A Classification of Sexual

Homicide Against Men

International Journal of
Offender Therapy and
Comparative Criminology
Volume 51 Number 4
August 2007 420-432
2007 Sage Publications
10.1177/0306624X06294432
http://ijo.sagepub.com
hosted at
http://online.sagepub.com

Eric Beauregard
University of South Florida, Tampa

Jean Proulx
University of Montreal, Canada

The observation and description of 10 cases of sexual murderers of adult male victims
lead to the identification of significant differences between this type of sexual murderer
and sexual murderers of adult female victims. A classification is proposed based on the
description of the entire criminal event. Three distinctive types are identified: (a) the
avenger, (b) the sexual predator, and (c) the nonsexual predator. The motivation and
the characteristics of the entire criminal event, which includes the study of the offender,
the victim, and the context of the crime are discussed for the three types.
Keywords:

sexual homicide; classification; criminal event; sexual offender

or a murder to be considered sexual Ressler, Burgess, and Douglas (1988) suggested that the homicide has to include at least one of the following: (a) victims
attire or lack of attire, (b) exposure of the sexual parts of the victims body, (c) sexual positioning of the victims body, (d) insertion of foreign objects into the victims
body cavities, (e) evidence of sexual intercourse (oral, anal), and (f) evidence of substitute sexual activity, interest, or sadistic fantasy such as mutilations of the genitals.
Sexual homicide is a crime that rarely occurs. Between 1974 and 1986, there were
305 sexual homicides (23 per year on average) in Canada. This number represents only
4% of all homicides committed during this time period (Roberts & Grossman, 1993).
In comparison, in the United States, between 1991 and 1995, an average of 199.6 sexual homicides per year was reported, representing .9% of all homicides committed during this period (Meloy, 2000). Despite these disproportionately low numbers, sexual
homicides and sexual murderers have been the subject of much research. However, it
should be noted that the official rates of sexual homicide might be a severe underestimate of the actual level (Grubin, 1994).
Different typologies of sexual homicide have been identified by researchers
(Beauregard & Proulx, 2002; Beech, Robertson, & Clarke, 2001; Clarke & Carter, 1999;
Authors Note: Correspondence should be addressed to Eric Beauregard, PhD, Assistant Professor,
Department of Criminology, University of South Florida, 4202 E. Fowler Avenue, SOC107, Tampa,
Florida, 33620-8100, USA; phone: (813) 974-9907; e-mail: ebeaureg@cas.usf.edu.
420

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Beauregard, Proulx / Classification of Sexual Homicide 421

Folino, 2000; Kocsis, 1999; Keppel & Walter, 1999; Meloy, 2000; Ressler et al., 1988;
Revitch & Schlesinger, 1981). All of these typologies present some limitations as to
(a) the number of participants, (b) the source of data, (c) the type of variables included,
(d) the classification method, and (e) the type of sexual murderers (serial, nonserial, and
woman, man, and child victims; Beauregard, Proulx, Brien, & St.-Yves, 2005).
Using cluster analysis, Beauregard and Proulx (2002) identified two profiles in the
offending process of nonserial sexual murderers of adult women: the sadistic pathway
and the angry pathway. Offenders using the sadistic pathway planned their offense,
selected a victim who was unknown to the murderer, and used physical restraints during
the offense. Furthermore, they mutilated and humiliated their victim and hid the body of
the victim. Offenders using the anger pathway had not premeditated the homicide, nor
had they preselected the victim before the offense. Mutilation, humiliation, and physical
restraints were not predominant in the crimes of these offenders, and the offenders were
more likely to leave the body at the crime scene after the killing occurred.
Beech, Fisher, and Ward (2005) used a grounded theory approach to analyze the
interviews of 28 sexual murderers (24 sexual murderers of adult women and 4 sexual
murderers of children). Their analysis permitted the identification of five implicit
theories: (a) dangerous world, (b) male sex drive is uncontrollable, (c) entitlement,
(d) women as sexual objects, and (e) women as unknowable. Among these five implicit
theories, three different groups could be identified, each one exhibiting a different
motivation. The first group was characterized by the implicit theories of the dangerous
world and the uncontrollable male sex drive. These sexual murderers tend to be motivated by urges to rape and murder. The second group was characterized by the dangerous world, in the absence of male sex drive is uncontrollable, and was motivated by
grievance, resentment, and/or anger toward women. Finally, the third group included
implicit theories of male sex drive is uncontrollable in the absence of dangerous world.
This group was associated with a motivation to sexually offend but being prepared to
kill to avoid detection, or to control the victim (Beech et al., 2005).
Typologies of sexual murderers identified so far have pointed to the heterogeneity
of this type of murderer (Beauregard et al., 2005). However, the sexual homicide of
women was the most frequently studied. Consequently, little research has been completed on other types of sexual murderers, especially on sexual murderers of men.
Sexual murderers of men correspond to the same definition of sexual homicide
given by Ressler et al., (1988). However, Drake (1999) identified other elements typical in cases of homosexual homicide: death does not occur on the offenders territory, no signs of forced entry, body found in the bedroom, signs of overkill and arson
are evident, robbery occurred, and the victim lived alone.

Homosexual Homicide Typology

To our knowledge, only one typology of sexual homicide of men has been developed. Based on his investigative experience, Geberth (1996) suggested a six-type

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422 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology

classification of homosexual homicide: (a) interpersonal violence-oriented disputes

and assaults, (b) murders involving forced anal rape and/or sodomy, (c) lust murder,
(d) homosexual serial murders, (e) robbery and/or homicide of homosexuals, and
(f) homophobic assaults and gay bashing. The last three types are not motivated
by sex, but by power, financial gain, or hate. The interpersonal violence-oriented disputes and assaults are the most common type of sexual homicide of men. These are
mostly the result of disputes between partners, ex-partners, or love triangles. This type
of homosexual homicide may include instances where ground rules are not respected
by one of the parties involved in the sexual activity (e.g., an older male attempting to
carry the sexual activities beyond what has been negotiated). Often, these homicides
are committed in a context of prostitution, where the prostitute or hustler denies being
a homosexual and responds with extreme violence to this threat to his masculinity.
The second type of homosexual homicide identified by Geberth (1996) describes
murders involving forced anal rape and/or sodomy. These murderers are usually sexually motivated; however, there is no sexual gratification associated with the killing.
Death occurs mainly from the amount of force used to overcome the victims resistance or to prevent identification.
The third type identified is the lust murder. These homicides often present evidence
of sadism and mutilation to the victims genitals. The crime is meticulously premeditated according to the deviant sexual fantasies of the offender. According to Geberth
(1996), the offender will exhibit several characteristics of Hares (1993) description of
a psychopath, such as conning, superficially charming, and callousness.
Homosexual serial murders correspond to the fourth type identified by Geberth
(1996). They hunt for vulnerable victims that are easy to control such as children and
prostitutes. These homicides involve lust murders, thrill killings, child killings, and
robbery homicides that are homosexually oriented. They can be characterized by
acts of mutilation and dismemberment of the victims bodies to shock those who will
find it, to facilitate its transportation, or simply to prevent the victims identification.
According to Geberth, sex is secondary; control and power over the victim are
the main motivations of these offenders. Three subtypes (not mutually exclusive,
because of victim opportunity and availability) of homosexual serial murderers
could be distinguished: (a) the homosexual serial killer who exclusively targets other
male homosexual victims, (b) the homosexual-oriented serial killer who attacks heterosexual and homosexual victims, and (c) the male pedophile homosexual serial
killer who attacks young males and boys (Geberth, 1996).
In the robbery and/or homicide of homosexuals, offenders hunt for potential
victims engaging in high-risk behaviors (e.g., cruising) in locations known to be frequented by some homosexuals (e.g., gay bars, saunas). Others, either alone or in a
group, will use homosexual prostitution as a vehicle to assault or rob a gay customer
who is willing to pay to have sex.
Finally, homophobic assaults and gay bashing incidents are performed by individuals showing an intense hatred for homosexuals.

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Beauregard, Proulx / Classification of Sexual Homicide 423

Aims of the Study

The typology by Geberth (1996) is interesting, particularly from an investigative
viewpoint because the main characteristics concern the crime scene. However, it suffers from two main limitations: (a) the sample is not described and (b) the variables
included are limited to the crime scene, neglecting the precrime phase and the characteristics of the offenders. Therefore, to better understand sexual murderers of men,
the aims of the current study is first to describe a group of men who have killed
another man in a sexual context. Second, to further encourage the research on the
different types of sexual homicides of men, the review of these cases leads us to
develop a classification on this particular type of sexual murderer.

Method
To qualify for the current study, participants had to meet at least one criterion of
the definition of a sexual homicide used by Ressler et al. (1988). All sexual murderers
incarcerated in the province of Quebec, Canada, between 1998 and 2000 were identified and met with. Of these, 60 signed a consent form before participating in the
research project and 22 refused to do so.1 For the purposes of the current study, only
participants who had male victims age 14 years or older were retained. Murderers who
had killed children (13 years or younger) or adult females were not considered. A total
of 10 sexual homicides of male victims age 14 years or older were remaining.
Two male criminologists interviewed the 10 participants on the following topics:
crime phase variables (e.g., crime scene variables, acts committed while committing
the crime), disinhibitors (e.g., deviant sexual fantasies, alcohol, drugs, pornography),
occupational problems (e.g., compulsive work, loss of job), relationship problems
(e.g., loneliness, separation, familial difficulties), and victim characteristics. Before
the interviews, all of the information contained in the participants institutional files
was reviewed. This allowed us to corroborate the information that the participant
provided during the semistructured interview. In the event of a discrepancy, precedence was always given to official data. The police reports of the sexual murders
were also reviewed. Different police agencies were visited to gather as much information as possible to reconstruct the offense. On occasion, the autopsy reports and
the crime scene photographs were also consulted.

Results
Table 1 shows frequencies for offender and victim characteristics. It can be seen that
in cases of sexual homicide of men, the victims are generally older than their offenders.
The murderers in the sample are on average 27.8 years old at the time of the crime, compared to 33 years old for the victims. These results are in agreement with studies on

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424 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology

Table 1
Frequencies of Offender and Victim Characteristics
Offender and Victim Characteristic
Offender
Age (mean) at the moment of the crime
Marital status
Single
Living with a partner
Married
Race (White)
Effective academic degree
Primary level
High school level
Job at the moment of the crime
Victim
Age (mean) at the moment of the crime
Race (White)
Prostitute and/or strip dancer
Under the influence of drugs and/or alcohol
at the moment of the crime
Living alone
Homosexual orientation

Frequency

SD

27.8

10.06

7/10
2/10
1/10
10/10

70
20
10
100

4/10
6/10
3/9
33.0
9/10
0/10
4/9
5/10
6/9

40
60
33.3
14.79
90
0
44.4
50
66.7

homosexual violence (Sangarin & Macnamara, 1975; Tremblay, Boucher, Ouimet, &
Biron, 1998), which report that victims of homosexual homicides are usually older than
the offender.
Two thirds of the sexual murderers in the sample killed a victim who was of homosexual orientation. Even if this particular result is not reported in other studies on
sexual homicide, it suggests that the routine activities of some victims may put them
more at risk for such crimes (Felson, 1998). A single homosexual man may look for
sexual contact with unknown partners in gay bars, therefore increasing their risk of
being victimized by a predator. Moreover, in one half of the cases in our sample,
victims were living alone. According to Felson (1998), the absence of a capable
guardian is a factor that increases the probability of a crime from being committed
by a motivated offender. Knowing that the victim lives alone ensures the offender that
there will be no witnesses and no one to interfere during the crime.
Finally, in four cases it was reported that the victims had used drugs or alcohol
prior to the crime. This consumption of drugs and/or alcohol, combined with a desire
to have sexual contact with another man, may have reduced the victims ability to
assess the potential dangers of bringing home a stranger. Furthermore, it is possible
that victims under the influence of drugs and/or alcohol may be more vulnerable
because they are less able to defend themselves during an attack.
As can be seen in Table 2, the majority of sexual murderers of male victims used
alcohol and/or drugs before the crime. It can be hypothesized that the consumption

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Beauregard, Proulx / Classification of Sexual Homicide 425

Table 2
Frequencies and Mean for Criminal Career Variables
Precrime Factor
Occupational problems
Loss of job
Financial difficulties
Relational problems
Ending of relationship with partner
Marital problems
Interpersonal conflict with victim
Alcohol prior to crime
Drugs prior to crime
Pornography prior to crime
Deviant sexual fantasies prior to crime

Frequency

1/9
4/10

11.1
40

2/9
1/9
3/9
8/10
5/10
1/10
2/10

22.2
11.1
33.3
80
50
10
20

of drugs and/or alcohol served as a disinhibitor resulting in anger and violence for
some sexual murderers of men. However, it is interesting to note that this consumption of drugs and/or alcohol is similar to the behavior demonstrated by some sexual
murderers of adult female victims from Beauregard and Proulxs (2002) study.
Nonetheless, it is possible that sexual murderers, and sex offenders in general, want
to excuse their offending behavior by blaming their intoxicated state (Amir, 1971).
Langevin, Ben-Aron, Wright, Marchese, and Handy (1988) reported that substance
abuse in individuals who committed homicide and sexual assault is more serious
than in the general population and could contribute to the crime by disinhibiting rage
and stimulating sexual desire (Yates, Barbaree, & Marshall, 1984).
It is interesting to note that four sexual murderers from the sample reported financial problems prior to the crime. This result, which is particular to the current study,
may be related to a motivation that is other than sexual or vindictive for these sexual
murderers. For some sexual murderers in the current sample, burglary was the main
motive to commit the crime; however, because of unplanned situational elements (e.g.,
unable to control the victim), the burglary degenerated into murder. Burglary has been
linked to sexual homicide by other authors (Schlesinger & Revitch, 1999).
Finally, only two sexual murderers in the current sample admitted to deviant sexual fantasies prior to the crime. This result corresponds with observations of sexual
murderers of female victims in that only a minority of them are sexually motivated.
Langevin et al. (1988) found that 31% of sexual murderers reported sexual gratification as a motivation, whereas 69% identified a fusion of anger and sexuality. In
Beauregard and Proulxs (2002) study, 33.3% of sexual murderers of female victims
reported deviant sexual fantasies before committing the crime.
Table 3 presents results for the criminal antecedents of the sexual murderers of men.
As can be seen, the majority of the offenders had criminal antecedents before committing their homicide. Results from Nicole and Proulxs (2005) study reveal similar

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426 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology

Table 3
Frequencies for Precrime Factors Related to the Offender
Criminal Antecedent
Property crimes
Nonsexual violent crimes
Sexual crimes
More than one type of crime (Versatility)

Frequency

SD

7/10
5/10
5/10
7/10

70
50
50
70

4.6
3.4
1.9
5.3

4.5
8.4
0.9
4.2

results. Sexual murderers of female victims presented, on average, 3.05 charges for
property crimes, 5.20 charges for violent crimes, and 2.43 charges for sexual crimes.
However, results from Langevin et al. (1988) are different, showing that sexual murderers from that sample presented few criminal antecedents. The 12 sexual murderers
from that sample had an average of .75 charges for property crimes, .75 for violent
crimes, and .67 charges for sexual crimes. It is possible that the differences between
these studies are due to extreme values that strongly influence the mean, especially in
small samples (e.g., a sexual murderer of men from the current sample had a total of
56 criminal antecedents, in which 27 were for violent crime) or due to the nature of the
sample (psychiatric hospital vs. penitentiary).
Concerning the crime characteristics, it is noteworthy that almost all crimes committed by sexual murderers of male victims in our sample were premeditated.
Ressler et al. (1988) found that 86% of organized sexual murderers premeditated
their offense compared to 44% for disorganized offenders. In Grubins (1994) study,
one third of his sample planned the offense, whereas in Beauregard and Proulxs
(2002) study, only 5% of sexual murderers who used the anger pathway premeditated the crime compared to 81% of sexual murderers who used the sadistic pathway.
The use of a weapon is a crime characteristic that distinguishes sexual murderers
of male victims from sexual murderers of female victims. In the current study, 8 of
10 offenders used a weapon to commit their crime. Similarly, in the 37 cases of
homosexual serial homicides reported by Geberth (1996), 35 victims were killed
either by a firearm or a knife. According to Miller and Humphreys (1980), a knife
was used in 54% of cases of homosexual homicides, and in 19% of cases a firearm
was used, often after the stabbing and assault. In sexual murderers of women, the
preferred method used to kill the victim is strangulation (Beauregard & Proulx,
2002; Grubin, 1994; Langevin et al., 1988; Williams, 1999). Two possible explanations could account for such a difference. First, male victims possess greater physical force than female victims, and offenders may want to prevent opposition or
resistance. Second, it is possible that the use of a weapon is directly related to the
premeditation of the crime, the weapon being used primarily to threaten and/or to
control the victim during the burglary or sexual assault. This result is compatible
with opportunity theory of crime (Felson, 1998; Miethe & Meier, 1994)

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Beauregard, Proulx / Classification of Sexual Homicide 427

Table 4
Frequencies for Crime Characteristics
Crime Characteristic
Premeditation
Stranger victim
Selection of victim
Search for distinctive characteristics in victim
Accomplice
Kidnapping attack
Use of a weapon
Use of physical restraints
Resistance (physical) of victim during the crime
Use of physical violence
Anal sex
Mutilation of victim
Humiliation of victim
High probability of being apprehended
Crime lasted more than 30 mins
Victims body hidden or moved

Frequency

8/10
4/10
4/10
2/10
3/10
0/10
8/10
3/10
8/10
7/10
3/8
1/10
2/10
3/10
5/10
6/10

80
40
40
20
30
0
80
30
80
70
37.5
10
20
30
50
60

Mutilations rarely occur in our sample. This result contrasts drastically with the
literature on homicide of men where mutilations, and especially overkill, are typical
characteristics (Geberth, 1996). Moreover, a study by Bell and Vila (1996) revealed
that overkill was greater among homosexual victims of homicide compared to heterosexual victims. One possible explanation is that mutilation and/or overkill has not
been well documented in the available data.
Cases of sexual homicide from the current sample seem to present a certain
degree of organization. Along with the premeditation of the crime and the use of a
weapon, 6 sexual murderers of 10 reported having moved or hidden the body after
the crime. Hiding or moving the victims body after the crime is usually an attempt
to delay body discovery and to conceal evidence. Moreover, it may provide more
time for the offender to flee the crime scene, come up with a good alibi, or even to
move to another city or another state. In cases of sexual homicides of men, it is possible that high organization is related to the crime location such as the offender or
the victims residence. In those cases, it is crucial to move the victims body to not
be associated with the crime.

Toward a Typology of Sexual Murderers Against Men

Descriptions of sexual murderers of adult male victims provide some understanding of this particular type of sexual homicide and also of the main features. However,
such descriptive analysis of each variable separately does not offer a clear picture of

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428 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology

the context in which the crimes are committed. This is why a classification of sexual
murderers who killed men is proposed to take into account the entire criminal event of
the sexual homicide, including the study of the offender, the victim, and the context of
the crime (Meier, Kennedy, & Sacco, 2001). Because of the small sample size of the
current sample, it was not possible to conduct statistical analyses.

The Avenger
Individuals corresponding to this type of sexual murderer are usually involved in
prostitution activities and can be of homosexual, heterosexual, or of bisexual orientation. The consumption of drugs and alcohol is an important feature of these murderers. They have been convicted of crimes against property and of violent crime
before the murder. Most of them have experienced psychological, physical, and sexual abuse during childhood. Moreover, the type of sexual activity requested by the
client in a prostitution context, or a triggering event occurring during or after the sexual exchange, may trigger memory from the abuse, unleash the rage of the offender,
and lead to the homicide. This is similar to the interpersonal violence-oriented disputes and assaults type of Geberth (1996). The offender is avenging himself directly
on his partner for all the grievances (present or past) that he feels he has been a
victim of. The homicide is preceded by anger and is committed by strangulation or
by using a weapon of opportunity (kitchen knife, a pillow, phone cord). Because of
the rage of this offender, evidence of expressive violence can be found on the victim,
who is usually older than the offender.

The Sexual Predator

The second type of sexual murderer of male victims identified is the sexual predator. This offender is mainly motivated by deviant sexual fantasies, as is the lust murderer of Geberths typology (1996). Homosexual in sexual orientation, he presents
criminal antecedents of sexual crimes, especially against male children or adolescents. For these sexual murderers, the sexual assault and the homicide are premeditated. More often, the targeted victim is an adolescent or a young man, unknown to
the offender, and not necessarily of homosexual orientation. The offending process
starts with the abduction and/or confinement of the victim, and sadistic acts (mutilations, sodomy, and humiliation) are performed during the crime. Evidence of
expressive violence is found on the victims body. The crime usually lasts more than
30 minutes but can go as long as 24 hours in some cases.

The Nonsexual Predator

The last type identified is the nonsexual predator. This type of sexual murderer
is not motivated by anger or by deviant sexual fantasies. The homicide is not planned
but is more accidental or instrumental. The principal motivation for the crime is to

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Beauregard, Proulx / Classification of Sexual Homicide 429

rob the victim, as in the type of robbery and/or homicide of homosexuals described
by Geberth (1996). In most of the cases, this type of sexual homicide can be
described as a robbery that degenerated into the death of the victim because of his
resistance. Predation is related to the choice of victim: Often, this offender uses the
visibility and the homosexual orientation of the victim to seduce him and to bring
him to an isolated area (usually the victims residence) where he will be able to commit his crime without interference. His hunting field is established according to the
availability of targets and potential victims. Thus, gay bars, cruising bars, and
places reputed to be frequented by homosexuals are attractive to this offender. The
victim is chosen for his vulnerability (lives alone, reluctant to report a robbery to the
police, feels guilty after being manipulated, etc.), his easy access (lives or goes often
to the gay district), and his visibility (gay bars and gay district are usually frequented
by homosexuals: some are very open about their sexual orientation).
The murderer may be heterosexual or homosexual; he may act alone or with the
help of an accomplice. The crime may be committed with a weapon found on the
crime scene or brought by the offender. Violence is instrumental in the sense that it
serves to commit the burglary or to overcome the victims resistance. Usually, the
victim is not sexually assaulted; however, sexual contact may occur between the
offender and the victim to manipulate the victim. The sexual contact would serve to
trap the victim. The crime phase is generally of short duration, with the offender
leaving the crime scene right after the homicide. Sexual murderers of this type may
use alcohol or drugs prior to the crime. Often, they have a diversified criminal career
with an emphasis on crimes against property.

Concluding Remarks
We deliberately decided to avoid using the terminology homosexual homicide to
designate sexual murderers of male victims for two reasons: (a) sexual murderers of
men encompass the killing of homosexual men and heterosexual men and (b) sexual
homicide of men refers specifically to the killing in a sexual context, as defined by
Ressler et al. (1988). Our results seem to demonstrate that homosexual men are victimized mainly because of their situational vulnerability. Life habits or routine activities of these men may have increased their risk of becoming a victim of sexual
homicide. Routine activities theory demonstrates that the probability that a crime
will occur depends on three factors: an attractive target, the absence of a capable
guardian, and the presence of a motivated offender (Felson, 1998). This theoretical
framework is directly applicable to the sexual homicide of men. As can be seen from
the current results and in other studies, male victims of sexual homicide generally
live alone, have used alcohol or drugs before the crime, are reputed to not report certain crimes to the police, and some of them go to gay bars to get acquainted with a
stranger or to cruise. Thus, certain types of criminals choose these hunting fields
to select an attractive (for money, sex) and vulnerable target.

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430 International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology

Sexual murderers of male victims exhibit a variety of motivating factors. Some

are motivated by revenge, others by profit or sadistic fantasies. It is interesting to
note that revenge and profit are motivations that have not been found in the sexual
homicide of women. Moreover, these motivations are directly related to specific contexts (e.g., financial difficulties, prostitution), which once again highlight the importance of looking at the entire criminal event in sexual homicide.
Besides differences in motivation, sexual murderers of male victims distinguish
themselves from other sexual murderers by the choice of an older victim, who lives
alone and is usually of homosexual orientation. Furthermore, almost all of these individuals use a weapon to commit their premeditated crimes. Because of the higher
potential for physical resistance of male victims, offenders not only need to plan their
crimes but also figure out ways to overcome the victims resistance or simply to control the victim. In addition, compared to the sexual homicide of women, strangulation
is not the preferred method to kill the victim in the sexual homicide of men. Finally,
financial difficulties have been reported only in cases of sexual homicide of men.
This exploratory analysis of only 10 cases of sexual murderers who had male
victims has shown that these individuals exhibit a variety of motivations, but also
different patterns of offending compared to sexual murderers of female victims.
Such an observation supports the fact that some victim characteristics (e.g., age and
gender) may significantly influence the offending process of sexual murderers.
Similar studies have been conducted on other specific types of sexual homicide:
Safarik (2002) examined the sexual homicide of elderly victims, and Myers (2002)
examined juvenile sexual homicide. We believe that this type of research, even with
small samples, should continue to be conducted to better understand this rare but
very serious crime. However, it should be noted that generalization of the results
may be hampered because of the small sample size and the potential biases associated with the use of only incarcerated sexual murderers.

Note
1. Offenders who refused to sign the consent form were not interviewed, and no information was collected through their case file. Those individuals were simply not included in the current study.

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