Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
An Analysis
CONTENTS
A. Table of Cases......................................................................................................1
1. Introduction.........................................................................................................2
2. Composition of National Judicial Appointment Commission.........................2
3. Appointment of Judges: The Collegium System...............................................3
3.1 Evolution of the Collegium System.......................................................3
4. The Defects of the Bill.........................................................................................5
4.1 Veto power..............................................................................................5
4.2 The issue of Two eminent persons......................................................6
4.3 The political aspect.................................................................................6
5. The lone voice of dissent : Justice Chelameswar...............................................7
6. The view of the majority......................................................................................9
7. Conclusion:..........................................................................................................10
7.1 Recommendations:.................................................................................11
8. Bibliography:.......................................................................................................11
A. List of books referred:.............................................................................11
B. List of statutes referred:............................................................................11
C. List of journals referred:..........................................................................11
D. List of websites referred:.........................................................................12
E. List of E-News papers referred:...............................................................12
Table of Cases
S.No
1
Cause Title
S. P. Gupta v. Union of India - 1981( Judges'
Citation
AIR 1982 SC 149
Transfer case)
Lee v. Bude
L. R. 6 C. P. 576
1. Introduction :
National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC) was a proposed body which would have been
responsible for the appointment and transfer of judges to the higher judiciary in India. The Commission
was established by amending the Constitution of India through the ninety-ninth constitution amendment
vide the Constitution (Ninety-Ninth Amendment) Act, 2014 passed by the Lok Sabha on 13 August 2014
and by the Rajya Sabha on 14 August 2014.The NJAC would have replaced the collegium system for the
appointment of judges as invoked by the Supreme court via judicial fiat by a new system. Along with the
Constitution Amendment Act, the National Judicial Appointments Commission Act, 2014, was also
passed by the Parliament of India to regulate the functions of the National Judicial Appointments
Commission. The NJAC Bill and the Constitutional Amendment Bill, was ratified by 16 of the state
legislatures in India, and subsequently assented by the President of India Pranab Mukherjee on 31
December 2014. The NJAC Act and the Constitutional Amendment Act came into force from 13 April
2015.
On 16 October 2015 the Constitution Bench of Supreme Court by 4;1 Majority upheld the collegium
system and struck down the NJAC as unconstitutional after hearing the petitions filed by several persons
and bodies with Supreme Court Advocates on Record Association (SCAoRA) being the first and lead
petitioner. Justices J S Khehar, MB Lokur, Kurian Joseph and Adarsh Kumar Goel had declared the 99th
Amendment and NJAC Act unconstitutional while Justice Chelameswar upheld it1
This project aims at analysing the collegium system along with the NJAC Act and also review various
decisions that led to the striking of the THE CONSTITUTION (NINETY-NINTH AMENDMENT) ACT,
2014. The independence of judiciary and the theory of separation of powers are the main aspects that are
to be highlighted in this project.
1
2
Two other senior judges of the Supreme Court next to the Chief Justice of India -ex officio
http://www.livelaw.in/njac-unconstitutional-constitution-bench-41-2/
Sec 3, of THE CONSTITUTION (NINETY-NINTH AMENDMENT) ACT, 2014
(http://indiacode.nic.in/coiweb/amend/99th.pdf)
Leader of Opposition in the Lok Sabha (or where there is no such Leader of Opposition, then, the
Leader of single largest Opposition Party in Lok Sabha), provided that of the two eminent persons, one
person would be from theScheduled Castes or Scheduled Tribes or OBC or minority communities or a
woman. The eminent persons shall be nominated for a period of three years and shall not be eligible
for re-nomination.
SC judges are appointed by the President of India, only on the basis of binding recommendations made
by the collegium system a closed group consisting of Chief Justice of India and 4 senior most judges
of the court. The Union Cabinet and Parliament have almost no role to play in the appointments of
judges to Supreme Court or the High Court.
There is no mention of the collegium system in the constitution and it is a purely judicial innovated
system, evolved by the Supreme Court based on its decisions in the three judges cases to secure
judicial Independence and protect itself from unwarranted interference by the government, thus
emphasizing on the doctrine of separation of powers as enshrined in the constitution.
In S.P. Gupta vs. Union of India6 - Judgement in this case created problems for judiciary and
Executive became Powerful. In a decision rendered by a seven-judge Constitution Bench , the
3
4
5
6
majority held that consultation does not mean concurrence and ruled further that the concept of
primacy of the Chief Justice of India is not really to be found in the Constitution.
It was held that proposal for appointment to High Court can emanate from any of the four
constitutional functionaries mentioned in Article 2177 and not necessarily from the Chief Justice of
the High Court.
This decision had the effect of unsettling the balance till then obtaining between the executive and
judiciary in the matter of appointment. The balance tilted in favor of the executive. Not only the office
of the Chief Justice of India got diminished in importance, the role of judiciary as a whole in the
matter of appointments became less and less. After this judgment, certain appointments were made by
the Executive over-ruling the advice of the Chief Justice of India. Naturally, this state of affairs
developed its own backlash.
Article 50 of the Constitution, which speaks of separation of judiciary and executive and excluded
any executive say in the matter of appointment to safeguard the cherished concept of independence.
It held at the same time that it was open to the executive to ask the Chief Justice of India and his two
colleagues to reconsider the matter, if they have any objection to the name recommended but if, on
such reconsideration, the Chief Justice of India and his two colleagues reiterated the recommendation,
the executive was bound to make the appointment. In short, the power of appointment passed into the
hands of judiciary and the role of the executive became merely formal.
The 1993 decision was reaffirmed In re Special Reference 1 of 19989 in a unanimous opinion
rendered by a nine-Judge Bench of the Supreme Court on a reference being made by the President
under Article 143 of the Constitution.
All the basic conclusions of the majority in the 1993 decision were reaffirmed. There was, however,
some variation. It was held that the recommendation should be made by the Chief Justice of India and
his four senior-most colleagues (instead of the Chief Justice of India and his two senior-most
colleagues) and further that Judges of the Supreme Court hailing from the High Court to which the
proposed name comes from must also be consulted. In fact, the Chief Justice of India and his four
senior-most colleagues are now generally referred to as the Collegium for the purpose of
appointment of Judges to the Supreme Court.
Supra,5
judiciary. This particular provision could be missused and it could simply impede the judicial process
due to lack of judges. The veto power could be used mala fide or for some personal gain.
not of creating forward looking judges but judges looking forward to the office of Chief Justice. CJIs
appointment on merit under NJAC would have led to similar appointments.12
The greatest danger to the independence of judiciary does come from the executive. Though most of
our judges have been independent and fearless at times governments did succeed in appointing some
judges of their choice. It is an open secret that several judges have acted in favour of the ruling party
even in the highest courts over the years.
Justice JS Khehar in his judgment has expressed concerns about what he called the culture of
reciprocity. Human beings do live in a web of indebtedness whereby favours generate feelings of
obligation, and the desire to reciprocate. He observed:
Reciprocity and feelings of pay back to the political-executive, would be disastrous to the
independence of the judiciary. With the government as the biggest litigator and cases
coming up against ministers and governmental policies, reciprocity would certainly
impact decisions.
5.2 Assumption that "primacy of the judiciary" in the appointment of judges is a basic feature of
Constitution "is empirically flawed."
12 http://www.hindustantimes.com/analysis/collegium-system-is-a-lesser-evil-than-the-njac/storyX7pvxvm0XQFhA2W4oYJkxL.html
7
13 http://www.business-standard.com/article/current-affairs/njac-judgment-5-things-justice-jasti-chelameswar-said-in-his-dissent115101700188_1.html
5.3 There were cases where the apex court collegium "retraced its steps" after rejecting
recommendations of a particular name suggested by the High Court collegium giving scope for a great
deal of "speculation".
"There is no accountability in this regard. The records are absolutely beyond the reach of any person
including the judges of this Court who are not lucky enough to become the Chief Justice of India. Such
a state of affairs does not either enhance the credibility of the institution or good for the people of this
country.
5.4 "To hold that it (government) should be totally excluded from the process of appointing judges
would be wholly illogical and inconsistent with the foundations of the theory of democracy and a
doctrinal heresy," he said, adding Attorney General Mukul Rohatgi was right in his submission that
exclusion of the executive branch is destructive of the basic feature of checks and balances - a
fundamental principle in Constitutional theory.
5.5 "For all the above mentioned reasons, I would uphold the Amendment. However, in view of the
majority decision, I do not see any useful purpose in examining the constitutionality of the Act," the
judge said.
In other democracies, political figures control judicial independence with no detriment to judicial
independence. In the United Kingdom, the President and the Deputy President sit on behalf of the
Supreme Court, but the Lord Chancellor must approve any candidate recommended by the
commission.14 In the United States, federal judges are appointed by the President with the consultation
of the Senate.15 In Canada, the Governor-General is empowered by the Constitution with consultation
from the Privy Council.16 In South Africa, the Judicial Service Commission recommends judicial
nominees for the President who, after consultation with the Chief Justice makes the final appointment.
In Germany half the members of the Federal Constitutional Court are elected by the executive and half
by the legislature.17 Lastly in France Appointments are made by the President, he receives proposals
for appointments from Conseil Superieur de la Magistrature.18This shows that none of these countries
feel that the collegium system is essential to have an independent judiciary. They strike a balance
between the legislative, executive and judicial branch during the selection process.
14
15
16
17
18
The Conclusions of the Majority Judgment as narrated by Justice Kehar in PARA- 254-256 of the
Judgment
Article 124A constitutes the edifice of the Constitution (99th Amendment) Act, 2014. The striking
down of Article 124A would automatically lead to the undoing of the amendments made to Articles
124, 124B, 124C, 127, 128, 217, 222, 224, 224A and 231. This, for the simple reason, that the
latter Articles are sustainable only if Article 124A is upheld. Article 124A(1) provides for the
constitution and the composition of the National Judicial Appointments Commission (NJAC). Its
perusal reveals, that it is composed of the following: (a) the Chief Justice of India, Chairperson, ex
officio; (b) two other senior Judges of Supreme Court, next to the Chief Justice of India
Members, ex officio; (c) the Union Minister in charge of Law and Justice Member, ex officio; (d)
two eminent persons, to be nominated Members. If the inclusion of anyone of the Members of
the NJAC is held to be unconstitutional, Article 124A will be rendered nugatory, in its entirety.
While adjudicating upon the merits of the submissions advanced at the hands of the learned
counsel for the rival parties, I have arrived at the conclusion, that clauses (a) and (b) of Article
124A(1) do not provide an adequate representation, to the judicial component in the NJAC, clauses
9
(a) and (b) of Article 124A(1) are insufficient to preserve the primacy of the judiciary, in the matter
of selection and appointment of Judges, to the higher judiciary (as also transfer of Chief Justices
and Judges, from one High Court to another). The same are accordingly, violative of the principle
of independence of the judiciary. I have independently arrived at the conclusion, that clause (c)
of Article 124A(1) is ultra vires the provisions of the Constitution, because of the inclusion of the
Union Minister in charge of Law and Justice as an ex officio Member of the NJAC. Clause (c) of
Article 124A(1), in my view, impinges upon the principles of independence of the judiciary, as
well as, separation of powers. It has also been concluded by me, that clause (d) of Article
124A(1) which provides for the inclusion of two eminent persons as Members of the NJAC is
ultra vires the provisions of the Constitution, for a variety of reasons. The same has also been held
as violative of the basic structure of the Constitution. In the above view of the matter, I am of the
considered view, that all the clauses (a) to (d) of Article 124A(1) are liable to be set aside. The
same are, accordingly struck down. In view of the striking down of Article 124A(1), the entire
Constitution (99th Amendment) Act, 2014 is liable to be set aside. The same is accordingly hereby
struck down in its entirety, as being ultra vires the provisions of the Constitution.19
7. Conclusion:
It is quite clear from the majority opinion that the concept of separation of power and
independence of judiciary are vital aspects of our Constitution. Even under Article 50 20 there is a
mention of separation of judiciary from the executive. The theme of the constitution has always
tilted towards placing the three organs on the same level. This balance would have been tilted in
favor of Legislature if the NJAC Act or the 99th Constitutional Amendment Act was held
constitutional. The National Judicial Appointment Commission would have ensured transparency
to the appointment of judges , but at what cost has to be looked into. The collegium system
certainly has failed to be transparent and such a system has only been followed in India. It is quite
unique that the collegium system does not let any of the two organs interfere in appointment of
judges . The Constitution has no mention of such a system and this system has been evolved
outside the constitutional framework.
There are pros and cons that have to be weighed and a balance must be brought in . On one hand
19 Supreme Court Advocates-on-Record - Association and another Vs. Union of India ,Justice Kehar in PARA- 254-256 of the
Judgment (http://www.livelaw.in/njac-unconstitutional-constitution-bench-41-2/)
20 Art.50. Separation of judiciary from executive The State shall take steps to separate the judiciary from the executive in the
public services of the State
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Judiciary should be independent and on the other hand the collegium system is not the ideal way
for selection of Judges in a Democratic setup like India.Reforming of the existing system could be
the right way to tackle this issue rather than replacing the entire system.
7.1 Recommendations:
Transparency in the system is the first and foremost issue that has to be addressed. This can
simply be done by publishing the process of appointment in any public domain.
A committee could be setup to study the background of the person nominated for
consideration. This committee can contain members of the other two organs, this ensures their
participation.
Eligibility criteria for nomination could be formulated. This can ensure regional balance in
the appointment of judges. Along with this women judges can be ensured a place in the
judiciary.
Public opinion should be considered from time to time . No system can be permanent, it
needs to evolve according to the changing needs.
Public notification of vacancies will enable eligible candidates to apply for the posts and the
screening of such applications can take place . Such a step could be helpful in the backdrop of
criticism over the collegium system promoting favouritism and failing to appoint good
judges. The right to apply for a vacancy would not only ensure equal opportunity to those
eligible for the post but also give a chance to the collegium to choose from amongst the best.
8. Bibliography:
A. List of books referred:
11
Constitution of France
C. List of journals referred:
12