OTTO-VON-GUERICKE-UNIVERSITY MAGDEBURG

Faculty for Humanities

Institut of Social Sciences
Peace and Conflict Studies (MA)
MA-Seminar: Democratic Peace, Democratic War
Prof. Dr. Anna Geis
Winter Term 2015/2016

Latin American alternative democratic

practices: Peoples Diplomacy in participation and security aspects.
Submitted by Maria Fernanda Cordova Suxo

Enrolment number: 213486

E-mail address:mfer.cs@gmail.com
April 28, 2014

Content
Introduction ......................................................................................3
1. From local vindication to the International Relationship ..............4
2. ALBAs challenge: institutionalism between peoples ....................7
Conclusion ......................................................................................14
Bibliography ....................................................................................16
Statement under oath.....................................................................18

Introduction
Issues concerning democracy and international organizations have been explored in various contexts
over time and under different circumstances. Affirm that democracy is practiced, both in
international institutions and within the component members, has developed a worthy question for
study and analysis in order to identify factors that promote genuine democratic practice after
preserving peace.
If "democracies do not fight each other" there would be no discussion material about variants of
democracy and its various manifestations, as peace would reign over ninety percent of the world. In
this sense it becomes a controversial appointment and a reflection parameter, which also allows to
question the role of international institutions that protect democratic members, theoretically in an
environment that ensures cooperation.
Questioning democratic practices within international organizations become relevant. In fact,
decisions concerning a plurality of states have proved to be very controversial without a real social
consideration, where the dehumanization of politics and economic interests justified violations of
human rights.
In this sense, this paper aims to analyze an alternative democratic practice: the Peoples Diplomacy
in a Latin American context, as a form of international relationship at the level of social movements
and organizations. The essence of this practice of diplomacy lies specifically in the participative
democracy in matters of trans/inter -national level, leading us to question if Peoples Diplomacy
could be projected as an alternative to international democratic practice between non-state actors
(understanding them as social movements, associations and any sort of organization), accomplishing
democratic objectives. For this purpose, two factors are going to be analyzed: participation and
security.
The reason why participation and security aspects of democracy are taken into account, is in the first
instance, by social political processes in Latin America, which had great prominence demanding real
participation in the spheres of power and decision making. Secondly, the security proves to be
theoretically the product of the interaction between democratic countries, even if it is not always
said, the process to be preserved turns out to be interesting in the attempt to preserve peace.

The analysis is intended to perform in two spheres: firstly, the speech stage is very recognized for its
romantic characteristic, aiming more participation from excluded sectors, searching for the
legitimation of new ways of interaction, through tools such as institutionalisation, ideology and
cooperation. By the other side is the factual sphere, the security aspect is going to be analysed as a
product of the democratic practice, aiming peace. Some interactions are identified in a secondary
level but could be even more transcendent for the interactions that are just maintained in the
speech.

1. From local vindication to the International Relationship

Globalization as an international integration process has brought with it the neutralization of
specific local experiences which are related to cultures, native peoples, regional customs and
practices. This neutralization begins with the fusion of external elements in combination to inner
practices and conceptions, as a clear example of this fact, a cultural syncretism is observed in
many Latin American contexts, where religion, the native culture and a local economy blend in
to daily practices by fostering different self-management performs.
The origin of the self-management, related to local Latin American practices, could be
considered a process of empowerment that native cultures have experienced in the moment in
which globalization reached their forgotten contexts. As a result, forms of organization were

visualized with the need to conquer spaces of participation and political activism, and through
this two elements attempted to convey their claims in already defined political structures.
The conflict between the rescue of the own and the need to be adapted to the modern has
had a clear tendency to valid the modern, to preserve its existence at the expense of the
own. Nevertheless, time and practice has shown that the survival of the own has find
alternative and interesting new ways to be expressed. Instead of disappearing, it gained force
and legitimation, becoming into new interactions with distinctive features of a syncretic society.
This transformation placed the role of identities in a completely different context.
In the communitarian traditional world it was not necessary to explain the own identity.
[] In a world becoming more and more interlinked circulates the obvious question: and you,
who are you? Facing the identity question, indigenous peoples feel constricted to begin a
complex process of answers (Bengoa, 2007, p. 51)

The outcome is a back and forth process, as the globalization has tried to void localities, the
result was a reinforcement of those local practices, where the need to reinforce identities
became into a need for not disappear and to be preserved, much more close to a survival
necessity.
This combination of local with global nets and their activism create conditions for a nearly
formation of a transnational identity, although this does not exclude the linkage with the
country and community, it provokes a shift that allows such links extend to trans-local
communities (Sassen, 2007, p. 185)

Manuel Castells argues that not all facets of globalization generate resistance (Castells, 2005).
Indeed, globalization in the Latin American process has mainly been characterized for resistance,
especially in the case of indigenous peoples. According to many theorists, the resistance occurs
in globalization processes that aims to standardize or disappear belittle or invalidate these
identities, which are often quantitatively a minority (Diaz, 2011). Facing this situation is how the
shortcomings of the real representation became evident.
Luis Tapia, a Bolivian social and theoretical scientist, has called savage policy phenomena in
which subjects are self-transformed, to be governed or occupied and have a sectoral identity within
civil society set to question hierarchies and forms of exploitation, domination or exclusion . It is a

way of doing politics overflowing the regular spaces politics playing by political subjects, their
goal is not specifically to question the policies but the pillars of a social order (Tapia, 2008).
Elements as decolonization and independence came again in scene given the possibility to
interact between and outside cultures, those which borders transcend the established political and
administrative limits. The nation state is weakened to allow supranational, transnational, regional

and local structures. Borders, geographically limited to a territory, are being opened and
redefined in terms of culture and identity. "The borders are moved and reconfigured according
to ties or characteristics of peoples" (Rodriguez, Gelfenstein, 2006, p. 11). This argument was
considered the core to analyse alternative participations proposals, not less legitimate than the
conventional ones.
The scenario to demonstrate the demands and real participation of the people became stronger and
more tangible, counting additionally with the gradual conquest of spaces of power, thus new needs
arose such as the unification and support The paradigm of globalism or global society is recognized
5

as a result of social, economic, scientific and communicational development. Interdependence and

cooperation appear as the solution to new problems and challenges (Rodriguez, Gelfenstein, 2006,
p. 11). It is necessary to venture into new forms of organization or legitimize the existing ones,
imbuing names and practices that facilitate communication between non-state actors.
Diplomacy, as a formal practice used today by States, has its origin in its own appearance (Held &
McGrew, 2003, p. 22). Given the wave of globalization and new forms of cooperation they have
arisen variables to their different interactions: track two diplomacy, multi-tack-diplomacy,
paradiplomacy 1, and also, in reference to the interaction between a plurality of organized society,
the peoples diplomacy.

Peoples Diplomacy, according to Professor Andrew Bansart, can be defined as:

"() means exchanges between grassroots from two or more territories: exchange of
concerns, analysis and experience. It represents the possible development of projects
between grassroots communities toward a common human development in caring of their
environment (...) The diplomacy of the peoples is very different from the diplomacy of
States without, therefore, conflict with them. Responds to a right of visibility and consists
of a direct, active, flexible and adaptable to all performed circumstances. It is far from
business diplomacy; it is a dignify diplomacy (Bansart, 2008, p. 33).

The interaction between presidential diplomacy and collective diplomacy is not meant to be
completely new. Over the last decade Latin American presidents, making use of the populist
speeches, have promoted exchanges between various sectors, thus creating opportunities,
fostering networks in an attempt to shift people's participation as part of the process of
encouraging internally countries to the international arena.
The legal and practical manifestations of these efforts is reflected in Peoples Summits, the World
Social Forum, the First Summit of the Council of Social Movements of Bolivarian Alliance for the

Track two diplomacy is an unofficial, informal interaction between members of opposing groups or nations
that aim to develop strategies, influence public opinion, and organize human and material resources so that
they can help to resolve conflicts" (Ruiz Jimenez, 2004, p. 85). Multi-tack-diplomacy establishes levels of
agreement among actors likely to intervene in diplomatic affairs, primarily oriented towards resolving
international conflicts and escalations of violence (Fisher, 1997, p. 118) and Paradiplomacy is defined as the
subsystems interaction according to their own interests and common characteristics. States begin to lose
territorial form to the extent that the component parts seek -from the local- how to connect with the
international system (Rodriguez Gelfenstein, 2006, p. 9).

Peoples of Our America (ALBA), without forgetting international organizational initiatives,

partnerships, (fair) free trade, political and strategic agreements, and communicational initiatives,
among others.

2. ALBAs challenge: institutionalism between peoples

ALBA, as its name makes reference is an alliance constituted in 2004, by some countries in Latin
America during the so called left turns tendency period2. The left in this context was understood
as an indigenous raising speech with social-democratic elements. Although it was originally created
as an alternative to the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA or ALCA in Spanish, an agreement
proposed by the United States) it was just the first impulse for a range of integration proposals.
ALBA represents one specific facet of what we call People's Diplomacy because it proposes a new
type of integration, as an alternative to traditional models, enhancing and promoting social
organization, and the creation of an international structure with its own institutions in a regional
level (Diaz, 2011, p. 21). The alternative quality of this integration was precisely the possibility of
applying a participatory democracy by giving voice to previously marginalized groups. However
regional economic integration initiatives were to date the most consistent measures undertaken by
the governments concerned, among them: TeleSUR, PETROSUR, UNASUR3, those role may also be
discussed below.

Hugo Chvezs 1998 victory at the polls in Venezuela marked a trend that continued with the leftward shift
in the Concertacin in Chilethe triumph of Socialists Ricardo Lagos in 2000 and Michelle Bachelet in 2006;
the rise to power in Uruguay of Tabar Vsquez and the Frente Amplio, and that of Nstor Kirchner during that
same year (with Kirchnerismo prolonged with the 2007 victory of Cristina Fernndez de Kirchner). Further
advances included those of Evo Morales in Bolivia in 2005, Rafael Correa and Daniel Ortega in Ecuador and
Nicaragua during the following year, lvaro Coloms ascent to the presidency of Guatemala in 2007 and, in
2008, that of Fernando Lugo in Paraguay. 1 The Farabundo Mart National Liberation Front (FMLN) presidential
candidate Mauricio Funes won the election that took place in El Salvador in March 2009 and (albeit in rather
different circumstances) Hondurass Jos Manuel Mel Zelaya also attempted to shift his government toward
the left before being overthrown in June 2009.2 Furthermore, it is notable that Andrs Manuel Lpez Obrador,
Ollanta Humala, and Ottn Sols nearly won the vote in 2006 presidential balloting in Mexico, Peru, and Costa
Rica, respectively, and that even where the left has failed to reach office at the level of the executive, it
frequently has made important advances in legislative and subnational arenas. Such was the case in Mexico
and Colombia in 2006 and 2007, respectively, to cite but two examples (Cameron, et al., 2010).
3
TELESUR, Launched in 2005, is a media conglomerate that provides news and current affairs broadcasts
throughout the ALBA bloc. The program is based on an internet based television channel and is a cooperative
effort between the governments of Venezuela, Argentina, Uruguay, Cuba, Bolivia, Ecuador and Nicaragua.

2.1 Direct Participation

Under the precept democracy and international institutions reinforced each other (Hasenclever &
Weiffen, 2006, p. 565) is it possible to infer, what happens when democracies converge on common
goals and needs? Lipson states that:
Constitutional democracies have a special capacity to make and sustain promises with each
other, including those about war and peace. They are better equipped to find and capture
gains from mutual interests, to sustain them, and to forge durable, mutually profitable
relationships (Lipson, 2003, p. 5).
Therefore, the result is an inter-democratic support, which theoretically should strengthen each
other.
In this case, referring to states that conformed ALBA, they have experienced electoral triumphs
supporting certain political parties with more than 50% of voting block and a high turnout (Cameron,
et al., 2010, p. 6). On that basis, two possible scenarios can be abstracted: in the first instance, the
circumstance to have obtained an absolute majority could be very well used as it provided
governance for the years of management, and in second instance, after an apparent success with
the implementation of new measures and public policies, the ambition could turned out into
authoritarian tendencies, evidenced in speeches, intentions modification of national regulations
with purposes to retain power.
As Lipson accentuated, the special ability to make and keep promises is not limited, in this case, to
a democratic guarantee. Nevertheless, the balance of grabbing power could be balanced with the
proposal of participatory democracy promoted by ALBA, in its capability as international
organization fostering cooperation, and assumed by an amount of social movements committed to
the cause that motivated their active participation.

PETROSUR is an inter-governmental energy alliance between Venezuelan PDVSA, Argentinean YPF, and
Brazilian Petrobras nationalized oil companies. The goal of this initiative is to provide funding for social welfare
programs within these nations. It is another example of how ALBA nations are using oil revenues to bring aid
to poorest inhabitants of these nations.
UNASUR, established in 2008, is an intergovernmental union charged with integrating the Andean
communities of South America a system that currently favors nations with coastal access. The UNASUR
agreement could be the beginning for sustainable agriculture in the ALBA bloc as communities living in these
nations, particularly Bolivia and Peru possess a wealth of knowledge about cultivation and a favorable climate
for such activities (ALBA - TCP, 2010).

Participatory democracies are essentially the voice of the people deliberating and taking decisions
(Barber, 1984). This democratic practice was previously declared inapplicable by the lack of
regulatory mechanisms for its implementation. Nonetheless, during the last years theorists
sustained how it is a favorable time for participatory democracy (Pateman, 2012, p. 7) and some
experiences have shown how feasible it could be.
One of the tangible spaces that could be seen was the World Peoples' Summit on Climate Change
and the Rights of Mother Earth, held in Cochabamba, Bolivia in 2010, as swap and
discussion space propitiated by the Bolivians government. This activity was an initiative supported
by State institutions, to promote the elaboration of international proposals by social actors (Diaz
Martinez, 2011). The aim of these summits was to achieve exchange of experiences and knowledge,
especially related to the environmental problem, to formulate alternatives and proposals. The
validity and legitimacy of the proposals have been sponsored by a group of social organizations
(indigenous peoples, ethnic groups, ecological movements, citizens, activists, neighborhood
councils, among others) individuals and by government agencies.
One of the most prominent proposals was the creation of an International Court of Climate and
Environmental Justice, based on the lack of compliance with commitments and obligations assumed
under the Framework Convention of the United Nations on Climate Change and the Kyoto Protocol,
and facing the absence of an international legal body to prevent and punish all those climatic and
environmental crimes (COP20, 2014).
Such events are recognized as a democratic exercise of participation, where the validation and
construction of proposals has come from a collective need to be satisfied, seeking to catch up with
their peers and project concrete actions. Naturally the proposals are not the end per se, but
attention to such demands. Therefore the exercise was limited to stay in the effort of the meeting,
as the subsequent steps depend entirely on public international managers.
Other examples, taken as an exercise of Peoples Diplomacy and supported by ALBA, are social
programs implemented among member countries. This cooperation has been practised through the
Venezuelas Miracle Mission, a social humanitarian program designed to attend for free to flowincome population presenting visual health problems (Diaz Martinez, 2011, p. 8). While international
institutions foster cooperation between member countries, they can simultaneously show
cooperation to strengthen social internal processes. To what extent those measures of participatory
democracy are effective, remains in question and with very little evidence to be defended.
9

In addition to the challenge of disintegrating power and delegate to social movements, the member
States of ALBA had to face instability in their stay, in an attempt to remain in power. They called to
general re-elections and in some extreme cases began to restrict certain media4 that were striking
against the government. As a result, the paradox about achieving interstate cooperation, with the
promise of a better and fair representation was evident, but in a local context where political
instability was generated while curtailing certain democratic principles.
The real evidence of practice of the Peoples Diplomacy, as participatory democracy, has remained
in Summits, ergo in a discursive level.
2.2 Security as a democracy result
The second aspect of the work analyses in how extend could the peoples diplomacy ensure peace,
as a matter of maintaining security in and between States. As it was described before, the role of
international organizations play a transverse role in reinforcing democracy, but it could also be
asserted that, it is not the crucial factor that move their interests neither the element upon which
they develop themselves. Some theorists argue that economic relations are actually the core upon
peace can be preserved between states (Russett & Oneal, 2001) and it is possible through the
implementation of international organizations as third actor. That is basically the argument of the
Kantian Triangle.
Making a short analyse of the evolution of ALBA through history, it began with the proposal of the
FTAA (Free trade Area of the Americas) (ALBA - TCP, 2010), later on the proposal adopted the name
ALBA, as identifying another country allies. Finally the stands Peoples' Trade Treaty (TCP) were
added, which mean:
()the exchange instrument based upon solidarity and complementarity between the
countries, intended to benefit the peoples as opposed to the Free Trade Agreements that
are geared to increasing the power and the domination of the transnational enterprises
(ALBA - TCP, 2010)

Censorship in Venezuela refers to all actions which can be considered as suppression in speech in the country. Reporters Without Borders ranked Venezuela 137th out of 180 countries in its World Press Freedom Index
2015 and classified Venezuela's freedom of information in the "difficult situation" level (Reporters Without
Borders, 2015).

10

ALBA succeeded as a channel that allowed the opening of borders between Member States and free
trade for mutual benefit. A clear example of this was the creation of UNASUR (Union of South
American Nations), a regional intergovernmental organization that promotes integration and
development among state members. It is also possible to mention PETROSUR as an integration for
the energy, all under the slogan:
() solidarity, complementarity, justice and cooperation () do not harbor commercial
criteria or selfish interests related to business profits or national benefit to the detriment of
other peoples. It seeks to rely on a wide latinoamericanist vision that recognizes the fact that
it is impossible for our countries to develop and be really independent in isolation (ALBA TCP, 2010)

Even if the first and fundamental need was identified: the integration, it is worth noting the strong
ideological formulations containing institutional principles. Generally complements to the
formulation of the precepts are: Our America, to separate it from the other America, which is
expansionist, and driven by imperial appetites (Ibid.) or to face imperialist ambitions with dignity
(Ibid.). A clear enemy has been identified: the government of United States of America, so as a victim
in favor of whom act: the peoples of America.
ALBA has not yet raised itself to an international security strategy, however, in this sense, the peoples
diplomacy acquires an added value: to achieve to become a tool which claims to populations in need,
and in this respect has been seeking to promote intercultural dialogue on issues of preserving
security in order to achieve, the greatest extent of social security and happiness possible, in
harmony with nature, social justice and the real sovereignty of our peoples (Ibid.)
The following shall appoint examples of application of Peoples Diplomacy on issues where the need
to preserve security is evidenced:
Bolivia and Chile do not sustain any diplomatic relations since the end of the Pacific War in 1899,
when Chile, financed by the UK, invaded Bolivia and Peru ooccupying the territory that allowed
access to the sea. The way in which Bolivia has tried to solve the maritime dispute with Chile is part
of the formal diplomacy5.

Landlocked Bolivia lost access to the Pacific following the 1880s war, but it has remained a thorn in the side
of relations with its more affluent Andean neighbour ever since. In 2013, Bolivia took up the case with the
court in the Hague, demanding Chile negotiate to grant it sovereign access. Bolivia, which still retains a navy

11

In 2006 the formal establishment of relations of mutual trust between the peoples of Bolivia and
Chile began, through political, cultural and academic activities, then insert within the Bilateral
Agenda of 13 points (Alejo, 2014, p. 15), aiming to discuss bilateral issues including maritime theme.
Since then, Chilean social emancipation movements were growing and became stronger in support
of Bolivian maritime cause. This gesture was interpreted in terms of the Peoples Diplomacy, as a
form of "conciliation of interests between different subjects, where the conduct of relations is not
exclusive of any centralized power" (Diaz Martinez, 2011, p. 21).
Regardless of how far Bolivia has come with the maritime cause, using all the available tools in its
favor (including the International Court of Justice in The Hague), the dialogue between peoples is
transcendent because it came to harmonize frictions between governments evidenced by over one
hundred years, to the point of failing to re-establish direct diplomatic relations. The claim of sea to
Bolivia in protests and cheers from Chilean social movements is a tangible sign not only of solidarity
but the interest in preserving state of peace between both societies.
But states can do more than deter, defend, and attack. They can also help themselves by
making mutually profitable deals with reliable partners, both as military allies and as trading
partners (Lipson, 2003, p. 6).

As it was mention before, ALBA has no military group agreements concerning regional defence
cooperation, but the lack of regional agreements or formal structures is not an obstacle to effective
security collaboration among its members. Among ALBAs members there are bilateral agreements
which reinforce the strategic alliance. Such is the case, for example, successive military agreements
between Venezuela and Bolivia, intended to allow the entry of Venezuelan troops in Bolivian
territory for crisis management, disarmament and arms control, and to finance the construction of
a military base in the region (Silva, 2011). Then in 2008, the two countries signed a Memorandum
of Understanding on security and defence cooperation that includes all branches of the Armed
Forces, including support for a Bolivian Naval school, military exchanges, joint exercises and training
in intelligence between numerous other points (Noticias 24, 2008).

and wants a corridor to the sea to boost exports of natural gas and minerals, currently has low-cost access to
Chilean ports (Bahceli, 2015).

12

Also, a central element of the relationship with the observer countries of ALBA is given in
agreements on military and energy cooperation. Thus, Venezuela has agreements in these areas
with Iran and Russia.
Iran defence cooperation began in 2004, as subscribing a Memorandum of Understanding for
operational technical cooperation in defence (Silva, 2011). From the Iranian perspective it "served
to safeguard peace and tranquillity towards all the peoples of the region, but represent no threat
to any of the peoples" (Noticias 24, 2008). This cooperation is based on what both countries have
defined as a "strategic alliance" where, in addition, Venezuela supports the energy independence
of the government of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad by the daily supply of 20,000 barrels of gasoline (Ibid.)
Hugo Chavez, showing sympathy with its ally, has identified Israel as a declared enemy, sparking the
Israeli response through a strengthening of military cooperation between China and Colombia
(Ibid.). Therefore, this opens some questions about the possible threat that could mean this type of
action for the common goal of a South American peace zone.
Moreover, Venezuela signed with Russia an agreements of military technical cooperation in
September 2009, Russian arms sales materialize, including tanks and missile defence (El Universal,
2009). In addition to the acquisitions of armaments, Venezuela maintains a military alliance with
Russia, whereby it conducted joint manoeuvres in the Caribbean in November 2008 (BBC World,
2009).
Beyond these multiple and growing ties, Venezuelas military agreements with Iran and Russia have
generated certain apprehensions in Latin American countries facing the possibility of reviving an
arms race in the region.
In this sense, the security approach ALBA is called "counter hegemony" whose main objective in the
field of security, constantly reiterated in the speech of Hugo Chavez, is to counter the US military
presence in the region, from a global "anti hegemonic" perspective and in particular, referred to the
presence of SOUTHCOM6 focused on Colombia (Silva, 2011).

U.S. Southern Command (SOUTHCOM), located in Doral, Fla., is one of nine unified Combatant Commands
(COCOMs) in the Department of Defense. SOUTHCOM is responsible for providing contingency planning, operations, and security cooperation in its assigned Area of Responsibility which includes: Central America, South

13

Giving it greater military power, Venezuela defensively opposes the possibility of US interference in
the region. Thus, besides the equipment of the National Armed Forces, the reserve and the
territorial guard, it has set the goal of arming a million men and women of civil and military
reserves and to continue strengthening military power and people power with weapons, training
and equipment (Terranoticias, 2009).
Although the exchange of weapons is done in terms of conventional diplomacy, the ideology of ALBA
allows the identification of allies such as Russia, based on trade or energy exchange, as also an
enemy: USA. The ideological factor plays a role then, unifying and giving force to certain causes,
which is not limited to a political- diplomatic level, but comes to influence the common opinion of
people. So ideology is a tool that connects both areas: political and participatory, as the latter,
demarks trends and generate legitimacy.

Conclusion
Replying to the original question, if the application of the Peoples Diplomacy can be projected as an
alternative international democratic practice, I have certain reservations.
The participatory quality proposed by the Peoples Diplomacy, besides being the fundamental
essence of the proposal, has not shown materialization into concrete policies and actions. The
handled discursive level does not have much significance in the reality. It can bring together large
numbers of people for the same cause and yet does not come to realize final decisions posed.
However, it should not be detract the role of society. In more than one situation it is clear that social
pressure maintain governors with care, who found themselves under an empowered population
constantly demanding for accountability. It gives them the chance to reflect on the quality of the
made statements and speeches. As popular participation is being referring, the role of ideology
should not detract, which has served as a unifying and mass cohesive element in several times in
history.

America, The Caribbean (except U.S. commonwealths, territories, and possessions). The command is also responsible for the force protection of U.S. military resources at these locations. SOUTHCOM is also responsible
for ensuring the defense of the Panama Canal (SOUTHCOM, n.d.).

14

As it has been very clear how a powerful tool ideology is, it is important to remark how it can curtail
democratic spaces, and then the great paradox is evident: in seeking democracy even antidemocratic measures are valid.
perceptions and beliefs matter because states are not completely informed about each
others preferences and behavior, much less about the future contingencies they will face.
They must also be concerned about their partners institutional capacity to make
commitments today and fulfill them tomorrow. The danger is that partners are unable or
unwilling to live up to their promises, perhaps because the leader who made the agreement
changes his mind, perhaps because circumstances have changed, or perhaps because there
is a new ruler or a fundamental change of government (Lipson, 2003, p. 6).

The analysis with respect to security shows that it is an element that is not characteristic of a direct
practice of Peoples Diplomacy. As it has been seen most of the bilateral relations are made under
the conventional diplomacy, however, its influence is indirect, as it is strengthened through the
legitimacy that gives the population to a speech line towards the protection and maintenance of
independence.
Throughout the description and analysis of the document it has been evident in more than one
situation the role of the "enemy" to maintain a state of constant alert, justifying ammunition and
weapons acquisition. Although democracies are not fighting each other, the Latin American case
raises a constant tension with the US government, which generates alarms when it became apparent
resistance or interference. In this tension, however, the use of a conventional diplomatic relations
between governments may be more threatening than one that transmitted objectives and speeches
clear also for the society.
The combination of the two diplomacies is interesting, as one does not try to manipulate the other.
Coexistence is possible both to feed each other. It is accurate and necessary for the scope of
globalization, the breakdown of borders and the gradual failure and obsolete nationalism.

15

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Statement under oath

Maria Fernanda Cordova Suxo
Matrikelnr.:213486

Hiermit erklre ich, dass ich die vorliegende Arbeit bzw. Leistung eigenstndig, ohne fremde
Hilfe und nur unter Verwendung der angegebenen Hilfsmittel angefertigt habe. Alle
sinngem und wrtlich bernommenen Textstellen aus der Literatur bzw. dem Internet
habe ich als solche kenntlich gemacht.
Mir ist bekannt, dass im Falle einer Tuschung die Abschlussarbeit mit nicht bestanden
bewertet wird.

Magdeburg, April, 2016.

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