The Corpses In the The House

Nothing is more symptomatic of the mortal malady that afflicts the capitalist
system than the frenetic energy it expends to convince the world of its
freshness, of its health, and of the confidence it has in its future. It refuses to
admit that its hour is past and hopes to be able to return the others as blind as
itself. It has its apostles: bankers, general managers, presidents of
administrative councils. No priest permits it to doubt the immortality of its
god. When the faith is undermined, the credit of the priest, his dignity, and
daily bread are compromised. We then hear these apostles of capitalism
preaching more and more desperately their doctrine of salvation and their
creed. They cling to the hope of recovering the renegades, the stray sheep.
Duisberg, Wassermann, Silverberg (and we mark the Jewish accent of these
apostles of this god) repeat with zeal charged with anger that the private
property of the means of production and private enterprise were in the past
the bases of the capitalist conception of the economy. They have made their
proofs and they must maintain them. All the collectivist tendencies must be
discarded. They act to create a new economic ideology for the young for
student in particular in order to counteract the anti-capitalist currents
already finding an echo in a large part of the bourgeoisie.
In Russia, Marxism filled a very particular mission. There it reclaimed a will
to life, organic, anchored in instinct, capable of rigor, and not limited to being
a secondary phenomenon, sentimental and romantic of a process of automatic
development. By showing evidently the necessity of that which it produced, it
aided the organic will to life in acquiring an assurance whose fanaticism did
not recoil, even before terror. In Western Europe, Marxism is a little glow

which bathes a resigned fatalism. In Russia, it was this thunderbolt in the

night that permits the assault troop, expectantly, to reconnoiter the terrain in
order to launch a violent attack.
Thus, in the industrial era, Russia became a particular type of national
community. Turkey, China, and maybe even all of Asia take this type of
community as their model.
But will Germany do that? For the moment, it already seems turned towards
the Western way of life that places the economy above politics and
transforms, bit by bit, the state into a service of a great anonymous and
multinational society. But it is not necessary that we stay there!
Certainly, it does not mean in any case to convert Germany to Bolshevism,
to Russify it and Asiaticize it. However, it must orient itself towards the
East. There is no doubt that it will then find in the depths of its soul the
proper solution, it particular form, and change itself correspondingly.
The subject of German politics, during the years to come, will be this
alternative before which it finds itself, opting definitively for one of the types
of society objectively possible: that of the West or that of the East.
The best elements of the German youth aspire to collectivism and to a life
ruled by a sense of responsibility. And that is what gives it hope.
For Wassermann and Silverberg, the anti-capitalist tendencies are diabolical
forces that tempt the German youth and endanger the reign of their all
powerful, paternal, Providence.

We cannot believe our eyes: the capitalist system has made its proofs and
everywhere? Twenty million unemployed with their families perishing body
and soul. Just in Germany, there are four and half million. At the same time,
we use corn as fuel for the machines. Rye is rendered unfit for consumption,
we throw coffee in the sea, and mutton is transformed into soap. We burn
sugarcane plantations and the people do not have enough to eat, even when
the barns are full. We close the mines and the unsaleable coal piles up on the
ground. The reserves of potassium nitrate remain unexploited. We destroy
stocks of cotton. The middle classes become proletarian and the peasants lose
their land. There are a plethora of the workforce searching for work. Prime
material, foodstuffs, and machinery are not lacking. But despite all this,
where the capitalist system exercises its influence, misery and despair reign.
That is the system with its gold standard, its right principles, its
irresponsibility, and its privatizing tendencies, which brings the people to
ruin, they are condemned by reason of the inherent law of this same system.
Millions of people are deprived of the vital minimum in order for a thin layer
of international raptors to be able to swim in abundance. The natural
resources and foodstuffs remain inaccessible to those who need them, if the
sale is not profitable. It is the law of profit that rules over the economy, and
not the considerations of human needs. Men can die, if there is not a means of
assuring profitability and gain.
There is no doubt that the capitalist system is the first cause of this horrible
state of urgency which, like a plague, ravages the world today. Its apostles
howl that the system makes its proofs they howl without being moved
and without making sacrifice in honor of their own murderer god. The
peoples patience and the capacity to endure suffering is, in effect, immense.

In the first place, it is the German peoples capacity to suffer that surprises.
The tempest of inflation has made its ravages in Germany, but the people
continue to respect the sacred character of private property. As ever,
weakened and subjugated countries are plundered by their conquerors. But
before, this pillage bore openly on its front the stigmata of its violence. The
evidence of the brutality of their masters caused the despair of the subservient
people, exacerbated their anger and their hate. Then, the moment will come,
the mistreated country will burst and exercise its just vengeance. The
capitalist system searches to hide its brutality and greed for wealth. It
camouflages its enterprise of pillage by explaining them as the measures
destined to put moral principles in action. The tributes are transformed into
streams of commercial debts. The reputation, the consideration, and the honor
of the exploited individual rest on their willingness to let them strip them,
obligatorily, without any opposition. Russia dared not to brave this: it broke
with the capitalist system, it rid itself in this fashion of its exterior debt and
escaped from the blackmail of international capitalism.
In the conditions of today, the capitalist system has the function of driving
incomes down by using the labor of Germans. All the burden of
international debts rest on Germany, Secretary of State D. Bergmann
recently declared. The question of tribute has been amalgamated into
international indebtedness, this burden has been put on the back of Germany.
The capitalist system has become sophisticated machinery permitting in a
manner anonymous and invisible the victors to fatten themselves with the
blood of the German people. The tributes go the foreigners. Followed by the
interest of the debt that they must contract to pay these tributes. Entire
branches of German industry must be mortgaged in order to be sold after. In
Germany, the Swede Kreuger rules over the distribution of matches. The

French watch over the tobacco monopoly. The city of Berlin has sold off the
Berlin Municipal Energy Company. Almost all the great industrial enterprises
have been invaded by foreign capital. Agricultural lands fall into the hands of
international financial speculators. The functioning of the capitalist system
destroyed Germany. If, as Germans, we support the capitalist system and
collaborate with its maintenance, we betray our country.
It is not by chance that the best of the German youth are anti-capitalist.
Capitalism can only develop in very precise conditions. Then, it is necessary
that there are great blank spots on the world map: we should be able to
discover new spaces. This gives optimistic momentum which, enthusiastic for
progress, believes in unlimited possibilities. Only some select peoples have
the privilege to enjoy the realizations of technical progress. This superiority
must maintain the other under-developled peoples in a state of dependence
and servitude, without the least hope for liberation. They must accept
industrial products at exorbitant prices in exchange for raw materials and
foodstuffs. The sense of international economic relations must be limited to
the exploitation of colonized peoples by the industrial countries, in the
fashion of those who can carve up the earth and seize it with a firm hand.
All these conditions no longer exist. There is no longer anything to discover.
The world has already become too small. The colonized peoples have begun
to seize machines and industrialize. They no longer consider their subjugation
as an ineluctable state of dependence, willed by God. Revolt rumbles among
them. Their advantage resides in the fact that they find themselves close to
sources of raw materials and that, in the international concurrence, they have
a cheaper and less demanding workforce. The industrial countries lose the

buyers of their products and, at the same time, their suppliers of foodstuffs
and raw materials.
The Capitalist system no longer works because, manifestly, it cannot
transform the earth into a paradise and bring to men this happiness that it had
once promised. We know that he who then speaks of progress is necessarily
an imbecile or a swindler. Everyone understands that the rule of capitalism is
based on the validity, universally recognized, of the principle of exploitation.
With the exception of the Westerners ofGerman nationality, there are no
longer any victims which, willingly, accept this principle. All the others,
under the lead of Russia, have openly declared war on it. The atmosphere has
changed. The climate that rules today in the world is not favorable to the
capitalist system. It no longer permits the formations of patches of fog,
necessary for capitalism to hide its cynical nature and subject many layers of
the population.
There exists an international society of salvage working for
the maintenance of the capitalist system. This is the Rotary
Club which how could it be anything else ? comes from
American laboratories and which how could it be anything
else ? has found in Germany devoted members.
Important businessmen are part of it. The club is a type of
Freemasonry for these modern plundering knights who flatter
themselves to be aristocrats the princes of the economy,
because they know particularly well how to make money. Like
the wolf in the fable, with dripping lips, they do not cease to
declare their loyalty to business. The most eminent German
member of the Rotary is the president of the Reichsbank,
Luther luckily, everyone finally knows what society he is
part of. The Herrenklub and the Rotary are in unison. A part

of the Prussian aristocracy has already been so corrupted as

to consider as peers those who grab money and speculate on
oil. The German Rotary Club has a secretary general, a man
with a ring on his finger and his conscience, as the
conservative American journals say. He is responsible for
placing devoted creatures at the crossroads of the sphere
of public influence as once William I knew to choose
appropriate men for strategic posts. Writers, close to the
collaboration in this work, which consists of burnishing the
reputation of the capitalist system, are encouraged by public
appeals guaranteeing them large circulation. The
marginalized are made to toil in a conspiracy of silence until
they until they shut up or become pliant. In Germany, the
principal monitor of this society of salvage is the Deutsche
Allgemeine Zeitung, an organ that strives courageously to
maintain its position. With ruthlessness, it attempts to
elaborate a new ideology of the capitalist economy. There is
always money, when it acts to procure Praetorian Guards:
such imbeciles can make a career in this fashion. The
principles are the most firm among the many leaders of
collapsed parties when they have shown them the fortune
they could make. Even those who began as a social
revolutionary can become a little chief of Pinkerton. The
Rotary has already played many tricks on us.
The anti-capitalist sentiment which dwells in our youth is healthy. It sees the
corruption and the pressure of German decline that the capitalist system is in
the process of provoking. In the Germany of today, there are only people
greedy to make a career, without moral principles, corrupted or better
encrusted in the past that can then be on the side of capitalism. When an
apostle of capitalism appears, he would be better to stay on guard; he risks

finding himself in bad company. Then, where we plead in favor of the

system, a bad smell spreads. We no longer have the conviction, we only have
the skill to advocate it. For a high wage or a large honor, we are ready for
anything.
In todays epoch, a German who wants liberty cannot be a capitalist by
conviction. Also, in Germany, the capitalist ideas no longer have the
freshness of life but resemble the excessive makeup of prostitutes we feel
that somehow that when we maintain people for only a moment, they will be
available and obedient. Thus, a young man, a member of the Deutsche
Volkspartei or an editor of certain journals is today in reality nothing other
than a young man. He has no opinions to defend, only functions to fulfill.
To cling to the hope of being able to bring back his youth, by reasoning, by
capitalist opinions, is a pedantic error. The youth are conscious of this shame
which consists of wanting to sell German labor for French francs. It equally
knows that it is impossible to shake the yoke of tribute without braking at the
same time the entire capitalist system with its ordinances on propriety, its
right of obligations, and its interests. It sees through the gross materialism of
the capitalist defense and it is disgusted when it sees it adorn itself in an
idealism that acts as the plumes of a peacock. It knows that this defense is not
convincing with the force of its arguments but with the importance of its
bribes. It is probably inevitable that some will leave to buy it. But this fact is
far from speaking in favor of capitalism. All on the contrary, it reinforces
distrust in this regard. The youth, in the measure where it remains pure, hears,
behind the noise of cold hard cash, a clattering of teeth.

We can no longer save capitalism. Luckily, where Mendelssohn and Warburg

have power, the German youth refuse to obey