Bello - The Afavid Episode - Transition From Spirtual To Temporal Leaders - Is - 1984

THE AFAVID EPISODE: TRANSITION FROM SPIRTUAL TO TEMPORAL LEADERS
Author(s): Iysa Ade Bello

Source: Islamic Studies, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Spring 1984), pp. 1-19
Published by: Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, Islamabad
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20847251
Accessed: 17-08-2016 12:39 UTC
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THE ? AFA VID EPISODE :TRANSmON FROM SPIRT?AL

TO TEMPORAL LEADERS
Iysa Ade Bello

Notwithstanding the fact that a lot of valuable researches have been
done on the Safavid history, many questions are still hanging unanswered
or clarified. This obscurity that prevails on ?afavid history is due to
several causes :
(1) The endeavour of the ?afavids themselves to distort their own

history by fabricating an4Alid genealogy and destroying any extant proof
that could lead to the trace of their real genealogy for political reasons.
(2) The majority, if not all of the ??favid archives got lost. The
survival of these archives might have solved many prbblems.
(3) Contradictory accounts of the sources. This happens in most
cases between the ShVl and the Sunn? sources, a measure that puts
researchers in a state of dilemma : an indiscriminating reliance on Sunn?
accounts whose writers were not always saf? from prejudice* incurs un
warranted accretions or discredits to the ?afavid history from the part of
a researcher just as an indiscriminating reliance on the ?afavid sources
can lead to the same result but in a different manner. This problem
has been solved to a large extent by the independent European sources
whose accounts when available or more specifically, accessible, certify the
credibility of either sources in every given case. But the confusion arises
where these European independent sources or other indejpendent evidence
are not to be found. This is probably one of the areas that are not yet
finally clarified by the recent research.
(4) Owing to the fact that the ?afavids began their affair as a
??fl order, mixture of mystical and legendary anecdotes with pure Historical
events occurred in their chronicles. To sift the historical events from these
mystical and legendary anecdotes sometimes needs an intuitive j>ower of
discrimination between these two. Even the most able scholars may
stumble at this juncture.
(5) Scarcity of information. This is particularly true of the period
before Sh?h Ism?'?l I.
AYSA ADE BELLO
The seemingly surprising phenomenon is that the indigenous

Persian scholars, except for few, have little concern for a thorough study
of this part of their national history that, in my opinion, can enable them
to understand several things about the present. For the ?afavid dynasty
is the cradle of our contemporary modern Iran. For example, the unre
solved struggle for power between the religious and secular leaders of Iran
today is a heritage which emanated from the ?afavid state.
This paper will deal with the rise of the ?afavids ; from the founder
of the ?afavid Order, ?af? al-D?n Isfc?q to Shah Ism?'?l I, the founder of
the ?afavid Dynasty. Because of the scope of the paper, historical details
about Sh?h Ism?'?l will not be given but instead we shall summarise
major events.
The word ?afav? has been derived from ?af? al-D?n, * the name of
Shaykh ?af? al-D?n Isr??q,the great grandfather of Shah Ism?'?l, the founder
par excellence of the ?afav? dynasty.2

Despite recent research, little is known about the origins of the
Safavid family. This is due to the fact that after thejestablishment of their
dynasty, the ?afavids seem to have fabricated a sh?'? origin and destroyed
any evidence that could prove that they were really not sayyids: direct
progeny of the Prophet. The dubious genealogy traces them to M?s?

al-K?zim, the seventh Im?m. To substantiate their claim, a number of
ingenious and sornewhat naive anecdotes were incorporated to the text
of a hagiological work on the biography of ?af? al-D?n.3 The fallacy

of this genealogy has been demonstrated by a number of leading modern,
scholars, Ahmad Kasraw? (who was himself a sayyid), 7L V. Togan, V.

Minorsky, Muhammad Qazw?n? and others4 that there is no need to dwell
on it here. However the scanty evidence that was obtained suggests that
the family hailed from Kurdistan. But it is certain that the ?afavids were
of Iranian origin and spoke Adhar?, a Turkish dialect widely spoken in
Azarbaij?h.5
The first member of the ?afavids whose record we have is one
Fhuz-Shih, a wealthy landowner who lived around the beginning of the
fifth/eleventh century on the frontiers of Azarb?ij?n and GD an, in the
northwest of Persia. This F?ruz-Sh?h or his son transferred to Ardabll,
a? towii im eastern Azarbag?n?, whieh henceforth became the c?ntrei of the
?afavids' activity. Ardab?l and dependencies were l^tei; ^ot^f to^the*;
SAFAVID EPISODE
family as an iqta from the central government6 "F?r?z-Sh?h and his
descendants busied themselves with agricultural pursuits, and [acquired a
reputation for abundant piety and zealous religious observance, to such an
extent that numbers of the local population were moved to declare themse
selves their mur ids or disciples."7
The role of the Safavids as leaders in Persia started with Shaykh
Saf? al-D?n?. He was born in 650/1252-3 at Ardab?l to become the fifth
of seven children of his father, Khw?ja Kam?l al-D?n 'Arabsh?h who died
six years later. Saf? al-Din grew up without mixing wtih other children9 ;
instead, he devoted his time to religious exercises.1 o He experienced

visions and at the age of twenty,11 in S?f? fashion, he left his hometown
in search for inspiration and spiritual guidance and headed for Shir?z
with the intention of attending the lectures of a certain Shaykh 2 who was
recommended for him. He arrived there to find out that the Shaykh had
already died.13
At Sh?r?z, he made acquaintance with many pious dervishes and
devout men among whom were Shaykh Rukn al-D?n al-B?d?wi, Amir
'Abd Allah 14 and Zahr al-D?n, the son and the successor of Shaykh
Buzg?sh. He was finally referred to Shaykh Z?hid-i G?l?n?, the head of
a local S?fi order, named after himself, as the only person in the
world who could satisfy his spiritual needs.15 Four years elapsed before
he could trace the Shaykh in 675/1276-7, to a village near the Caspian

Sea after a relentless search.16 Shaykh Z?hid was sixty years old by that
time and ?afi al-D?n was twenty-five. 1 ? He then married Shaykh Z?hid's
daughter and gave his own daughter in marriage to Shaykh Zahid's son.
The Shaykh chose him for his favourite disciple on whom he depended as
he grew older.1 8 Safi al-D?n succeeded Shaykh Z?hid on his death at the
age of eighty-five in 700/1301 as the head of Z?hidiyyah order 19 whose
name was thence called after Saf? al-D?n : Safaviyyah. From now on,
we shall refer to Saf? al-D?n as Shaykh Saf? al-D?n or the Shaykh. The
headquarters of the ?afav? order was now transferred to Ardab?l2 0 with the
return of Shaykh Saf? al-D?n there. The order became very popular and
attracted a large number of inhabitants of that region. 21 People from
outside the region, Asia Minor in particular, went in large groups to

Ardab?l to visit, pay homage to the Shaykh and join his order.22 The
tremendous influence of Shaykh ?af? al-D?n was felt in the whole area
AYSA ADE BELLO
even by the Mongol Ilkh?ns and their chief ministers who also paid homage
to him. 2 3 Shortly before his death he had travelled to Mecca to perform
pilgrimage. He became ill on his return and then passed away twelve
days later in the year 735/September 12,1334 but not before he had designa
ted his son, ?adr al-Din, as his successor. 24 It is noteworthy to mention
here that despite the fact that the succession was transferred to Shaykh
?af? al-D?n, not on hereditary basis but merit, the Safavids made sure
that the succession remained hereditary in their family until the end of the
dynasty.2 5 "The significant contribution of ?af? al-D?n to the rise of the

Safavids is that he transformed a ??f? order of purely local importance to a
religious movement whose influence was felt not only within the borders
of Persia, but also in Syria and eastern Anatolia. In these areas the
religious propaganda (da'wa) of the ?afavids won many converts among the
Turcoman tribes which later formed the elite of the ?afavid fighting forces.
The most important of these tribes were the Ust?jl?, R?ml?, Sh?ml?,
Dulgadir (Dhu'l-Qadr\ Takkal?, Afsh?r and Qajar."26 Chroniclers of
this period have good things to say about the Shaykh's piety, devoutness
and spiritual dignity. The people of Ardab?l, most of whom were the
Shaykh's followers, we are told, were then predominantly Sunn? Mus
lims 2 7 of the Sh?fi'? school. Shaykh ?af? al-D?n appears to have been a
Sunn? Mujtahid2 8, for, when he was once asked about his madhhab, "He
replied that he believed in the madhhab of the imams (i.e. the four schools
of Ab? Hanifa, Sh?fi'?, M?lik and Ibn Hanbal) whom he loved, and that
from among the four madh?hib he chose those hadiths that had the
strongest chain of authority (isn?d) and were the best (ajwad) and applied
them. He added that he did not allow for himself or his murids any licence
in these matters but rather carried out the details that are expressed in
various madh?hib."29
On the death of his father, ?adr al-D?n M?s ? took the lead of the
order at the age of thirty one. He followed in the footsteps of his father and
besides, he is credited with many miracles, the most outstanding of which

was his recovery and restoration of the door of the central mosque of Arda
b?l which had been carried away by the Georgian attackers who raided the
town about 600/1203-4.3 0 He also survived an attempt to appropriate

his family's land by Malik-i Ashraf who was later defeated and put to death
by J?n? Beg Kh?n, son of Uzbek. The latter having conquered Malik-i
Ashraf, treated Shaykh ?adr al-D?n with reverence31 and returned the
estates to him.3 2 Shaykh ?adr al-D?n enjoyed this kind of veneration from
SAFAVID EPISODE
Mongol notables and some of them converted to his order and became his
mur?ds.s3. One of his famous disciples was the poet Q?sim al-Anw?r.3 6
Shaykh ?adr journeyed to Mecca for pilgrimage like his father and died
shortly after he returned in 794/1392. He led the order for 59 years.3 7
It was then the turn of his son Khw?ja 4All to head3 s the order
which he did from 794/1391-2 until his death in 830/1427.3 9 He continued
on the line of his forefathers and displayed miraculous deeds.4 o Not
withstanding, his era was noted for a remarkable change of the order from
pure Sunn? mysticism to a Sh?'? one. Under the leadership of Khw?ja

the order adopted Sh?'ism and grew political ambition.4 * This move
of conversion to Sh?'ism on the part of the Safavids appears to be purely
political. Persia was at that time in a state of anarchy, divided into Khana
tes and provinces among the combating rival princes. It was the neighbour
of two great Sunn? empires: the Ottoman and the Mongol. Nevertheless,
it embraced and still does the largest Sh?'? population in the Muslim
World.4 2 Hence, when political ambition crept into the order, the Safavid
rightly considered the adoption of Sh?'ism as the most effective systematic
political strategy.
There was another important episode under Khw?ja 'Alf s leader
ship that immensely contributed to the ?afavid cause. This was his inter
cession with T?m?r to set free a number of Turcoman prisoners he had
brought back with him from Anatolia after he had conquered the Ottomans
in 804/1402. "The significant point here, though, is the fact that these
captives were followers of the Order, and when set free they were sent back
home to Anatolia, with representatives (Khulafa) appointed to go with

them and were told, 'Let your comings and goings be not frequent, for the
advent of the righteous Duodeciman {ithna 'ashar?) religion is nigh and you
must be ready to sacrifice your lives"'.43 The grateful descendants of

these Turcomans later known as Qizilb ?sh turned out to be the most devoted
adherents and supporters of the ?afavid family 44 Khw?ja 'All died and was
buried in Palestine while he was carrying out the Safavid propaganda in
that Mami?k territory45 on his return from pilgrimage to Mecca.46

ivfothing that is worthy of mention occurred during the period of his son
and successor, Shaykh Ibr?h?m, better known as Shaykh Sh?h. The

activity of the order appears to have sunk to its lowest point under him.47
He is even omitted entirely in the succession by some chronicles.48 He
became the leader of the order in 830/1427 and died in 851/1447.49
AYSA ADE BELLO
With the succession of Shaykh Junayd, the militant character of the

order made itself felt and the political ambition of the ?afavids came to
the surface.50 This was carried further by Haydar 1 and finally reached
its climax with Ism?'?l. The ?afavid activity alarmed Jih?n Sh?h the Kara
Koyunlu, 'Black Sheep', ruler of Azarbaij?n and he expelled Shaykh

Junayd from Ardab?l.51 The latter won the favour of Uzon Hasan,
married his sister, Khad?jah Begum, 52 and thereby formed an alliance
with the ?k-Koyunl?, 'White Sheep' dynasty.53 TheKar?-Koyunl? were,
as were the Ak-Koyunl?, Sunn?s while the ?afavids were Sh?'?s. But this
alliance was called for because the Ak-Koyunl? sought to find in the
?afavids who had a large number of followers a substantial backing against
their superior rival who was then the dominant political power in Persia
and the eastern Fertile Crescent. The ?afavids having a similar purpose,
both parties overlooked their religious differences and antipathy.54 Fadl
Allah ibn R?zbih?n Khunj?, a Sunn! chronicler, says about Junayd:
When the boon of succession reached Junayd, he altered the way
of life of his ancestors : the bird of anxiety laid an egg of longing

for power in the nest of his imagination. Eevery moment, he strove
to conquer a land or a region.55

Our historian continues to tell us about another important change that
took place during Junayd's period: the adoption of extreme Shfism.56
He states that the disciples of the Order "openly called Shaykh Junayd
God (il?h), and his son, Son of God (ibn All?h)... In his praise they said:
'he is the Living One, there is no God but he.' Their folly and ignorance
were such that, if someone spoke of Shaykh Junayd as dead, he was no
more to enjoy the sweet of beverage of life; and if someone said that a part
of his body (head) was missing, they would give up the threshing ground
of his existence to the wind of non-existence."58 This open heresy

accommodated in the order by Junayd was apparently devised for political
ends. For by claiming this super-human and divine role, the leaders of the
Order could win the zeal of their disciples and lead them to ghaz? and
hence conquest.59
Junayd made extensive preparations for his military career. On
assuming the leadership of the Order, after his expulsion from Ardab?l,60
he travelled to various parts of Syria recruiting his men, or else giving them
instructions about his future plan.6* He now combined temporal power

with spiritual leadership on the grounds of which he urged his mur Ids
SAFA VID EPISODE
to wage Jih?d against the -infidels-and he began to call himself 'Suit au
Junayd.'62 He then headed for Trapezund with a group of his men in

?861/1456, to carry on the Jih?d against that Byzantine enclave. He won
initial victories but failed to capture the city which the Ottoman Sultan
Mehmed II ultimately conquered in 866/1461.6 3 It was after the seige
of Trapezund that he went to Diy?rbakr and made up an alliance with
Uz?n Hasan.64 In 863 Junayd made an unsuccessful attempt to force his
way back to Ardab?l.65 Failing to accomplish this, he turned his atten
tion northwards and set out for a campaign against the Georgian Cherkes
of the area of Caucasus in 864/1459-60, with ten thousand men.66 On his
way, he carried out a successful raid against Darband but was later drawn
into a battle with the Prince of Sh?rw an, Suit ?n Khal?l through whose terri
tory he had to pass. The ?afavids lost the battle and Sultan Junayd was
killed fighting at the foot of the Caucasian range in 864/1460.6 7
Junayd's son, Haydar succeeded and inherited the warlike spirit

of his father.68 He preserved his alliance with his now aged maternal
uncle, Uz?n Hasan by marrying the latter's daughter, Marta, known

otherwise as Hal?ma.69 Hyadar, in preparation for the Jih?d devised
several thousand pikes, coats of mail, swords and shields and made them
available to his men70 who now declared his divinity, gathered to him
"as their god (ma'b?d) and, neglecting the duties of nam?z and public
prayers ('ib?d?t\ looked upon the Shaykh as their qibla and the being to
whom prostration was due (masj?d)".71 He also designed for them the
distinctve headgear with twelve gores or folds symbolising the twelve
Sh?'? Iim?ms.72 He then asked his followers to be ready for the Jih?d
against the unbelievers of Cherkes and D?ghist?n.73 But Haydar had
to obtain clearance for his expeditions from the central authority vested in
the Ak-Koyunl? ruler, Sultan Ya'q?b, the son of the demised Uz?n Hasan.
For everyone of Haydar's three expeditions, Suit an Ya'q?b granted him

clearance. However, he did not get the third one until he sent his mother
all the way to Qum for it. Sultan Ya'q?b in turn dispatched letters
to Farr?kh-yas?r, son of Sultan Khal?l ordering him to secure safe conduct
for Haydar and his militant disciples in their march towards the north.74
The ?afavids were triumphant in these campaigns and returned to Ardabll
with booties and captives.75

The alliance between the Ak-Koyunl? who after overthrowing the
Kar?-Koy?nl? had control over most of Persia in 872/1467, and the
AYSA ADE BELLO
??favids collapsed when the latter turned the former to be a target for their
political ambitions.76 This was aroused by Sh?rw?nsh?h, Farr?kh

yas?r who drew Ya'q?b's attention to the ?Safavid's political ambitions.77
In 893/1488, Haydar set out for an expedition against the infidels, and en
route attempted to avenge his father by crushing Sh?rw?nsh?h. The two

parties joined forces against the Safavids who suffered a severe defeat7 8
and their leader, Haydar was beheaded in the battle.79
"Within a short time after the death of Haydar, a large number of
??f?s had gathered round Sult?n at Ardab?l, some to congratulate him

on his accession to the leadership of the Safavid Order, and others to incite
him to avenge his father. Ya'q?b became apprehensive of this throng

of S ?f?s, and despatched a force to Ardab?l to arrest Suit ?n 1 , his younger
brothers Ibrahim and Ism?'?l, and their motherHal?ma Beg??gh?. They
were sent to F?rs and confined in the fortress of Istakhr under the sur
veillance of the governor of F?rs, Mans?r Beg Purn?k. Apparently

Ya'q?b considered putting Sultan 6All to death,but spared his life out of
consideration for 'Alamsh?h80 Begum who was 'Alfs mother and his
own sister. The three brothers were imprisoned for four and a half years,
from about February 1489 to August 1493. At the time of his arrest,
Ism?'?l, the youngest of the three brothers, was less than two years old,
having been born on 25 Rajab 892/17 July 1487."81 Their release took
place at the end of Shaww?l/beginning of August 14938 2 by the order of
Sult?n Rustam the grandson of Uz?n Hasan of the Ak-Koy?nl?.83
Meanwhile, a power struggle sprang out among members of the

family of Suit ?n Ya'q?b the Ak-Koy?nl? ruler after his death on 11 Safar
896/24 December 1490.8 4 The release of these three brothers served the
political purpose of Rustam and he finally subdued all of his rivals with
the help of the ?afavids to whom he later granted permission to return to
Ardabil to look after the interests of the Order. The ?afavid activities
made Rustam realize what a political threat they constituted.85 To safe
guard his rule and himself he ordered for their arrest and confinement at
Khoy. Eventually, they were able to escape and head for Ardab?l. Know
ing about the escape, Sult?n Rustam immediately sent Ayba Sult?n in
their pursuit; "should Sult?n 'Ali once enter Ardab?l," he said, "which
God forbid!?the deaths of 10,000 Turcom?ns would be of no avail."86
On his way, having premonition that his end was near, Sultan 'Ali designa
SAFAVID EPISODE
ted his youngest brother, Ism?'?l as successor and had him sent ahead to
Ardabil in the custody of seven picked men8 7 but not before he prophesied:
"Oh my brother !. The die of heaven has been cast in your name, and
before long, you will come out of G?l?n like a burning sun, and with your
sword sweep infidelity from the face of the earth."88 Sultan was
afterwards overtaken by Rustam's forces and killed.89
'All became the third of the ?afavid leaders who were killed in the
battle successively. Ism?'?l and his other brother Ibr?h?m, eluded house
to-house search undertook in Ardabil to find out their whereabouts and
then fled to Gil ?n where they were given asylum at L ?hij an.9 0 Fortunately
for them, a Dynastic feud prevented their foes from tracing out their track.91
InGil?n, Ism?'?l and a small number of devoted ?afavid disciples knitted

out and accomplished perfect plans for toppling the Ak-Koy ?nl? Empire.9 2
Within almost five years that he spent in Gil ?n, Ism?'?l kept in close contact
with his followers who continued propaganda for the ?Safavids wherever
they were. Albeit, the Ak-Koy?nl? rulers were preoccupied in their power
struggle and they were not therefore able to take any effective or positive
action to put an end to those activities.93 Having regrouped his men,

Ism?'?l set out to make his bid for power in 905-6/1500 with seven
thousand dervish gh?z?s who assembled at Erzerum.94 After the conquest
of Sh?rw?n,95 he marched on Azarbaij?n and in the Spring of 906/1501,

he met the Ak-Koy?nl? army of thirty thousand men and defeated them
severly at the battle of Sh?r?r96 near Nakchiv?n. "Although the rest of
Persia was not brought under ?afavid control for another ten years, this
was the decisive battle of the revolution."97 After the battle, Ism?'?l
entered Tabriz in the Summer of 906/1501 and proclaimed himself Sh?h
Ism?'?l to become the first ruler of the new ?afavid Dynasty but for now,
with authority over the region of Azarbaij?n only.98
On his accession, Ism?'?l decided to proclaim Shfism as the official
religion of the new state.99 He was earnestly dissuaded from taking this
step by even his ardent supporters on the grounds that such an ? initiative
would be suicidal in the midst of subjects, the majority (at least two-thirds)
of whom were Sunn?s. 00 But Ism?'?l did not soften his position,
He insisted on carrying out his plan saying : "I am committed to this action,
God and the Immaculate Imams are with me, and I fear no one; by God's
help, if the people utter one word of protest, I will draw the sword and leave
not one of them alive."10 2 Ithn ? 'ashar? Sh?'ism was eventually proclaimed
AYSA ADE BELLO
10
as the official religion of the new state o 3 and Sh?h ?sm?'?l decreed that
all preachers throughout the realm should "incorporate in public prayer^
also into public calls to prayer (adh?n) a distinct Sh?'ite formula :

bear witness that 'All is the Friend (Lieutenant?) of God', a formula which
had been abandoned since the defeat and death of al-Basri, the Commander
in-chief of the Buyid forces, at the hand of the Seljuk Turks, five hundred
and twenty-eight years before. This order was accompanied with the
institution of the public curse of Ab? Bakr, 'Umar, and 'Uthm?n, the three
'usurpers'" o 4 and the glorifying of 1 and his two sons (the Martyrs),
Hasan and Husayn in the khutbah of Friday prayers.10 5 As it was already
mentioned, this was a political strategy, for it differentiated the ?afavids
from the Sunni Ottomans, who were then the major power in the Muslim
World and hence inculcated in the minds of their subjects the sense of
national unity which promoted the creation of a Persian national state
that might have otherwise been swallowed by the Ottoman Empire.
Within a decade from the date of his coronation, Shah Ism?'?l

extended his empire to the whole of Persia 106 and annexed the eastern
Fertile Crescent to the ?afavid dominion.107

A considerable number of outstanding Sh?'? scholars were invited
to Persia from Jabal 'Am?l in Lebanon and from al-Bahrayn both of which
were known to be the seats for Sh?'? learning in that era, in order to contri
bute to the process of transforming Persia to a Sh?'? state.108 As he had
vowed at his coronation, Sh?h Ism?'?l used violent measures in this process
of transformation.10 9
Using the simple language of the majority of his subjects and

addressing them in their own tongue, Ism?'H fostered in these often illiterate
and superstitious tribesmen the belief that he was the manifestation of
God himself. This was recorded in his poems written under the pen
name Khat?'? in a Southern Turkish (Turcoman) dialect which is more or
less similar to the so-called Azarbaij?n Turkish.110 Among other
things he says :
Know for certain that Khat?'? is of divine nature,111
I am God's eye (or "God Himself"!); come now,

0 blind man gone astray, to behold Truth (God).
1 am that Absolute Doer of whom they speak.
My being is God's house,
SAFAVID EPISODE
Sun and moon are in my power.
My being is God's house,know it for certain.
Prostration before me is incumbent on thee, in the morn and
even.112
I am always with God, (but) today I have come (here).113
The response from the neighbouring Ottoman empire was un

surprisingly antagonistic : the Shaykh al-Islam in Istanbul issued a fatw?
against Sh?h Ism?'il and his Sh?'? subjects. "He described the Iranians
as degenerate both in doctrine and manners and accused them of omitting
prayers, corrupting the text of the Koran, cutting their beards, dishonouring
the holy colour of green (!). In short, he regarded them as the 'kennel of
uncleanliness and sin' and ordered the believers to kill the Iranian here
tics."114 This encouraged the initiation of the system of inquisition thro
ugh which a large number of the Sh?'? citizens of the Ottoman Empire were
massacred,115 tortured116 or forced into exile 117 as a retaliation for Shah
Ism?'?l's persecution of the Sunn?s in his territory and also as a security

measure taken against revolts and probable revolts in the predominantly
Sh?'? regions under the Ottoman Empire.118
Having obtained the fatw? from the Shaykh al-Isl?m and the
'Ulama' in Istanbul, the Ottoman Sult?n Selim I made up his mind to
reverse the weak policy of his predeccessor Bayezid II,118a who was lenient
with the Safavid aggressions,119 by going to war with Shah Ism?'?l I to

uproot the ?afavid regime in 920/1514.12 0
The motive of the Ottomans behind this war was both religious,121
as the paper has already pointed out, and political. The political aspect
of it seems to be more important.122 This was the establishmjent of the
?afavid State itself under the banner of Sh?'ism; a measure which represen
ted a regular political threat to the Ottoman Empire, the majority of whose
Turcoman subjects in the eastern Anatolia were Sh?'? supporters of the

?afavids.12 3 The threat materialized in 918/1512 when Ism ?'?l deliberately
endeavoured to undermine the ottoman authority in this area.

The two armies met on 2nd of Rajab 920/August 22nd, 1514125 at Ch?l
dir?n, northwest of Azarbaij?n.126 The Ottomans crushed the ?afavid
army and there was a tremendous number of casualties on both sides.12 7
Selim occupied the capital of the Safavid state, Tabriz on 15

Rajab 920/5 September 1514 and intended to winter there. But his
11
AYSA ADE BELLO
12
proposal was rejected by the Janissary officers who obliged him to evacuate
Tabriz, only eight days after its occupation. He wintered at Amasya. 2 8

It was the Ottoman firearms that decided the result of the battle and
not the logistics as asserted by Walsh.129 Also, Professor Savory has

systematically refuted the traditional claim that the ?afavids did not use
firearms at Ch?ldir?n because the Persians were not at that period familiar
with firearms and that firearms were only introduced to Persia by Anthony
and Robert Sherley. This he efficiently did in his two articles : "B ?r?d"13 0
and "The Sherley Myth."131

Within one or two weeks of the Ottoman evacuation, Shah Ism?'?l
returned to Tabriz.132 The immediate result of the defeat was that the
?afavids lost the province of Diy?r Bakr and the regions of Mar'ash and
Albist?n to the Ottoman Empire.13 3 More important than that of course
was the psychological effect of the Ottoman conquest for "Ism?'fl's defeat
by the Ottomans at Ch?ldir?n?his first defeat?destroyed the legend of
his invincibility. This legend was based on his pretensions to a quasi

divine status, and, after Ch?ldir?n, the Qbilbash, although they continued
to pay lip-service to this idea, showed clearly by their actions that they no
longer accorded any special reverence to the person of their ruler,"134
a measure which consequently upset the administrative set-up of the ?afavid
state.135
Ism?'?l, therefore, attempted to console himself with drunkenness
and lustful enjoyments.136 He never again led his troops into military
campaigns for the remaining ten years of his life until he died in 930/1524.13 ?
In conclusion, the accession of Sh?h Ism?'il to the Persian throne

was a turning-point in the history of Persia. For the first time since the
Arab Conquest, Persia was able to stand on its own feet as an independent
national state in the modern sense of the word, even though this nationality
was not based on ethnic considerations. It was founded on religious

affinity.138 This is probably the greatest achievement of the ?afavid
Dynasty, but it is not without disadvantages. The proclamation of Persia
as an ithn? 'ashar? Sh?'? state had ever since isolated Iran from the rest of
the Muslim world and created continuous suspicion between them. More
significant from my own view is the internal instability that the adoption
of Sh?'ism as a state religion has caused and continues to cause even in our
SAFAVID EPISODE
contemporary Iran. Perhaps because it has been around for a long time,
and more likely because of the mechanism of its doctrine, or both, the
distribution of power between the secular and religious leaders in Sunn?
Islam has been settled long time ago. As for the Sh?'i Islam, this problem
is not yet resolved perhaps because of its relatively nascent existence as a
state religion and more likely because of the set-up of its doctrine. For
theoretically, in a Sh?'? state, the Immaculate Im?ms, each in his own era,
were both the spiritual and temporal power and in their absence, this posi
tion is assumed by the Mujtahids who are the representatives of the Imams.
Any intervention with or attempt to effect a serious change in this

mechanism has always resulted in disaster. Hence there has always been
a power struggle between the secular and religious leaders in Iran starting
from Shah 'Abbas I onward.139
It was also with the advent of the ?afavid dynasty that the royal
power revived in Iran with its full past prestige and theological origin140 as
well as the establishment of a central government that continued with few
intermissions up till the present day. Finally, the writer opines that the
thorough understanding of the Safavid Dynasty can help to understand and
solve the problems of the present Iran, for history is a chain of events.
Editor's Note : In some passages of this article emotive phraseology has been slightly
changed with the permission of the learned writer.
FOOT NOTES
1? (^) is an adjective (-^) from The a? in isinverted to

and the adjectival 'ya? ( ^r^5'6^.) is added to it as the final letter. Hence, it is
spurious to say that safavi has been derived from $?ft for though, they both
(assuming that the word stiff is the passive voice of ) belong to the
same root but they are of totally different forms : safi is of the first form whiie
s?fiisof the third. It seems to me that the misconception about the
derivation of the word Safavi arose from its incorrect pronunciation by the
Europeans before the 20th century. For the controversy on this issue, see
Malcolm (Sir) John, The History of Persia from the Early Period to the
Present Time, pp. 320?32 (footnote).
2. Ramazani, R.K., The Foreing Policy of Iran, p. 13.
3. Savory, R.M., "The Safavid Persia", The Cambridge History of Islam, Vol.
1, p. 394.
4. For details see, Mazzoui, M.M., The Origins of the Safawids, pp. 47?50.
5. Savory, R.M., "The Safavid Persia," op. cit., p. 394.
6. Mazzoui, op. cit., p. 51.
13
14 AYSA ADE BELLO

7. Savory, R.M., "The Safavid Persia", op. cit., p. 394.
8. Malcolm, op. cit., p. 320.
9. Browne, E.G., "Notes on Apparantly Unique Manuscript History of the

Safavid Dynasty of Persia", JRAS, 1921, p. 399.
10. Babinger, F., "$af ? al-D?n, En, Vol. 4, p. 56 and passim.
11. Savory, "The Safavid Persia", op. cit., p. 395.

12. Babinger, in EU, Vol. 4, p. 57 named this Shaykh to be Naj?b al-D?n BuzghOsh
and cited the date of his death to be 678/1279. One of the two, the name or the
date, must be wrong for as we have mentioned above, ?afi al-D?n went to
Sh?r?z at the age of twenty. That would be the year 670/1272-3, about eight
years before 678/1279 the year cited for Shaykh Najib al-D?n'death. Further
more, sources tell us that ?af? al-Din met Shaykh Z?hid when he was twenty
five years old. That means he met him three years before the death of Shaykh
Naj?b al-D?n whom Saf ? al-D?n is said to have found dead according to Babinger,
himself and other sources (e.g. Browne, E.G., A Literary History of Persia,
Vol. 4, p. 42) more than four years before he met Shaykh Z?hid.
13. Babinger, ?p. cit., p. 57.

14. Babinger, op. cit., p. 57.
15. Browne, A Literary History of Persia, op. cit., p. 42.
17. Browne, The Literary History, op. cit., p. 42.

20i Savory, "The Safavid Persia", op. cit., p. 395.

22. Browne, The Literary History, dp. cit., p. 44.
23. Mazzoui, op. cit., p. 5?.

24. Babinger, op. cit., p. 57.
25. Savory, R.M., "Some Reflections On Totalitarian Tendencies in the Safavid
State", Der Islam, Band 53, July 1976, p. 229.

28. A mujtahid, according to Sunnis is one who has acquired the sharVah knowledge
to such an extent that he does not need to abide by any legal opinion of any
school of thpught but chooses those opinions as occurred to him to be sound or
invents one of his own in the light of his knowledge of the principles of Islamic
jurisprudence. Ijtih?d is therefore the opposite of taqlid : immitation or

following what is laid down by others without questioning or examining it.

30. Browne, The Literary History, op? cit., p. 44.
31. Al-?arr?f, A.H., ?l-Shab?k Miri Fir?q aUGhulat FiaWlf?q, p. 240.

SAFAVID EPISODE 15
33. Savory, "The Safavid Persia", op. cit., p. 396;
36. Savory, R.M., "Some Reflections on Totalitarian Tendencies in the Safavid
State", op. cit., p. 227.
38. Minorsky, V., An Abridged Translation ofFadlult?h b. R?zbihan Khunfi's T?rikhU
'Alani-?r?ryi Amint, p. 63.

40. Ibid., p. 46.

41. Savory, "The Safavid Persia", op. cit., p. 396. See also Savory, "The Struggle
for Supremacy in Persia after the Death of Tim?r", Der Islam, Vol. 40, Par. 1,
1964, p. 56.
42. Yet, the Sunnis were about two-thirds of the whole population.
43. Mazzoui, op. cit., p. 54. See also Browne, The Literary History, op. cit., p. 46
and the footnote No. 2 on the same page.


48. E.g. The History of Persia by Sir J. Malcom.
50. Savory, "The Safavid Persia", op. cit., p. 396. See also Minorsky and Co.,
Persia the Immortai Kingdom, p. 140 and Savory, "Some Reflections", op. cit.
p. 227.
52. Browne, "Notes on An Apparent Unique Manuscript" op, cit., p. 411.

55. Khunj?/Minorsky, op. cit., p. 63.
56. Minorsky, V., (translator), Tadhkirat aUMul?k, p. 125.
58. Khunji /Minorsky, op. cit., p. 66.

60. Ibid., p. 74. See also Minorsky and Co., Persia the Immortal Kingdom, op.
cit., p. 140.
61. Minorsky, V., "Shaykh B?li Efendi on the Safawids", B.S.O.A.SX1951), p. 439.

64. Minorsky and Co., Persia the Immortai Kingdom, op. cit., p. 396.
65. ? Savory; "The Safavid "'Persia**,' -c?K, p. -'396.

67. Minorsky and Co., Persia the Immortal Kingdom, op. cit., p. 140.
68. Sykes, (Sir) P.M., A History of Persia, p. 159.
16 AYS A ADE BELLO

69. Minorsky and Co., Persia the Immortal Kingdom, op. cit., p. 140.
70. Khunj?/Minorsky, op. cit., p. 68. See also Savory, "Some Reflections", op.
cit., p. 231.
71. Khunj?/Minorsky, op. cit., p. 66.
72. A -Sarr?f, op. cit., p. 242.

73. Savory, R.M., "The Struggle for Supremacy in Persia after the death of T?m?r",
op. cit., p. 55.

74. Mazzoui, op. cit., 75.
75. Ibid., p. 76.
76. Savory, "The Safavid Persia, op. cit:\ p. 396.
77. Savory, "The Struggle", op. cit., p. 55.

80. This is the same lady we referred to as Marta in a previous page.
82. Ibid., p. 57 (footnote No. 218)

83. Browne, The Literary History, op. cit., p. 49. Some sources (Ibid., p. 49 and
Malcolm, op. cit., p. 313) tell us that they were not released but they took the
advantage of the anarchy that arose after Ya'q?b's death and escaped to Ardab?l.
85. Ibid., p. 58.

88. Ross, E.D., "The Early Years of Sh?h Ismail, the Founder of the Safavi
Dynasty" (Anonymous) JRAS, 1896, p. 252.
90. Ross, op. cit., p. 287.

91. Savory, "The Struggle", op. cit., pp. 59-60.
92. Ibid., p. 62. See also Savory, "The Safavid Persia", opt cit., pp. 397-398.
93. Savory, "The Struggle", op. cit., p. 62 and Savory? ''The Safavid Persia", op.
cit., p. 397. I do not disregard measures taken to curb the Safavids but I believe
that more effective measures might have been taken if their opponents were not
handicapped \with internal disorder.

94. The ruler of Shirw?n Farr?kh-yas?r was killed in this battle.
95. Ibid., p. 398.

96. Minorsky and Co., op. cit., p. 140.
97. Savory, Safavid Persia, p. 398
98. Ibidi, p. 398. ,

99. Razi, Gholam Hossein, Religion and Politics in Iran : A Study of Social Dyna
mics, p. 101.
101. Razi, op. cit., p. 101.

102. Browne, The Literary History, op. c/7., p. 53.
SAFAVID EPISODE 17
103. Savory, "The Safavid Persia", op. cit., p. 598. See also "The Safavid State and
Polity", Iranian Studies, 7iii (1974) p. 187, by the same author.
104. Razi, op. cit., p. 104.
105. Browne, The Literary History, op. cit., pp. 53-54.
106. Savory, R.M., "Ism?'?l", EP, Vol. 4, p. 186.

107. Huart, C.L., "Isma ", En, Vol. 2, p. 544. For the details of these battles, see
Savory, R.M., "The Consolidation of the Safavid Power in Persia", Der Islam,
Band 41 (1965) pp. 71?81.

108. Nasr, H sein* "Religion in Persia", Iranian Studies, 7iii-iv (1974), p. 274.
109. Wilber, D.N., Iran : Past and Present, p. 69. For details of his persecution and
torture of the Sunnis, see Algar, Hamid, "Some observations on Religion in
Safavid Persia", Iranian Studies, 7iii-iv (1974), pp. 290-91 and Savory, "The
Consolidation", op. cit., pp. 82-87.
110. Ibid., p. 72.

111. Minorsky, V., "The Poetry of Sh?hlsm?'il", BSOAS, LI (1940?42), p. 1043a.
112. Ibid., p. 1047a.

113. Minorsky, "The Poetry of Shah Ismael", op. cit., p. 1048a.
114. Razi, op. cit., p. 104.

115. Sykes, op. cit., p. 162and Aramajani, Y.,Iran,p. 92. Sources (two of which are
cited above) give the number of the Shi'i put to death in Anatolia by the Otto
mans as forty thousand. There may be some exaggeration in this, or may be

it is cited to denote large quantity as usual in this kind of occasions with oriental
sources.
116. Walsh, J.R., "C?ldir?n", En, Vol. 2, p. 7.

118. Bausani, A., The Persians from the Earliest Day to the Twentieth Century, p. 138.
118a. Ramazani, Selim's letter to Ism?'?l (p. 17).
119. Browne, The Literary History, op. cit., pp. 67?72. See also Bausani, op. cit.,
p. 138.
120. Ramazani, op. cit., p. 16.

121. Minorsky, "Shaykh Bali-Efendi" op. cit., p. 440.
122. Minorsky, "Shaykh B?l?-Efendi", op. cit., p. 441.
123. Savory, "The Saf?vid Persia", op. cit., p. 400.
124. Savory, "Some Reflections", op. cit., p. 235.
125. Walsh, "C?ldir?n", op. cit., p. 7.

126. Savory, R.M. "The Sherley Myth", Iran, Vol. 5, (1967), p. 73.
127. For the numeration of the casualties on both sides see Savory, "The Consolida
tion", op. cit., p. 90.
128. Savory, "The Sherley Myth", op. cit., p. 73.
129. Walsh, op. cit., pp. 7-8. For details, see Savory, "The Sherley Myth", op. cit.,
p. 73.
130. EI2, Vol. 1, pp. 1066?1068.
18 AYSA ADE BELLO

131. op. cit., pp. 73?81.
133. Savory, "The Consolidation", op. cit., p. 91.

134. Savory, RM., "The Principal Offices of the Safawid State During the Reign of
Ism?'?l I (907?30/1501?24)", BSOAS, 23 (1960), p. 91.
135. Ibid., p. 91.

136. Savory, "The Consolidation", op. cit., p. 93.
137. Gandjei, T., "Ism?'?l", Ell, Vol. 4, p. 186.
138. See Savory, "The Safavid State and Polity", op. cit., pp. 205-6.
139. Minorsky, Tadhkirat al-Mul?k, op. cit., p. 16.
140. Ramazani, op. cit., p. 100. The kingdom has recently fallen.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Algar, Hamid, "Some observations on Religion in Safavid Persia", Iranian Stu

7iii-iv, 1974, pp. 287?293.
Armajani, Y., Iran. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey : Prentice-Hall Inc., 1972.
Babinger, F., "Saf? al-D?n", EU, Vol. 4, pp. 56-57.
Bausani, A., The Persians, from the Earliest Days to the Twentieth Century. Tr
ted from the Italian by J.B. Donne. London : Elek Books Ltd., 1971.
Browne, E.G., A Literary History of Persia, Vol. IV : Modern Times (1500?19

Cambridge University Press, 1959.
-?. "Note on an Apparently Unique Manuscript History of the Sa

Dynasty of Persia", JRAS (1921), pp. 395?418.
The Cambridge History of Islam, Vol. I : The Central Islamic Lands, edited by
Holt, A.K.S. Lambton and B. Lewis. Cambridge University Press, 1970.
Gandjei, T., "Isma il", En, Vol. 4, pp. 186?188.
Ghirshman, Minorsky and Sanghui, Persia : The Immortal Kingdom. Lond

Orient Commerce Establishment, 1971.
Haig, T.W., "Safavids", En, p. 54-54.

Huart, CL., "Ism?'il", EU, Vol. 2, pp. 544-545?
Khunj?, Fadlull?h b. ROzbih?n, Persia in A.D. 1478?1490 being a translation o
author's T?rikh-i '?lam-?r?-yi Amint by V. Minorsky. R.A.S. Monograp
Vol. 26. London : Luzac and Col. Ltd., 1957.
Malcolm, J., The History of Persia from the Most Early Period to the Present T
Vol. I. London : John Murray, 1829,
Mazzoui, M.M., The Origins of the Safavids. Freiburger Islamstudien, Band

Wiesbaden : Franz Steiner Verlag, 1972.
Minorsky, V., "The Poetry of Sh?h Ismael", BSOAS, 10 (1940?42) pp. 1042a-105
-. "Shaykh B?l?-Efendi on the Safavids", BSOAS 20 (1957), pp. 437?450.
Minors ky, V., (ed. and transi .), Tadhkirat al-Mul?k. A Manual of Safavid Admi
tion (ca. 1137/1725). English text 218 pp., Persian Facsimile 130 pp. Lon
Luzac and Co. Ltd., 1943.
SAFAVID EPISODE 19
Nasr, Hossein, "Religion in Safavid Persia", Iranian Studies, 7iii?iv, 1974, pp. 271-286.
Ramazani, R.K., The Foreign Policy of Iran. A Developing Nation in World Affairs,
1500?1941. Charlottesville : University Press of Virginia, 1966.

Razi, Gholam Hossein, Religion and Politics in Iran : A study of Social Dynamics.
Ph. D. dissertation, University of California, 1957.
Ross, E.D., "The Early Years of Shah Ism?'?l, Founder of the ?afav? Dynasty",
JRAS (1896), pp. 243?340.
Alr?arr?f, A.H., Al-Shahak. Baghdad: Matba'at al-Ma'?rif, 1954.

Savory, R.M., "The Consolidation of ?afavid Power in Persia", Der Isf?m IV (1965)
pp. 71?94.
?-. "tfaydar", E/2, Vol. 3, pp. 315-316.
?-. "The Principal Offices of the Safavid State During the Reign of Ism?*?l
I (907-30/1501-24), " BSOAS, 23 (1960) pp. 91?105.
?-. "The Safavid State and Polity", Iranian Studies, (1974), pp. 179?212.
?-. "The Sherley Myth", Iran, Vol. 5, 1967, pp. 73?81.

?-. "The Struggle for Supremacy in Persia after the Death of T?m?r", Der
Islam, Vol. 40, Pt. 1 (1964), pp. 35?65.
?-. "Some Reflections on Totalitarian Tendencies in the Safavid State",

Der Islam, Band 53, (1976), pp. 226?241.
Sykes, P., A History of Persia, Vol. 2, 3rd edition. New York : Barnes and Noble
Inc., 1969.
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Wilber, D.N., Iran: Past and Present. Princeton University Press, 1948.

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THE AFAVID EPISODE: TRANSITION FROM SPIRTUAL TO TEMPORAL LEADERS

Author(s): Iysa Ade Bello

Islamic Research Institute, International Islamic University, Islamabad is collaborating with

THE ? AFA VID EPISODE :TRANSmON FROM SPIRT?AL

Iysa Ade Bello

or clarified. This obscurity that prevails on ?afavid history is due to

(1) The endeavour of the ?afavids themselves to distort their own

mystical and legendary anecdotes sometimes needs an intuitive j>ower of

before Sh?h Ism?'?l I.

AYSA ADE BELLO

The seemingly surprising phenomenon is that the indigenous

par excellence of the ?afav? dynasty.2

progeny of the Prophet. The dubious genealogy traces them to M?s?

of a hagiological work on the biography of ?af? al-D?n.3 The fallacy

scholars, Ahmad Kasraw? (who was himself a sayyid), 7L V. Togan, V.

of Iranian origin and spoke Adhar?, a Turkish dialect widely spoken in

?afavids' activity. Ardab?l and dependencies were l^tei; ^ot^f to^the*;

instead, he devoted his time to religious exercises.1 o He experienced

he could trace the Shaykh in 675/1276-7, to a village near the Caspian

outside the region, Asia Minor in particular, went in large groups to

AYSA ADE BELLO

to him. 2 3 Shortly before his death he had travelled to Mecca to perform

dynasty.2 5 "The significant contribution of ?af? al-D?n to the rise of the

besides, he is credited with many miracles, the most outstanding of which

town about 600/1203-4.3 0 He also survived an attempt to appropriate

pure Sunn? mysticism to a Sh?'? one. Under the leadership of Khw?ja

home to Anatolia, with representatives (Khulafa) appointed to go with

must be ready to sacrifice your lives"'.43 The grateful descendants of

that Mami?k territory45 on his return from pilgrimage to Mecca.46

and successor, Shaykh Ibr?h?m, better known as Shaykh Sh?h. The

AYSA ADE BELLO

With the succession of Shaykh Junayd, the militant character of the

Koyunlu, 'Black Sheep', ruler of Azarbaij?n and he expelled Shaykh

of life of his ancestors : the bird of anxiety laid an egg of longing

to conquer a land or a region.55

of his existence to the wind of non-existence."58 This open heresy

instructions about his future plan.6* He now combined temporal power

SAFA VID EPISODE

to wage Jih?d against the -infidels-and he began to call himself 'Suit au

Junayd.'62 He then headed for Trapezund with a group of his men in

Junayd's son, Haydar succeeded and inherited the warlike spirit

uncle, Uz?n Hasan by marrying the latter's daughter, Marta, known

For everyone of Haydar's three expeditions, Suit an Ya'q?b granted him

with booties and captives.75

Kar?-Koy?nl? had control over most of Persia in 872/1467, and the

AYSA ADE BELLO

political ambitions.76 This was aroused by Sh?rw?nsh?h, Farr?kh

route attempted to avenge his father by crushing Sh?rw?nsh?h. The two

??f?s had gathered round Sult?n at Ardab?l, some to congratulate him

him to avenge his father. Ya'q?b became apprehensive of this throng

brothers Ibrahim and Ism?'?l, and their motherHal?ma Beg??gh?. They

veillance of the governor of F?rs, Mans?r Beg Purn?k. Apparently

Sult?n Rustam the grandson of Uz?n Hasan of the Ak-Koy?nl?.83

Meanwhile, a power struggle sprang out among members of the

InGil?n, Ism?'?l and a small number of devoted ?afavid disciples knitted

action to put an end to those activities.93 Having regrouped his men,

of Sh?rw?n,95 he marched on Azarbaij?n and in the Spring of 906/1501,

AYSA ADE BELLO

all preachers throughout the realm should "incorporate in public prayer^

also into public calls to prayer (adh?n) a distinct Sh?'ite formula :

Within a decade from the date of his coronation, Shah Ism?'?l

Fertile Crescent to the ?afavid dominion.107

Using the simple language of the majority of his subjects and