Thucydides was

an Athenian historian, political

philosopher and general.

His History

of

the

Peloponnesian War recounts the 5th century BC war between Sparta and Athens to the year 411
BC. Thucydides has been dubbed the father of "scientific history" because of his strict standards of
evidence-gathering and analysis of cause and effect without reference to intervention by the gods,
as outlined in his introduction to his work.[1]
He has also been called the father of the school of political realism, which views the relations
between nations as based on might rather than right. [2] His text is still studied at advanced military
colleges worldwide,[citation

needed]

and the Melian dialogue remains a seminal work of international

relations theory.
More generally, Thucydides showed an interest in developing an understanding of human nature to
explain behaviour in such crises as plague, massacres, as in that of the Melians, and civil war.

'Industrialization' The process in which a society or country (or world) transforms itself
from a primarily agricultural society into one based on the manufacturing of goods and
services.

DEVELOPMENT: The systematic use of scientific and technical knowledge to meet

specific objectives or requirements.

Historical institutionalism (HI) is a social science method that uses institutions to find sequences
of social, political, economic behavior and change across time. It is a comparative approach to the
study of all aspects of humanorganizations and does so by relying heavily on case studies.
Borrowing from Charles Tilly, historical institutionalism is a method apt for measuring "big structures,
large processes, and [making] huge comparisons".[1]
Historical Institutionalism has generated some of the most important books in the fields of sociology,
political science and economics. In fact, some of these studies have inspired policy and its scholars
have received numerous awards. Although historical institutionalism proper is fairly new (circa 1979),
it identifies with the great traditions in history, philosophy, politics, sociology and economics.

Structural realism comes in various shapes and sizes. First there is the epistemic
kind which holds that at best we can have knowledge of the structure of the world.
This comes in two main flavours: la Ramsey (e.g. John Worrall and Elie Zahar
2001) claiming that the structure of the world is reflected in the Ramsey sentence of
successful scientific theories and la Russell (e.g. Ioannis Votsis 2005) claiming that
we can infer certain things about the structure of the world from the structure of our
perceptions. Then there is the ontic kind which also comes in a multitude of
flavours, three of which stand out: (i) the no objects view (e.g. James Ladyman
1998) according to which there exist no objects only structures, (ii) the no
individuals view (e.g. Steven French and Decio Krause 2006) which maintains that
there exist no individuals but only non-individual objects and structures and (iii) the
no intrinsic natures view (e.g. Ladyman 2007) which eliminates intrinsic natures in
favour of haecceity-free individuals and structures.1 Finally, there is the
methodological kind which concentrates on the role shared structure plays in
characterising scientific theories, in relating high-level theory to low-level data and
in identifying links between predecessor and successor theories (see Katherine
Brading and Elaine Landry 2006).
Institutional liberalism or liberal institutionalism is a modern theory of international
relations which claims that international institutions and organizations such as the United
Nations, NATO and the European Unioncan increase and aid cooperation between states. The
theory can be compared to idealism, the international relations theory which emerged after the First
World War when the League of Nations was founded.[1]Like political realism, institutional liberalism is
utilitarian and rationalistic. States are treated as rational actors operating in an international political
system in which hierarchy cannot be enforced.