic and political life can be seen as a violent attack on the plurality
process, through promotion of certain forms of acceptable behaviour and appearance, pornography, even the
fixation on rape and graphic scenes of violence against women in news reporting, lead in complex but disturbing
ways to increased violence and oppression in the family, the home and in society at large. The resistance to this by
women in many societies has been strong, but the trend of gender violence continues around the world, closely
linked to other forms of economic and social violation.
ALTERNATIVE/FRAMEWORK
Pedagogy
Reinvention of our intellectual practices is key to overcome the
marginalization of development discourse
Motta, 13 (Sara C., Lecturer in Latin American and Comparative Politics at the School of
Politics and International Relations, University of Nottingham, UK, July 2013, Reinventing
the Lefts in Latin America: Critical Perspectives from Below,
<http://lap.sagepub.com/content/40/4/5.full>)ZB
It is here that the role of the pedagogical takes center stage , with pedagogical used
broadly to refer to an articulation of educational aims and processes in social, ethical, spiritual, and affective as well
as cognitive relationships. Pedagogical practices help to constitute the processes of unlearning dominant
subjectivities, social relationships, and ways of constituting the world and learning new ones. They are at the heart
of the production of subjects and communities differently and therefore of politicizing contradictions in popular
politics (see Gibson-Graham, 2006, for a conceptualization of producing ourselves differently; see also Motta, 2013,
for a discussion of the role of the pedagogical in social and political transformation in Latin America). As the
immanent theoretical and strategic knowledge relevant to the concrete political experiences of movements. Here
movements are challenging not only the content of twentieth-century left political categories but the form of
popular left alternatives. The politics of knowledge of popular movements involves the development of pedagogies
of the oppressed through popular education with a focus on dialogue, the horizontal, collective, and political nature
of knowledge production, an understanding of everyday life as the substance of critical theoretical reflection, and
the overcoming of the distinction between thinkers and doers in movement strategizing and research (Motta,
demonstrated by many of the contributors, the spiritual and cultural become important elements of moral
economies and popular imaginaries and practices. Oral traditions, dance, theater, song, and ritual are considered
knowledge that is not a mere instrument of social transformation but a central part of creating new ways of life that
many twentieth-century left alternatives and to create what Boff and Boff call integral liberation. Thus, affective
They
enable marginalized and oppressed communities to become embodied political
subjects. They bring popular subjects, in all their complexity, to the heart of the reinvention of lefts from below.
and embodied pedagogies foreground different ways of being and relating to each other and the earth.
development. This plurality must be noted and celebrated. Men and women at the
community level, in the face of grave difficulty and frequently against great odds, and often supported by
associative links beyond the local, are increasingly seeking to intervene constructively in their own conditions. They
are finding ways to govern themselves, participating and seeking to redefine the contentious process of democracy,
resisting and challenging the threats to their livelihoods and carving out innovative ways to shape positively their
They are creating new structures to enable their own livelihoods, searching
out different ways to relate to each other and to other communities, including the
state. Many are creatively using the possibilities that the electronic and digital options have opened up to
own lives.
communicate within and beyond national boundaries. What remains an area of critical neglect, however, is how
these processes are challenging and altering cultural traditions, class, caste and gender divides. And what is clear is
the magnitude of violence faced by hundreds of millions of people victimized by development.
AT: Perm
Recreation of development discourse must move away from
ends of economic growth
Meyer, 12 (Dominique, Department of International Affairs, Florida State University, April
1, 2012, Making Development Discourse Work in Latin American Indigenous Communities,
Google Scholar)ZB
If the values behind western development do aim to promote empowerment and are
not just a goodwill scheme to expand economic growth, an adjustment must be
made in the way that the international community implements those values. Instead of
looking at facts and data that are often skewed by cultural misrepresentation, we should be gearing our focus on
identifying the inherent potential within the cultures of unique indigenous communities. Development in indigenous
communities should focus on finding a way to emphasize the unique anthropological, cultural, and societal
it is
necessary to approach development through empowering the people to use their
own tools more effectively, not to advocate structural change, and the movement
and desire to grow must come from within. It is the need for alternatives to the
prevailing development discourse that have incited some scholars and activists to
constructively imagine a post-development era where community and indigenous
knowledge its self becomes a reservoir of creative alternatives (Esteva, 1988; Escobar,
strengths of indigenous communities and reducing their marginalization from the mainstream. Because of this,
1995). The alternative development position asserts the abandonment of the whole epistemological and political
field of postwar development (Escobar 1991, pg 675). Here, the ideas of the discourse of alternative development
encourages the celebration of local and indigenous ideas, where traditional culture is emphasized in development
strategy by policy makers rather than stifled (Edelman & Haugerud, 2005).
AT: Policymaking FW
Policymaking frameworks subscribe to the hegemonic ideals
that uphold development discourse- any attempt to solve
structural impacts must be done through an alternative
framework.
Kothari/Harcourt, 4 (Smitu, founding member of the International Accountability
Project/Wendy, Rural Development, International Institute of Social Studies, Erasmus
University Rotterdam, 2004, Introduction: The violence of development, Development,
<http://www.palgrave-journals.com/development/journal/v47/n1/full/1100024a.html>)ZB
perpetuated a compartmentalized response to the complex, integrated realities that most people live in. So, for
example, agriculture, water, energy and forests are different policy arenas with little or no coordination between
them when in the life of a community dependent on natural resource systems, they are not just inter-related arenas
speak of health when there is no access to clean water, of reproductive rights when there are no bathrooms, of
democracy when livelihoods are not guaranteed, of participation when there is no education for women and of
accountability when massive military and economic power is routinely used to subjugate peoples and nations?
Fundamentally, this is because the huge disparities that exist between the
economic poor and the elites in our societies undermine the very concept of
democratic governance. Those that have economic and political power dominate the representative
process and through processes of democracy and in the name of development continue to perpetuate their own
power and dominance, defending the economic, cultural, educational, social and political structures and systems
This hegemonic
process articulates and thereby imposes the dominate pattern of development and
democracy as the only relevant pattern and the only one to be followed, ignoring
the huge costs to the majority of the world who remain unrepresented and marginalized by the
that protect their interests at the expense of cultural pluralities, ecologies and diversities.
national and global governance systems. It is not surprising then that across much of the world, communities are
redefining democracy whether by defying it, or deepening it, or by defending the community from its corrosive
influence by asserting greater autonomy from it.
AFFIRMATIVE ANSWERS
developed countries hindering development. Particularly the traditional view of development and the prevalence of
neoliberalism as premise for the argumenatation are interesting findings in comparison to the multifaceted
approach of more recent development studies and development co-operation. The abstract nature of development
can be seen as problematic for the delivery of measurable results in development.
Development Good
The concept of development is legitimate- key to value
assignment
Sen, 88 (Amartya, University Professor and Professor of Economics and Philosophy,
Harvard University, 1988, THE CONCEPT OF DEVELOPMENT, Handbook of Development
Economics, Volume L, pdf)ZB
well-being and illness, happiness and misery, freedom and vulnerability, the underlying objectives are perspicuous
silencing power of environmental discourse in colonial Kenya, for example, Fiona Mackenzie argues that Africans are
constructed as unscientific exploiters' of the environment. Their knowledge of the local environment can then be
disqualified as pre-modern and unscientific. The peasant fanner, undifferentiated and ungendered, is established
as the object in need of exogenous agricultural science and expertise. In South Africa, the language of
environmental mismanagement was also central to the idea of separate development described by Tapscott.
Betterment was premised on the notion that African cultivation and pastoral practices despoiled the environment.
Only scientific management could redeem the environment and re-educate the despoilers. This notion resonates
mechanisms for this periodic reinvention is the appropriation of the language and imagery of other, related,
modernist discourses.
Perm
Perm, do both- the criticism fails when it focuses strictly on
discourse- promoting a justified policy like the aff aids the
criticism.
Crush, 95 (Jonathan, Professor of Geography at Queens University, 1995, Power of
Development, Google Books)
Development discourse promotes and justifies very real interventions and practices
with very real (though invariably unintended) consequences. To incarcerate or confine these
(often catastrophic) effects within the text is to embark on a dangerous descent into
discourse (Palmer I990). In this volume, poetics and politics are generally envisioned as discrete, though
interwoven, strands of social life. ln this way, conceptual space is made for an exploration of
the links between the discursive and the non-discursive; between the words, the
practices and the institutional expressions of development ; between the relations of power
and domination that order the world and the words and images that represent those worlds. Development
discourse is constituted and reproduced within a set of material relationships,
activities and powerssocial, cultural and geopolitical. To comprehend the real
power of development we cannot ignore either the immediate institutional or the
broader historical and geographical context within which its texts are produced. The
immediate context is provided by the development machine. This machine is global in its teach, encompassing
departments and bureaucracies in colonial and post-colonial states throughout the world. Western aid agencies.
multilateral organizations, the sprawling global network of NGOs, experts and private consultants, private sector
organizations such as banks and companies that marshall the rhetoric of development, and the plethora of
development studies programmes in institutes of learning worldwide.
contentions because most accounts of social rights interpret them as goals and grounds for moral criticism, not as
legally binding constraints on the policies and programs of governments and international agencies. Most accounts
The
criticisms underestimate the contentions of rights advocates because they fail to
recognize the enormous rhetorical importance of rights, both at the international
level and within developing countries, and their historical role in the mobilization of
social movements, professionals, and others in the expansion of education and
health care services. Although there remain significant differences between a rights
based approach and an economic approach to health care and education, particularly regarding the
issues of long-term deprivation, tradeoffs, and the behavioral effect of subsidies, their policy
consequences overlap considerably. Both are skeptical that electoral politics and de facto market rules
also hold that rights cannot be realized at once, and that the provision of services can take several forms.
by themselves provide sufficient accountability for the effective and equitable provision of health and education
services, and that further intrasectoral reforms in governance, particularly those that strengthen the hand of service
recipients, are essential.