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JOEL
/ob
(a$', i u B b B [BADFL]).
One of the thirteen tribes called sons of JOKTAN
(Gen. 1029, rwpu8 [E] ; I Ch. 1 2 3 om. B, wpup [A]).
Its precise seat is unknown, but there may be an echo
of the name in that of the Yuhaidab (XXW), a tribe
mentioned in two of Glaser's inscriptions (Skizze, 2303),
which seems to have been subject to the SabEan king.
C p Di.'s note.
JOBAB
I.
JODA.
(3J:
I. I Esd. 558
( I ~ A [A])=Ezra
A
39, JUDAH
ALOGIES
See GENE-
ii., $3f:
7 ~ [Ginsb.,
'
misprint?] ; IUAA
JOED (7& [sa.],
[B, omitting preceding yiocl, iubh [ALl, -AB
pp
on the name, Ki.'s note z Ch. 929, SBOT),a Benjamite
(Neh. 1 1 7 ) .
[PI,
h:
~~
114, 9 13).
Joab or Jonadab
JOCHEBED
c.
2492
JOEL
JOEL
masters but not invaders, and under them the enemies of the
Jews were their neigbhours, just as appears in Joel.1
T h o s e , however, w h o place o u r prophet i n the
minority of K i n g Joash, d r a w a special a r g u m e n t f r o m
t h e mention of Phoenicians, Philistines, a n d E d o m i t e s
( 3 [4] 4f. IS), pointing to the revolt of E d o m u n d e r
J o r a m ( z K. 820)) a n d the incursion of t h e Philistines
i n t h e s a m e reign ( 2 C h . 2116 221). T h e s e were
recent events i n t h e time of Joash, and i n like m a n n e r
the Phoenician slave t r a d e in Jewish children is carried
b a c k t o an early d a t e b y the reference i n A m o s (19).
This argument is specious rather than sound. Edom's
hostility to Judah was incessant but the feud reached its full
intensity only after the time of DLuteronomy (237 [SI), when the
Edomites joined the Chaldeans, drew profit from the overthrow
of the Jews, whose land they partly occupied, and exercised
barbarous cruelty towards the fugitives of Jerusalem (Obad.
passim, Mal. 1zf: Is. F3). The offence of shedding innocent
blood charged 011 them by Joel, is natural after these events,
but hardly so in connection with the revolt against Joram.
As regards the Philistines, it is impossible to lay much
weight on the statement of Chronicles, unsupported as it is by
the older history, and in Joel the Philistines plainly stand in
one category with the Phcenicians, a s slave dealers, not as
armed foes. Gaza in fact was a slave emporium as early as the
time of Amos (16), and continued so till Roman times.
T h u s , if any inference a s t o date c a n be d r a w n f r o m
chap. 3 [4], i t m u s t rest on special features of t h e trade
i n slaves, which w a s always an important p a r t of the
commerce of t h e Levant.
I n the time of Amos the slaves collected by Philistines and
Tyrians were sold en masse to Edom, and presumably went to
Egypt or Arahia. Joel complains that they were sold to the
Grecians (Javan, Ionians).z It is probable that some Hebrew
and Syrian slaves were exported to the Mediterranean coasts
from a very early date, and Is. 11TI already speaks of Israelite
captives in these districts as well as in Egypt, Ethiopia, and the
East.
T h e traffic i n this direction, however, hardly b e c a m e
extensive till a later date.
In Deut.2868 Egypt is still the chief goal of the maritime
slave trade, and in Ezek. 2713 Javan expozts slaves to Tyre,
not conversely. Thus the allusion to Javan in Joel better
suits a later date, when Syrian slaves were in special request in
Greece.3 The name of Javan is not found in any part of the
O T certainly older than Ezekiel. In Joel it seems to stand as
a general representative of the distant countries reached by the
Mediterranean (in contrast with the southern Arabians,
Su6euzs, chap. 3 [4]8), the furthest nation reached by the
fleets of the Red Sea. This is precisely the geographical
standpoint of the post-exile author of Gen. 104, where Javan
includes Carthage and Tartessus ; cp JAVAN.
Finally, the allusion to E g y p t i n Joel3 14119, m u s t
o n Credner's theory b e explained of t h e invasion of
Shishak a century before Joash. From this t i m e d o w n
to t h e last period of t h e Hebrew monarchy Egypt was
not t h e e n e m y of Judah.
If t h e a r g u m e n t s chiefly relied o n for an early d a t e
are so precarious or c a n even be turned against their
4. Probable inventors, there are others of a n u n a m biguous k i n d which m a k e for a date in
late date* t h e Persian period. It appears f r o m
chap. 3 I$ t h a t Joel wrote after t h e Exile.
2494
JOEL
JOEL
In the new prosperity of the land the union of YahwB and his
people shall he sealed anew, and so Yahwe will proceed to
pour down further and higher blessings. The aspiration of
Moses (Num.1129), and the hope of earlier prophets (Is.3215
5921 ; cp Jer. 3133), shall he fully realised in the outpouring of
the Spirit on all the ,Jews and even upon their servants (cp Is.
615 with 5 6 6 3 ) ; and then the great day of judgment, which
had seemed to overshadow Jerusalem in the now averted
plague, shall draw near with awful tokens of blood and fire and
darkness.
. ..
Thus the book falls into two parts. In the first the
prophet speaks in his own name, addressing himself to
the people in a lively description of a present calamity
caused by a terrible plague of locusts which threatens
the entire destruction of the country, and appears to
be the vehicle of a final consuming judgment (the day
of Yahwk).
There is no hope save in repentance and prayer ; and in
c h a p . 3 1 ~the prophet, speaking now for the first time in
Yahwb's name calls the people to a solemn fast at the sanctuary,
and invites th'e intercession of the priests. The calamity is
described in the strongest colours of Hebrew hyperbole, and it
seems arbitrary to seek too literal an interpretation of details,
e.g., to lay weight on the four names of locusts (see LOCUST),
or to take chap. 120 of a conflagration produced by drought
when it appears from23 that the ravages of the locusts them;
selves are compared to those of fire.
The terrors of that day are not for the Jews but for
their enemies.
The worshippers of Yahwe on Zion shall be delivered (cp
Obad. D. 17, whose words Joel expressly quotes in chap. 232
[3 51) and it is their heathen enemies, assembled before Jerusalem
to w& against Yahwi:, who shall be mowed down (see JEHOSHAPH A T , VALLEY OF) by no human arm but by heavenly warriors
(' thy mightyones, 0 Yahwi:,'3 [41 II).' Thus definitely freed from
the profane foot of the stranger (cp Is. 52 I), Jerusalem shall abide
a holv citv for ever. The fertilitv of the land shall be such as
was iong'ago predicted in Am.9r3, and streams issuing from
the temple, as Ezekiel had described in his picture of the
restored Jerusalem (Ezek. 47), shall fertilise the barren Wady of
Acacias (cp ABEL-SHITTIM).
2495
2496
JOELAH
cording that Yahwb has already done great things, and that
vegetation has already revived. In other words, the mercy
already experienced in the removal of the plague is taken as a
pledge of future grace not to stop short till all Gods old promises
are fulfilled. In this context u. 20 is out of place. Ohserve also
that in v. 25 the 1ocustsare spoken of in the plain language of
chap. 1. [See PROPHETIC LITERATURE, and on the relation
between passages of Joel and Amos, see AMOS, B$ 8, IO. On
the argument as to date drawn from the language of Joel, see
Holzingers article cited below.]
Ew. Propheten, 1 ; Hitz., Keil, Pusey, v. Orelli, We.,
Nowack, GASm., in their comm. on the Minor Prophets ; and
8. Literature. ,separate comm. by Credner (31), Wiinsche
(72), Dr. (in Cambridge B G k , 97). See.also
Kue. Ond.2, 5 68f: Merx (Die Projhetie des 1 o d s u. ihre
AusZeger, 79) gives an elaborate history of interpretation from
the LXX down to Calvin and appends the Ethiopic text edited
b y Di. Of older comm. the most valuable is Pocockes (Oxford,
1691). Bocharts Hieroz. may also be consulted ; cp also Dav.
Expositor, March 88; Gray, i6id., Sept. 93.; H. T. Fowler,
J B L 16146.153; Oort, Godgereerde Bijdragen, 66, pp. 2-15)
TAT,76, p. 362 8 ;Matthes, did., 85 pp. 34-66 129-160; 87,
pp. 357-381 ; Gritz, Die ebzheitliche Charakter der Propltetie
Joels, 73;Holzinger, Z A T W , 89, pp. 89-131.
W. R. S.-S.
R. D.
. JOHANNES ( I W A N N H C [A]),
J OHANAN , 8 15.
See
B 3.2.
(3Y,
JOGLI
led into exile), father of BUKKI
,(Nu. 3422 [PI, erAa [Bl, EKAI [AIAl,EKAI [Fl,
E K ~ I[L]).
JOHA (K@, abbrev. from l;?l, $51 ; or more prob.ably an error for LXV-z.e., TnKl, Joahaz; cp some
of es forms below).
I. h. Beriah in a genealogy of BENJAMIN (?a,
9 ii. 8 ) ;
I Ch. 816 ( r o a x a v [Bl, maxa R a i Le<a [A],
2. One of Davids heroes (I c.1. 114; ; L.See DAVID, $ TI.
KaL
ioLa
[LI).
I?$?:
Father of Mattathias
(T
Macc. 21).
(IUANHC
o BA~TICTHC
Priest temp. Joiakim (see E ZRA ii., $5 66, II), Neh. 12 13.
h. Eliashib, a high-priest (Ezra 106, cwvav [Nc.~], AV
JOHANAN, cp Neh. 1222 3, I$).
In I Esd. 9 I called JOANAN,
RV JONAS ( m v a [Bl, om. L); perhaps the same as J ONATHAN
b. Joiada (Neh. 12 IT ; but cp Meyer, Gntst. SI), and possibly
also the high-priest Johanan who murdered his brother Jeshua
in the temple in the time of an Artaxerxes (Jos. Ani. xi. 71).
If so, Johanan was the uncle, not the brother, of Jeshua (so
Marq.).
3. A priest in procession (see E ZRA ii., $ 13 g) Neh. 1241
(om. BN-A).
4. b. Tobiah, the Ammonite, who married the daughter of
Meshullam (Neh. 618 ; r o v a e a v [WaA]).
[Ti. WH]). The forerunner of Jesus is only less interesting to biblical students than Jesus himself. Twice
already his life and work have been referred to (I SRAEL ,
3 92 ; JESUS, 5 6 ) ; it is our present object, to supplement these references by a more connected treatment
without undue repetition.
Long before the time of John the Baptist there was a
great ascetic prophet who sought his inspiration in the
desert, and cried Repent ye with fear1. public less impartiality before kings and common
appearance*men. His life was a guiding star to
many in the days of John-an age not unlike, his own,
when alien influences again threatened to extinguish
2497
2498
I.
2.
A 1
2499
'
Mt. 145 and Mk. 620 differ. The former passage states that
Antipas would have put Johanan to death were it not that
Johanau was reverenced by the people as a piophet ; the latter,
that Antipas himself reverenced Johanan, and was unwilling ta
put him to death. Mt. seems to-draw from two SOU~COS.
3 Brandt, Die Evang. Gesch. 458f:
2500
*.
The difficulty of the harmonistic point of view (which recognises all references to Johanan in our four Gospels as equally
authoritative) comes out very clearly in the following passage
from Bp. Ellicott :-'The exact purpose of this mission will
perhaps remain to the end of time a subject of controversy, but
i t has ever been fairly, and, as it would seem, convincingly
urged, that he whose eyes, scarce sixteen months before, had
beheld the descending Spirit, whose ears had heard the voice of
paternal love and benediction, and who now again had but
recently been told of acts of omnipotent power, could himself
have never really doubted the truth of his own declaration that
this was indeed "the Lamb of God that taketh away the &in of
the world ' (Leciures on fhe Lzye of OILY Lord Jesus Chrisf,
3183f: ['62]). Bp. Ellicott agrees with Cyril of Alexandria that
the nrimary object of Johanan's mission was fully to convince
his disciples of the Messiahship of Jesus.
6. Mt. 117-10 Lk.724-27. c. Mt. 1239-42 L k . l l z g - 3 a .
2501
2502
'I
I.
A.-THE
B. -THE APOCALYPSE.
a. Authorship of the book as a whole, $ IO.
6. Authorship of single parts 5 11.
Relation to Fourth Gospel a i d Johannine Epistles,
$8 12-15.
C-FOURTHGOSPEL.
Method of enquiry, $ 16.
I. Comparison with Synoptists, 80 17.37.
a. Warrative 0017.26.
The Ba&t
$ 17.
Scene of puilic life of Jesus, $ 18.
Order of principal events, 0 19.
Miracles.
8 M.
~.~
Date of dr;&ixion, $$ 21-24.
Character of discourses of Jesus $ 25.
Figure of Jesus (apart from Proiogue), $ 26.
8. Teachina of Jesus, $0 27-10.
Universality of salvatioi, $ 27.
Eschatology, 0 28.
Dualism 0 20.
Utterangees regarding himself, 0 30.
c. Other points of comparison, $30 31-37.
The Logos, $31.
Purpose of Prologue, $ 32.
Divisions into triads, $ 33.
Credibility of certain details, $ 34.
~~~~
AND
T HIRD
5 59.
EPISTLES.
Address, $ 63.
Purpose, 5 64.
Authors and dates, $ 65.
Literature, 5 66.
2503
2504
LD.
'On
Of
!sually
2505
2506
*'
frt!$tl&.
' pS
Lord.
2
1 ' As I have heard from a certain elder who had heard it from
those who had seen the apostles and from those who had learned
from them'.-' Those who hadseen' and 'those who had learned
denote the same persons.
2508
..
2509
.,
2511
(6) Eusebius, however, did not draw the further consequence which follows for Polycarp also, from his
discovery of the error of Irenzus. Irenreus calls Papias
the hearer of John and companion of Polycarp. Now,
as he regards Polycarp also as a hearer of the apostle,
it cannot be open to doubt that he regards the two a s
companions for the reason that both were hearers of
one and the same master. What has now been ascertained as regards Papias will in that case hold good for
Polycarp also; his master was not the apostle, as
Eusebius still ( H E iii. 36 I ) assumes, but the Elder.
(c) Confusion was introduced into the question by
Dionysius of Alexandria, who (in Eus. HE vii. 25 16)
took the statement that two graves of ' J o h n ' at
Ephesus were spoken of as basis for the conjecture that
therefore two prominent men of the name of John had
been contemporaries in that city (in reality of course
there may very readily have been two places to which,
according to different traditions, the grave of the one
John was conjecturally assigned). By the one John he
understood the apostle, by the other some John of Asia
Minor. Eusebius ( H E iii. 3 9 5 3 ) carried the hypothesis
further, that this second John was John the Elder.
The conservative theologians, also, are rightly agreed
in pronouncing against the contemporary presence of
two Johns in Ephesus, inasmuch as the contemporary
activity of two men of such outstanding rank is nowhere
affirmed, and indeed is excluded by the universal tradition
of one Ephesian John. All the more remarkable is their
error in declaring the one Ephesian John to have been
the apostle, and in eliminating the Elder alike from the
words of Papias and from history. Both Johns existed ;
but this established fact can be harmonised with the
leading position of the one in Ephesus where he brooks
no rival only on the hypothesis that the apostle carried
1
2512
~ O S )
160.216.
"513
B.-AUTHORSHIP
OF THE A P O C A L I l P S E
2514
2575
2516
think of the Gospel as the earlier bf the two. The only relatively conceivable hypothesis is that which postulates the other
order and a transition from the ideas of the Apocalypd to those
of the Gospel. As however it is impossible to assign the Apocalypse toany date e h e r thaA68 the Gospel must on the assumption of apostolic authorship bel& to aperiod after the authors
sixtieth year-a period within which the acquirement of unobjectionable Greek not to speak of so revolutionary a change
in the whole world of ideas, even if conceivable in his earlier
years, becomes a psychological impossibility.
2.97
2518
( d ) Among the various points of connection, therefore, which in spite of all differences we are able to
trace between the Apocalypse and the Gospel the use of
the name logos cannot be reckoned as one. Nor do
those which are left by any means amount to a proof
of identity of authorship.
In both writings Christ
appears as the lamb ; hut the Apocalypse invariably
uses dpvlov, the Gospel invariably (except in 2 1 7 5 )
dpv6s. In the New Jerusalem (Rev. 21 24 22 135) bread,
water, and light are mentioned as the highest blessings ;
in the Gospel (Jn. 648 414 812)Christ himself is represented as bread, water, and light ; and so far as light
is concerned Rev. 21 23 bas already led the way in this.
Baur found himself able to speak of the Gospel as the
spiritualised Apocalypse.
Thoma could call it the
Anti-Apocalypse ( Z W T 77,pp. 289-341). By this
is not meant that the two writings as regards their inner
substance are actually very near one another ; the long
journey that has to be travelled in clearing up the lilies
of connection and effecting this spiritualisation of ideas
shows only how far apart the two really are.
The attempt even to carry the Gospel and the
Apocalypse back to one and the same circle or one and
15. Conclusion. the same school, though suggested
by the tradition which assigns them
to one and the same author, is therefore a bold one.
I t will be much more correct to say that the anthor of
the Gospel was acquainted with the Apocalypse and
took help from it so fnr as was compatible with the
fundamental differences in their points of view. On
account of the dependence thns indicated it will be safe
to assume that the Apocalypse was a valued book in
the circles in which the author of the Gospel moved,
and that he arose in that environment and atmosphere.
So far therefore it is possible for criticism to recognise
in a qualified way the justice of the tradition as to the
origin of the two writings in a common source ; but the
complete difference in trend of thought must on no
acount be lost sight of.
Of those who still maintain oneness of authorship for the two,
C.-THE
FOURTH GOSPEL
..
ye God
etc. Jeremiahs return to life is it will he seen, not
directl;stated here ; the words Praise yd God, etc., are not
according to this account attributed to Jeremiah but to a voice.
I t is not till I 19 that the) Ethiopic text, in agreement with the
Greek, names Jeremiah as the speaker. Which of the two texts
is the more original it is not quite easy to determine, because
the passage beginning with the words Praise ye God is, or a t
least contains a Christian interpolation, whilst the rest of the
book, containhg as it does no Christian ideas of any kind, but
on the other hand laying stress on such Judaic conceptions as
the removal of non-Jewish women, and that of the sacrifice at
Jerusalem, must be held to be Jewish. Yet it will not he too
bold to conjecture that the Ethiopic translator would hardly
have passed over the bringing back to life of Jeremiah if be had
found ir in the text before him, and thus we may venture to
bold that here, as in other places also (Harris, 29J), he represents the more original form. We find him then, giving quite
explicit expression to the belief that for the ;pace of three days
the return of the soul to the body was considered possible. But
even the Greek text does not bear the interpretation that this
limit can be exceeded. After three days merely indicates the
extreme limit within which the return to life could possibly be
expected.
Those critics who do not regard the resurrection of Jesus as
an a c t i d fact cite 2 K. 205 Hos. 6 2 Jon. 2 I [I 171 as explaining
why the resurrection was assigned to precisely the third day
after the death of Jesus. It is not impossible that these passages
may have had their influence also on the Jewish belief with
which we are now dealing.
I
81
2521
140.143).
iL
As the discrepant accounts do not admit of reconciliation, it remains that we should choose between
them. Now, according to the synop22. Difficulties
tists the crucifixion occurred on the
of synoptic first day of the seven-days' feast, and
chronology. this first day was in sanctity almost
equal to a Sabbath.
( a ) A judicial process in solemn form involving a
capital charge could not, according to the Mishna, be
begun on a day before a Sabbath, and thus also could,
not have been begun on the 14th of Nisan, for between
the first and the second sitting, if a condemnation was
to be arrived at, a night had to intervene. Any formal
sentence of death, however, was beyond the competency
of the synedrium, as the power of life and death lay in
the hands of the Roman procurator. Brandt, one of
the most acute and the most learned of the opponents
of the synoptic (and the Johannine) chronology, who
admits as historical nothing more than the bare fact
that Jesus was crucified about the passover season, has
conceded in his EvnngeZische Geschichte (pp. 55, 303, '93)
that, legally considered, the proceedings before the
synedrium would be unexceptionable if they were
regarded merely as a preliminary enquiry to prepare
the case for Pilate's hearing. And it must further
be taken into account here hdw urgently time pressed.
The project to make away with Jesus before the feast
having failed, it was all the more necessary to get rid
of him at the beginning of the feast before the people
should have had time and opportunity to declare in his
favour. Of Pilate one could rest assured that even on
the feast-day he would not hesitate to repress any
tumult. If he desecrated the day by an execution, the
responsibility would not lie on the synedrium.
( a ) That Simon of Cyrene came ' from the country '
(drr'dypoi?, Mk. 1521 Lk. 2326) byno means implies that
he had been working there. Many passover pilgrims,
to the number of whom he would, as a Cyrenian, appear
to have belonged, spent the night outside the city and
simply came into it ' from the country.'
(c) The burial of Jesus would always have been more
lawful on the 15th of Nisan than on the following
Sabbath, which was held to be of superior sanctity;
but in any case it w a s unavoidable, in accordance with
Dt. 2122f:
( d ) The prohibition against leaving the festal chamber
2523
the paschal lamb. Jesus then is presented as the antitype to the paschal lamb in such a manner that this
precept finds literal fulfilment in him.
(6) But not this precept only. According to 1914
Jesus is at midday still before Pilate ; his death thus
takes place in the afternoon, exactly at the time
when ( s e e s 21 6) the paschal lambs were wont to he
slaughtered. However tempting it may be to suppose
that the discrepancy with Mk. 1525 arises from a mere
2524
2525
1022, in
. ..
2527
2528
. ..
...
...
2.531
dualism.^
2.53%
(0
2533
2534
that apart from the prologue the word Zugos occurs in its quite
usual sense, eight times of the speech of other speakers, nine
times of an individual utterance of Jesus, eleven times of his
preaching a s a whole, in addition to the seven times where it is
used in the expression word of God (Adyos 70; BsoG) meaning
the tidings of salvation. This also, however, admits of explanation. As soon as the narrative passes over from the pre-existent
to the earthly life of Jesus the place of the title logos must be
taken hy those designations (Jesus, 6 I~roGs,and the like) which
are fitted to express his human manifestation. I n this part of
the book, therefore, it can cause hut little confusion if the word
logos is used in its ordinary meaning. We too are in the habit
3f continually using one and the same word, now in its ordinary
and now in its technical sense, as soon as we are sure we shall be
understood. I n the Fourth Gospel no passage can be pointed
to where uncertainty as to the sense in which logos is used is
possible ; everywhere it is made clear by some addition such as
this word, my word, his word, or the like.
The perception that the prologue is deliberately intended as a ureuaration for the entire contents of the
33. Divisions gospel has reached its ultimate logical
result in the proposition that the entire
intotriads. coseel is a conceDtion at the root of
which lies neither history nor even tradition of another
kind, hut solely the ideas of the prologue. Upon this
proposition rests the brilliant analysis of the gospel
by Baur, with which, significantly enough, theologians
so strictly dogmatic as Luthardt and Hengstenberg find themselves in accord--these two, however,
we must hasten to add, in the helief that the artificial
arrangement which is rendered necessary by the carrying
out of that central thought is at the same time in accordance with history,-God, or Christ, having so ordered
the history that it should suhserve the expression of
those ideas. In setting forth these ideas the division
into triads is used as a principal means. It manifests
itself partly in single sentences such as 1I or l z o
(GOSPELS, 5 49), partly in the manner in which the
various parts of the book are grouped as a whole.
Alreadv. however, it has come to be very generally
-
2535
2536
Nor is it any more to the point to say that the prologue, for its part, does not intend to describe theessence
of Jesus in his pre-existence, because at its conclusion it
makes the transition to something lower, namely, to the
historical person of the only begotten (povoyevSs).
It is only on the assumption of Harnack alluded to
above that only begotten ( p o v o y a v ~ s )is something
lower than word (hjyos).l Lastly, it is in appearaucc
..
'
2537
2538
B 59.
__
2540
'
2.542
O S .
12 is almost identical
2543
it is there
5544
The external evidences for the Fourth Gospel constitute that portion of the field in which conservative
42. External theology has hitherto believed itself to
evidences for have gained its securest successes. It
has deemed -it practicable to preclude
genuineness* all discussion of internal reasons against
the genuineness merely by showing how early an attestation the gospel received, Careful examination shows
how mistaken this belief is. As, however, a full discussion of the leading passages would carry us too far
into detail, we must content ourselves here with merely
giving results, on all points upon which some measure
of agreement has been attained.
W e must make a strict distinction between testimonies
expressly favourable to the apostolic authorship and
those which only vouch for the existence of the Fourth
Gospel without conveying any judgment as to its authorship. The only authors belonging to the first category
(apostolic authorship) down to the end of the second
century (in the third century this view becomes a matter of
course) are Irenaeus, Clement of Alexandria (who, moreover, appeals to oi dv&KaOev ?rpeupd.repoL), Tertullian,
Theophilus ad Autolyci~m,and the Muratorian fragment (which still, however, deems it necessary to give a
circumstantial justification for its recognition of the
gospel; see 5 40). Earlier than any of these church
fathers, namely about 170 A . D . , we must place the
expresssion of Claudius Apollinaris in the Chronicon
Paschab, urauid@v BOKE? r b edayy&hia ( ' the gospels
seem to contradict one another' ; the reference is to
the date of the crucifixion ; see 54 a). Here, although
the name of John is not mentioned, we may presume
that there is implied a recognition of the Fourth Gospel
as being on a level with the synoptics with which it is
not in agreement about the date in question, and thus
as being genuine.
Coming now to testimonies to recognition of the
gospel, though
- the author is not named, we find the
Fourth Gospel taken into account in
43'
Tatian's Diatessaron (roughly, between
160 and 180 A . D . ) as on a level with
the svnoDtists. Yet this verv attemDt
to bring together all t<e f&r gospels into a siigle whoie
even of itself shows to how small an extent each in* dividual gospel was regarded by this author as authorita. tive. So also when gnostics make use of the Fourth
Gospel. Moreover, it cannot be asserted of Valentinus
himself (who flourished from 135 to 160) that he does
so, but only of his school (so Irenzeus, i i i . l l ~ o [ ~ ] ) .
In the PhiZosophoumena the citation-formula is often
'[he] says' ($@ ; so, e.g., 634J 7 2 5 f : alongside
5 16 6 29 8 9) ; but it has been shown that this expression
has the collective meaning and has no different force
from '[they] say' ($ad).' Athenagoras, the epistle to
the church of Lugdunum (ap. Eus. H E v. 115) (both
about 178), the epistle to Diognetus (later), go, in like
manner, no further.
In z Pet. 114 Jn. 21 is already
I
i:iggi
enci;z:p
This remark applies, according to a now fairly general consensus of opinion, to the case of Justin (civca 152). Alongside of
more than one hundred quotations from the synoptists, he has only
three which offer points of contact with the Fourth Gospel (for
the actual words, see GOSPELS, 55 101-104). But in nocase is the
verbal coincidence with it so exact as to exclude the possibility
of their having emanated from another source, which, if we
choose, we may suppose to have been accessible to the evangelist
also. Yet, even apart from this, we cannot fail to recognise that
the Fourth Gospel was by no means on the same plane with the
synoptics in Justin's eyes, and that his employment of it Is not
only more sparing hut also more circumspect. This is all the
more remarkable since Justin certainly champions one of its
leading conceptions (the Logos-idea), lays great weight upon the
' Memorabilia of the Apostles,' and expressly designates the
Apocalypse as a work of theapostle (Dial. 81,ApoL 166f: etc.).
So also with the Acta Johanuis referable to Leucius ( 5 8f;),
Corssenl sought to show that the Acta did not make use of the
Fourth Gospel but that on the contrary the gospel made use of
the Acta or at'least wakacquainted w i d the traditions contained
in i t ; and Hilgenfeldz inclines substantially to the same view
even after James3 had published new fragments and sought to
prove from these the acquaintance of the author of the A c t a
with the Fourth Gospel, Evenif we grant this, Corssenstill will
be right in his assertion that the Acta diverge from the Fourth
Gospel in the freest and most far-reaching manner, and thus by
no means give it a position of authority.
Here also belong the Pseurio.C/emeutiue HomiZies (end of 2nd
cent.), and Celsus (&ca 178).
2545
2546'
2547
2548
"
I>,
( 5 42).
2549
2550
Fo:i
2552
m,
82
2553
(a
. .
1 D m /oltnnnes-Evan&ium,
1900, and previously in Die
LehveJesu, 1, 1886, pp. 215-342.
D.-FIRST
EPISTLE
What distinguishes the First Epistle from the gospel
most obviously is its express uolemic against false
These, to speaG generally,
6,. Polemic- teachers.
against
false are gnostics ; this appears (24) in the
h e that saith, I know him
teachers. expression
16 Xdvwv 671 .+vvwKa alSrbv\ as also in
that terminus technicus of gnosis seed (mrdppa : 39),
which signifies the individual seed-grains of divine
origin scattered throughout the world of matter, to wit
the souls of gnostic persons, and in the declaration of
these persons that they have no sin (18 IO).
More
precisely, the false teachers disclose themselves to be
docetics. Their assertion (222) that Jesus is not the
Messiah finds its explanation in 42f: (cp 2 Jn. 7 ) , according to which they deny that Jesus Christ is come in the
flesh, and in 56 ( this is he that came by water a n d
blood ). While holding this teaching they give thcnlselves over to libertinism, according to 2415f: 3410 517,
which passages must certainly be taken as referring to
them. The case isnot met by supposing the reference
to be to Cerinthus, the oldest of the gnostics, who with
all his gnosticism was still a Jewish Christian ; later
forms must be intended even although we are not in a
position to state more precisely what they were. T h e
purpose of the epistle, then, is to combat this tendency
with as much directness ( 2 2 6 37) as it is combated
indirectly in the gospel (5 5 0 ) . The writing can be
called a letter only in a remote sense (cp E PISTOLARY
L ITERATURE, 3 9). The writer addresses his readers
as little children, or beloved, or brethren ; but i n these
expressions he is addressing all Christendom.
In all his controversy with gnosis the author is at the
same time strondv
- _influenced bv its ideas. Like that
of the gospel. hls thought is dominated
58.
with gnosis. by the great antithesis betwecn God
and the world (216 4~ f \ . or God and
the devil (38 IO 44), or truth andfalsehood (221 4 6 ) ; in
analogy with Jn. 3 6 843, etc., in I Jn. 519 also we find
the mutually exclusive alternatives that one must either
be of God or of the world which lieth in the wicked
[one] (&
r o v v p 4 K E ~ L ) . The claim to know, or
to have known, all things is made by the writer for
himself and for his readers (213f: .of: 27 47)as positively
as any gnostic could make it ; the expression seed
(ardppa)be applies in similar manner to himself and to
them, and asserts sinlessness for both ( 3 9 6 518).
In the ideas just indicated, as well a s in respect of
69. Author language, the agreement with the gospel
seems so strong that the identity of
from author authorship of both writings is often reof Jn. garded as self-evident. Holtzmann, however (Einl. ins N T ), enumerates fifteen
German theologians by whom it is denied, and he him-
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2556
1
,
74
/ I
was written after the gospel (and that in turn after 132), provided
that the epistle was written not later than about 140.
2557
2558
In this place, on the other hand, a word is still demanded by the second purpose which, over and above
that of church-polity, underlies at least the second
epistle. This epistle combines with its polemic against
false teachers a recommendation of the ideas of the
gospel and of the first epistle, and in this respect stands
on the same level with the first epistle itself, whether
it be that the second epistle is later than the first and
2560
~~
That both epistles are from the same hand need not he
,donhted, yet neither is i t ahsolutely certain. If we must
suppose from the outset, on account of the other Johannine
writings, that there was a whole group of men who laboured in
.one and the same spirit, then there can always have been two
,different members of the group to whom we are indebted for
these two writings which do not absolntely coincide either in
langnage or in intention. T h e reference back from 3 Jn. g t o
the second epistle is by no means a conclusive proof of unity of
authorship, nor yet are the limited number of expressions in
which both agree, such as 'walking in truth' (mprrrare2u ;u
&AqOd?), 2 Jn. 4 3 Jn.3f:, or 'loveand truth'in 2 Jn. 3 3 Jn. 1.
Tn.114
jl1.145-51
Jn.21-II
Jn.2zo
Jn.31-21
JII.RJ5
Jn.36
Jn.316f:
Jn. 3 16
Jn.42
Jn. 421-24
Jn. 446-54
Jn.51-r6
Jn, 51-16
Jn. 524
Jn. 528f:
Jn. 543
Jn. 6 1-63
Jn.64
Jn. 6393.
Jn.6398
Jn.G41f:
Jn. 65-59
Jn. 6 52
Jn.668f:
Jn. 739
J.. 739
50
35h
F 35e
5 38
j::
:$A
Jn. 858
$3 35h
$256
$29~2
$ 50
Jn.91-41
Jn. 01-41
2561
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2538
Iiirlemann (/PI",
1879, pp. 565-576) has even soughf
to establish a probability that the two minor epistles.
which he assigns to a date earlier than that of the first
epistle or of the gospel, presuppose the work of Papias
and subserve the intention of substituting a different
picture of John for that drawn by Papias.
W e may conclude, then, by pointing out briefly that the first
half of the second century suits all the rderences to the conditions of a later time (less precisely determinable) which we have
found in thesecond and third epistles and in the gospel. In
the second and third epistles the most important trace of this
kind is the excommunication of one another by Christians and
the rise of a hierarchy. I n the gospel we have, corresponding
to this, on the one band, the idea of the unity of the church
(here expressed quite ideally, without any hierarchical flavour :
1016 1711 12-23 etc.), on the other hand, the expulsion of
Christians from the synagogue, which Barcochba carried out.
The assigning of this in 9 22 to the lifetime of Jesus is certainly
not histmical (see GOSPELS, 136). I t is significant that 162
announces i t for a future time. The same period fits also the
tendency to detach the responsihlity for the condemnation of
Jesii!? as much as possible from the Roman government and to
roll it on to the Jews, a tendency even more marked iii Jn. 18 26I 9 16 than in the synoptics (cp GOSPELS 4 108). Jesus acknowledges himself not a s Messiah of the Je&: but as King of Truth;
politically therefore-this is the political aspect of the narrative
-cmistiLnity is not dangerous.
Of conservative works on the Johannire question that cf
Luthardt (Der jbh. Urspr. des 4. Ev., 74; ET by C. R.
Gregory, St. John the author of the Fourth
66. Literature. Gospel, '75, with copious bibliography)
deserves special mention ; of 'mediating'
works, that of Beyschlag (Die /oh. Frage, '76, previously in
St.Kr. '74J). T h e most important critical works are : Bretschneider, Probdilia, '20 ; Baur, TCbinger theolog. jahrbb. '44,
1-191, 397-475, 615-700 and Die Ranomschen hvangelirn, '47,;
Hilgenfeld, Das Em. u. die Bn2fc johannis, '49, and Die
Evangelien, '54 ; Scholten, Het Evangel2 naarJohannes, '64,
Germ. transl. 67 ; Keim, Gesch. j e s u von A azara, i. '67, 103172 ; Thoma, Genesis des Joh.-Ev., '82 ; Jacohsen, Untersuchyngen #bey das j o h . - E v , '84 ; Oscar Holtzmann, Joh.-Evnng.
87. Baldensperger ProZog des 4. Evang '98 (regards polemi:
and apologetic agaiAst the sect of the Dis:iples of John as the
aim of almost the whole gospel). Too late to be used in the
above article appeared Kreyenhuhl, Das EvungeZiunz der
Wahrheit, i. (19.0).
The Johannine question enters here
quite a new stage. Kreyenbiihl regards the Fourth Gospel as
a Gnostic work, and seeks to ascribe it to Menander of Antioch,
a pu il of Simon Magus.
[ T i e English literature on the subject in mainly 'conservative';
see, especially, Sanday, Authorship and Hist. Char. of Fourth
Go.$. ('72); Thz Gospels in the SeconZ Cent. ('76); Salmon
Hist. Introd. t o NT ('85) ; Watkins, Mod. C d . consider& ii
ReL t o Fourth Gospel ('go) ; Gloag, Introd. t o /oh. Writings
('91); Lightfoot, Essays on t h Work entitled 'SupernaturaZ
Religion' (orig. in Cont. Reu. '74-'77) and 'on the Internal
Evidence for the Authenticity. and Genuineness of St. John's
Gospel' in the Erpositor (Jan. Feh. 1889); T. B. Strong, art;
'John' in Hastings, D B , 2 ; Reynolds, art. 'John, Gospel of,
ib. ; Salmond, 'John, Epistles of,' ib. ; also the comm. of Westcott, ' Gosp. of St. John,' in Speaker's Comnzentary, and Epp. of
Si. /ohn, 3rd ed. ('85) and Hummer, St. john's CospeZ and
Epistles ('96). T h e critical view is represented by J. J. Tayler,
A n Attenyif t o Ascertain the Character of the Fourth Gospel,
csjeciaZZy in its relation to theJZrst three ('67) ; b y the anonymous author of Supernatural Religion: an E n g u i y into the
ReaZity of Divine Revelation (vol. ii '74); by E. A. Ahhott
art 'Gospels' in Ency. Brit. ('79'; see'8lso GOSPELS above, 56
8-167) ; and by B. W. Bacon, Introd. to NT (1900)~pp. 230279.1
P . w. s.
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