Frontline

Frontline Leadership1
Medel, A., Lopa-Perez, M. & Gonzalez D. (2007).Frontline leadership: Stories of

local chief executives. Quezon City: Ateneo School of Government and Konrad
Adenauer Stiftung
A Love Affair with the People

A Profile of an Anonymous Governor
Ma. Teresa Ortega-Briones
([2007], Frontline Leadership. Quezon City: Ateneo School of Government and Konrad Adenauer Stiftung)
There is this story told about Governor MP of a province in the Visayas, a story that has the makings of a
folktale. The Governor was the special guest of a far-flung barangay, invited to do the honors of crowning
the fiesta queen. The other guests, including the district congressman, had already gone the rounds of
visiting their key political supporters, as was the tradition of the place. It was getting late, and they had been
waiting for the special guest for several hours. The Governor sent word that she would be delayed, as she
was still having a meeting in another village several towns away.
The neophyte congressman, who could wait no longer, asked that they go ahead with the coronation, MP or
no MP. But the barangay captain and the town mayor refused; it was a mortal sin to disappoint MP.
Besides, they had invited the governor for other, far better, reasons. They wanted to hear MP announce during her diskurso as the guest of honor - their long-awaited projects for the village.
The village officials were disappointed to see the congressman, who was visibly irked, and his entourage leave.
The bayle, or fiesta dance, had already commenced, while the fiesta queen retired for the time being,
exhausted as she was after the half-hour parade along narrow trails. The more senior villagers would not be
deprived of their early sleep, and sleep they did.
Three hours later, the barangay captain and the town mayor, together with the other pageant organizers - all
of them tipsy from native liquor - went the rounds of the village, rousing those who were asleep and calling
everybody to proceed to the basketball court. The Governor and her entourage were about to arrive. They
could proceed with the coronation - and hear from the lady's lips the much-awaited announcement of a
livestock dispersal project and the construction of a new waiting shed. Never mind the congressman, who
was good with words but hardly delivered.
Governor MP completed 3 terms, and then became a member of Congress for 1 term before retiring from
politics owing to "health reasons." In the meantime, her son replaced her as Governor and is on his 2nd term.
Her husband was also the Governor before she took over.
MP grew up in a rural town and finished her elementary and secondary education in public schools. She
pursued higher education and graduated from a Catholic university with a liberal arts degree, major in English
(cum laude). Her professional experiences became useful for her subsequent career in local politics. Her 14year stint as a court stenographer of a Regional Trial Court gave her a solid background in legal
procedures. Then she spent 13 years as cash and collection manager and finance manager of 2 private
companies. Those years honed her financial management skills.
The families of MP's mother and father are no strangers to national and local politics. A grand-uncle from her
mother's side became a member of the Philippine Legislature, the National Assembly, the House of
Representatives, and the Senate from 1916 to 1946. Her brother was a 3-term member of Congress, while
her sister is currently on her 3rd term in Congress. How is "leadership" - specifically leadership in
governance - understood by MP and those who were with her during her tenure as governor? What made
her a leader, if indeed she was one? What were her prevalent leadership practices? How did the story of her
leadership unfold? What were her standards, especially when confronted with leadership dilemmas? The following accounts provide us with a glimpse of how MP was as a governor, a leader, and a public servant. These
stories were told by MP and those who worked closely with her.
Leadership as a Shared Vision for Development."Leadership" for MP is the ability to help other people
especially the poor. It is a "position" where "you can do something to help them" by being able to give
what they need. For MP, however, responding to people's needs should not be pure and simple dole-out; it
is an approach "to move them to do something for themselves".
Two department heads who worked with MP in the provincial government talk of leadership as the "ability
to influence and move people" which has two targets. The first is organizational: it is the ability to manage
the organization and make people do their jobs efficiently and with commitment. The second target is societal
where the organization becomes the vehicle "for moving people towards development" in which people's
needs are addressed. A nephew and executive assistant (EA) of MP summed this up when he described
MP's leadership as "people-oriented."
Leadership as Mutual Relationship.The Provincial Tourism Officer (PTO) of MP believes that a leader
is one who has the "ability to share his or her vision with the people...and move them to realize that vision."
Programs or projects can only succeed if the leader is able to show and convince the people how these
would benefit them.
Leadership, however, is a mutual relationship between the leader and the people. It is not a one-way
movement. If the leader's responsibility is to bring to the people goods and services, it is because the
leader wants to "gain the people's respect." This two-way movement entails the leader's "commitment,
dedication, and sacrifice" - qualities needed "in order to govern," according to MP's cousin who is a
member of the judiciary. A leader thus "gains the people's support" if he or she "gains respect through one's
position and one's integrity by living a life worth emulating."
Between Leadership and Leader.There seems to be a clear distinction between "leadership" and
"leader" in the minds of the respondents, even though the two concepts are closely intertwined. The
Governor and the participants of a focus group discussion (FGD) say that leadership is the "position,"
while the leader is "the person who leads." The PTO, on the other hand, says that "leadership comes with
the position," but any person "can be a leader even if he or she has no [formal] position."
Leadership is also conceived as a "quality" of a person which can be observed through his or her "style" or way
of exercising leadership. Two important aspects of leadership are the perceptions of the people about the
leader and the communication skills of the leader. How people perceive their leader especially in the case
of an elective official is crucial because people tend to look for specific leadership qualities, which include the
ability to find the best fit between specific community needs, on the one hand, and programs/ projects that
address them, on the other. Moreover, the leader should have the ability to communicate her intentions to
the people so that the intended programs/projects become acceptable and relevant to them. A leader who
speaks the people's language is said to have an edge over the others.
There appear to be several hallmarks of MP's leadership practices as governor: (a) a "hands-on" style of
leadership and management, (b) a sense of shared accountability, (c) a consultative attitude, (d) a service
orientation, (e) a projected presence, and (f) a concern for generating resources.
A "Hands-On" Leader and Manager.The Governor had admitted to being a "hands-on" leader and
manager to the point that she would micro-manage her office and social activities. She was "ma-detalye",
from correcting the "grammar and syntax of her staffspaperwork- including the periods and the commas down to the color and design of the table cloths" and the overall ambience of any occasion, including what
dress the staff should wear. Her staff were always on their toes when she was around, taking extra care to
avoid slip-ups.
Her staff and the department heads were impressed with how meticulous MP pored over documents. Her
many marginal notes were awaited with both excitement and trepidation. These small things inspired them
because they showed that, busy as she was, she still bothered to g'o through their outputs.
Her PTO suspects that MP's meticulous nature comes from her seeming boundless energy, which sometimes
complicates matters for her staff. "There are times when you cannot ask her to sit down and plan...go-go-go
langkami, dealing with one activity after another. She has these ideas, then tells us what to do, but then
she ends up doing it with us."
The Governor found it difficult to rely on reports from the field. She preferred to go to even the most
remote barangay, to hear directly from her constituents what projects or services they needed. For example,
MP would monitor infrastructure projects herself "rather than rely 100 percent on the engineers [because]
I wanted to see what was happening on the ground, whether the project was being implemented as expected
given the budget allocation." She adds, "I want things done, and done well."
A Sense of Shared Accountability.The Governor was known to hand checks directly to local officials in
full view of everybody. Fiestas were good venues for this practice. This was intentional on her part, she says.
Everybody is a witness, thus everybody knows the purpose of the funds as well as the exact amount
handed over. For MP, the local officials are the "stewards" who have to be extra careful in how the funds
are utilized. A municipal mayor together with some Sangguniang Bayan (SB) members confirmed this
practice. The Governor assumed that this would help local officials to be more transparent and
accountable.
In most cases, project funds were not given in toto. Local officials were "encouraged" to give their share from
their IRA (internal revenue allotment) or to tap other sources. Again, the assumption was that local officials
would make sure that the projects were implemented well because their local governments hud. a share in the
costs and thus had some ownership of the projects.
Being Consultative.Her EA says that MP consulted others before deciding on important matters. The
Governor usually formed committees and teams to manage activities. Her meetings with the mayors were not
purely serious business; they sometimes lapsed into good-natured banter and story-telling. According to
her EA, "MP's leadership was a continuous rubbing of elbows with other political leaders and ordinary citizens.
She gather signals from her peers as to where she wanted to go, and she learned about her constituents'
needs from ordinary citizens."
The director of the Provincial Disaster Coordinating Council (PDCC) affirms that, when MP had a project in
mind, she would discuss it first with her senior staff, present her ideas, then solicit their opinion. Or she
consulted with community leaders known for their probity. The PTO says that MP was a good listener, but
had the habit of picking the brains of local officials when they submitted project proposals.
Service Orientation.The department heads who worked with MP in the Capitolyo wonder where she got her
energy when it came to public service. "Wala siyang kapaguran" [She didn't seem to tire], they observed.
Her EA said: "She would do everything within her power to bring her projects and services to the baran-gays
despite limited resources. She didn't seem to care about ROI [return on investment]... every thing for her
was about service."
A municipal mayor and several SB members express similar opinions. Whenever MP visited the barangays,
she brought the Capitolyo department heads in tow. Barangay concerns were referred to the appropriate
agency, and MP would expect immediate action from the department head. Meetings were usually "onestop-shops" in which the provincial government made its presence felt directly by ordinary citizens.
Projected Presence.According to the mayor and his SB members, MP was a "visible figure in the
barangays...she has visited around 85% in our town, including those in the hinterlands." Her Provincial
Administrator (PA) made the same observation: "I think of all the governors, it was only MP who was able to
visit most, if not all, the barangays, even those in the remotest areas. MP knows which barangay needs
what, and which barangay has an ongoing project to address a particular need."
Her presence went beyond the physical, the respondents say. Returning to a remote barangay a year later,
MP could still recall who among the women were pregnant then, or ask someone about his mother who was
bedridden at that time, or recall the color of a dress worn by a Ma. People were often astonished by MP's
prodigious memory when it came to details. One can imagine how ordinary rural folk feel when given this
kind of attention.
The Governor made poor people feel important. The PA recalls that time when she was asked by MP to be
the latter's proxy as a wedding sponsor. This happened when MP, politician that she was, accommodated
two invitations to be a sponsor on the same day and hour - one from a high middle class family and another
from a lower class family of a barangay official. Her staff expected MP to go to the higher class wedding, but
she chose to go to the other wedding. Incidents like this endeared MP to ordinary people.
Because not all barangays in the province were accessible to motorized vehicles, MP was sometimes forced to
ride in a contraption pulled by a carabao. It was not unusual for her to hike to be able to reach a mountain
village. What drove MP to work this way? "She loves going to her constituents and be seen by them," her
cousin says. The Governor called this "my love affair with the barangay." This was the reason why mayors and
barangay officials prioritized her on their guest list during special occasions like fiestas. These provided them
with an opportunity to air their problems to the provincial government and, at the same time, receive MP's
much-anticipated "gift packages" in the form of projects.
Generating Resources.Her PTO says that MP had a knack for generating resources from outside
government. When MP put her sights on a particular project that had no budget, she would go the rounds
tapping international funding agencies and socio-civic organizations. The Governor wanted support funds to
be available so as not to frustrate her constituents.
In the assessment of her EA, however, some of MP's projects lacked sustainability. The province simply
lacked the technical capability and expertise to maintain those projects, which were unable to raise their
own revenue. Some of these "flagship projects" included techno-demo agricultural farms and tourism,
educational, and cultural showcases.
Leadership Moments.What were moments or situations when MP was called to leadership? For the
respondents, the call to leadership was always seen in the context of a disaster or crisis situation.
The Governor recalled that she felt being called to leadership during an emergency when a barangay site
was reported to have huge cracks on the ground. Upon consultation with the social welfare agency and the
provincial board, MP found it necessary to persuade the residents to leave the area and relocate. The
residents agreed after some convincing. She promised to provide for the housing materials if the residents
would construct the houses. She would think that her swift action and speedy decision brought to the fore
her leadership abilities.
Her PA and PTO would refer to MP's calls to leadership in the context of disasters and calamities. The
Governor would always be on top of the situation, they said, making on-the-spot decisions and issuing
commands. She expected her people to be on the site right away. It was during these times that "she does
things she is not required to do as the leader, but does it anyway." The PDCC director observed this during the
Ormoc City flashflood disaster, when MP was one of the first government officials to respond even though she
was not required to be there, Ormoc being a chartered city. These anecdotes indicate that, for most
respondents, leadership qualities are primarily manifested during crisis situations when the demands are
more serious and urgent.
Leadership in Public Service.How do the respondents understand "leadership in public service" as
practiced by MP? What are the situations in which one can clearly see the state and quality of her
practice of leadership? How does her exercise of leadership affect her family?
For MP, "leadership in public service" is "not just giving projects to the barangays. What is more
important is the human face of leadership: doing things that [the people] least expect you will do for
them, joining [with] them in their activites, being present in their celebrations like fiestas." The Governor
believes that leadership is not a mere concept; it has to be seen, heard and felt by the people one
leads. It has to have a human face - and this, she believes, she was able to provide during her tenure
as governor.
Leadership in public service is reciprocal. The Governor says that a leader needs to be present with and
among her constituents and feel their yearnings. In return, the people will assure the leader of their
"loyalty and protect her leadership." The goal of such leadership is the public good, which can only be
ensured if the leader has a sense of accountability to the public, unlike in the private sector where the
leader is accountable to her immediate superior in particular and to the organization in general.
The PA agrees that leadership in public service should entail presence. She defines presence as "being
there at the right time and even ahead of time." Presence may not be physical but vicarious. When she
was pressed for time, MP ensured that her senior staff would go to represent her in social functions and
other appointments.
Ironically, MP's need to be present to her constituents was also her Achilles heel. Her daily itinerary was
always full. Her first appointment for the day would start on time, but her tendency to extend her
meetings would eat up into the next items on her schedule. At the end of the day (or dawn, in many
cases), people would still be waiting for her. The Governor realized that this was her weakness, but
believed that the people would understand and opt to wait.
Cracks in the Family.Governor MP and her siblings descended from a big political clan in the western
part of the province. Her marriage with somebody who is from a political clan in the northeastern part
consolidated their political hold over the province. Her style of leadership and some of her decisions,
however, had a deleterious effect on her family.
The Governor claims that it was normal for the family members to consult each other, discuss the
careers of those who were politically inclined, and decide collectively. During the past ten years,
however, cracks appeared that led to a painful split among her siblings.
1995 Elections.The political career of MP began when she succeeded her husband as Governor. Her
brother won his third term as Congressman, while her sister was the mayor of their hometown.
1998 Elections.The 1998 elections became a showdown in MP's family. Her brother, who was not
eligible anymore to run for Congress, asked her to step aside, as he wanted the gubernatorial post
himself. Governor MP declined. Some political observers pointed out that MP could not run for
Congress in her brother's district, as she was a registered voter in another district in which the
incumbent belonged to another powerful political clan. It was a battle royale for the top provincial post
between the two siblings, and MP won her second term.
A daughter of MP's brother ran and won against MP's sister, the mayor of their hometown, in the race for
member of Congress in the district that MP's brother was vacating.
2001 Elections.Governor MP appeared to be on a roll. She won her third term. This time, MP's niece who
was gunning for a second term in Congress was defeated by MP's sister, the former mayor of their hometown.
2004 Elections.The 2004 elections saw another rigodon in MP's family. Because she was on her third term
and could not run anymore as governor, she decided to run for Congress in her district. She ran unopposed,
having gained the support of six of the seven mayors.
Talcing over MP's post as governor was her son, a management engineering graduate of the Ateneo de Manila
University. He won against a former lead prosecutor in the Estrada impeachment case.
The sister of MP ran for reelection with their brother as opponent, and she won a 2nd term. Thus, MP and
her sister were members of Congress in which they represented different districts in their province in 20042007.
Standing Up to Her Brother.In 1995, MP's husband would not run for Governor anymore. To keep the
family's hold on the post, he persuaded her to run. Her brother, an incumbent Congressman, agreed.
Governor MP recalled that, when her brother expressed his intention to replace her in 1998, people from all
walks of life - especially from far-flung barangays - trooped to her office to implore her to run again, even if
this meant pitting her against her brother. "I had to heed the cry of the people." She was convinced that the
"people liked my style of leadership, especially my presence as their governor, and the fact that I was able to
provide them basic services." She also believed that one term was not enough to complete her projects in the
barangays.
Her decision to run for a second term led to the split among her siblings. The situation was aggravated in
the succeeding elections. An incumbent congresswoman, MP's sister, tearfully recalled those difficult times
when family members had to campaign against each other. What hurt most, according to MP's sister, were
the black propaganda and trumped-up issues.Try as they might, they could not escape from the way
electoral campaigns were conducted in their districts. The voting masses and their political detractors lapped
up the dirty linen that the siblings were apparently washing in public.
In 2005, MP's brother succumbed to cancer of the lymph nodes. Right before his death, the three siblings
were reconciled.
Marital Separation.While MP's siblings were divided over her decision to run for a second term, her husband
was affected by her style of leadership. When he was governor, he was a macro-manager who would delegate
many tasks to his staff and people in the field. Unlike MP, he rarely visited remote barangays except to
campaign or to inaugurate big projects.
The penchant of MP for paying visits to remote barangays ate up most of her day, leaving her no time to
attend to domestic matters. She came home late at night or in the wee hours of the morning. This did not
sit well with the husband and ex-Governor. He tried to persuade MP to let her personnel instead do the
rounds in the villages, but she refused. She also objected to his tendency to interfere in her decisions.
Their unresolved differences eventually led to their parting of ways. According to observers, their children
appear to have remained unaffected by their separation.
The people who worked with MP witnessed the constant friction between the two. Even the members of
MP's staff walked their way around her husband because MP would always remind them, "Who's the
boss around here?" It was hard for the local government officials as well as the Capitolyo staff to avoid
being caught in the middle, but it was harder to ignore the rumors that went with the domestic fallout.
Personality.Some of MP's problems arose either from her personality and temper or from the systemic
flaws of the bureaucracy. She acknowledged she had a "perfectionist" streak, and recognized that her
staff and other provincial officials found it difficult dealing with her meticulousness and penchant for
details. Puede na 'yan [That is passable] was not in MP's vocabulary, and when people failed to deliver,
she confessed, "unit ang ulo ko" [it would raise my temper]. Her PTO said, "she wanted things to be
done perfectly, to the point that our resources were often strained because of her high standards." Also,
she had a strong work ethic - "she worked and worked and worked - and she expected her people to do
the same."
The penchant of MP to be "hands-on" made her seem makulit [taxing] at times to those around her. The
Governor wanted her personnel to show initiative in any activity or project on the condition that they gave
her feedback every step of the way. When things went awry, one had to be ready with a good reason.
This put a lot of pressure on the personnel. Also, her apparently boundless energy to be in many places
at the same time resulted in insufficient focus on the priority projects.
The Governor might be soft-spoken and "democratic" when dealing with local officials and her
constituents, but she was a hard driver when it came to her staff, according to her PTO. Sloppy work was
not tolerated. "Kung magalit siya talagang nagsisigaw ...papagalitan ka talaga kahit may ibang
nakarinig" [When she gets angry, she raises her voice and scolds you...even within the earshot of other
people], recalled her PTO.
Many of the staff feared MP because she tended to "exact the best" from them. This was a reason for
the staffs fast turnover - some simply quit, while a few were fired. "[MP] is like a 'mother' - she is mabait
[kind], but when she gets angry, she boils sometimes to the point that she seems to lose her
professionalism," sums up her PTO. But once outside her office, she would be composed especially
when she would be meeting her peers and other high ranking local government officials.
While the staff considered MP a demanding manager, the mayors and SB members who were
interviewed spoke of MP's inability to say "no" to her constituents as a constraint on her leadership. For
them, she was "too understanding and accommodating" that people had a tendency to abuse her
kindness. The PTO said she acted as MP's shield when favor-seekers came, while the PDCC director
said that MP was able turn down favor-seekers in a "sweet" way.
Systemic Problems.The Governor encountered several systemic problems that became constraints on
her ability to exercise effective leadership in the province. These include the following: (a) a lack of fit
between national and local priorities; (b) over-bureaucratic procedures and policies; (c) the
"untouchables" in the bureacracy; (d) the kanya-kanya [uncooperative] syndrome of turf-conscious
officials.
The Governor complained that projects conceived and ordered "from above" were often not in harmony
with local priorities, resulting in the waste of resources. She cited as an example how the Department of
Public Works and Highways controlled the budget for infrastructure projects. If she had her way, MP said
she would "implement the projects as a joint effort" between the national agency and the province. Better
yet, such projects should be handled at the local level because that would lead to better implementation and
monitoring, resulting in "lower operational costs." The Governor said that, to speed up the process and for
cost-cutting purposes, she would plan and implement her own projects than rely on the national
government. Bureaucratic red tape was a bane during her stint.
Her staff and department heads often found it difficult to convince MP that short-circuiting the bureaucracy,
as was often her wont, would do them harm instead of good. "We had to follow policies and procedures,"
they said, "lest she - and we - would be hauled before the Ombudsman" by opponents who were waiting
for her to make that blunder. One instance they cited was a project to distribute agricultural equipment to
the barangays. The Governor wanted to buy directly from an agricultural supplier whose equipment was of
good quality. The project team objected because that would go against "bidding procedures," but MP told
them "to find a way" (gumawa kayo ng paraan). The project team wrote her a letter explaining why they
could not do so. As expected, MP showed her displeasure, but accepted their position.
They recalled another project that MP wanted implemented on the eve of the election campaign, a no-no
in the Omnibus Election Code. The departments heads refused to "find a way" as MP requested lest that
would be used against her in the campaign. "We would have liked to implement that project, but doing so
at that time would have been illegal. It would have killed her [political career]."
Another stumbling block concerned the "untouchables" in the Capitolyo - officers who had security of
tenure but whose loyalty was suspect. These were the people who, in subtle but obvious ways, stymied
MP's efforts to reform the system in the bureaucracy. Her PTO said that MP would have loved to axe these
employees because of their non-performance. It was one of MP's frustrations to be unable to fire them.
It was MP's dream to see elected officials in the province and the municipalities "work together [as a
team]." But the partisan and personalistic culture of politics in the province often turned that dream into a
nightmare. "Kanya-kanya ang gusto nila" [They wanted to do things their own way], she lamented. Thus,
some of her initiatives, like establishing a one-stop-shop market and the improvement of the port facilities,
could not take off.
Aunthentic Leadership.Two themes can form a basis for saying that a leader in the public sector is an
authentic leader. The first is integrity - the ability to fulfill her promises to the constituents especially in
terms of the delivery of services that would improve their lives. The second, which appears to be a
requirement for the first, is empathy - the ability to feel or share people's aspirations and needs.
Integrity appears to cut across the opinions of the respondents. In MP's words, "an authentic leader is one
who does what she has promised to the people...ginagawa niya ang kanyang mga sinasabi para sa
ikabubuti ng kanyang mga constituents" [she puts into action (her promises) for the good of her
constituents].
As for empathy, her PTO said that MP "might not be eloquent in English, but the masses loved her
because she could speak their language." She had the ability to reach out to people's hearts, and she was
"always available to the common tao...close to them." Her knack for sensing the needs of people enabled her
to respond accordingly. Because of this, people reciprocated with their loyalty.
What made leadership in governance interesting for MP? Life, passion, joy, drive...these were terms used
by respondents to describe ingredients of MP's leadership. They agreed that she did not seem to tire in
fulfilling her commitments. The Governor said that it was always a joy to "see the people happy because I
am instrumental in improving their lives." Her PTO added, "MP is a person who thrives on challenges...The
more you challenge her, the more she drives herself...and her drive to surmount any challenge is
infectious."
Public service especially for those in elective positions can be a 24-hour, 7-day-a-week job. In emergency or
crisis situations, for example, private companies and their offices might be closed, but government offices
have to be open. When times are normal, elected officials are also expected, to be on call to attend to the
needs of their constituencies. Her EA asserted that MP worked well whether in emergencies or unexciting
times. He added that MP's presence and availability sent a strong message to her constituents - the
government will go to you, instead of the other way around.
Leadership and Power.There is no doubt that the respondents perceived MP as a powerful leader, and in
her practice, leadership, position, and power are intertwined. An integral part in the exercise of leadership,
according to MP, is power. "It is leadership that gives you power, and it is [through] power that you can
show your leadership," she says. But power as an integral component of leadership is not everything, she
adds. The exercise of power and authority as a leader in governance should redound to the benefit of the
people by "moving those who have the resources" to help those who are needy so that they are "enabled to
move themselves [towards development]." Moreover, one's power as a leader is meaningless "if you do not
have the ability or the heart to improve people's lives." The Governor adds that power has been truly
exhibited "when you see the rewards of your efforts...seeing the people move not for you but for themselves."
The department heads agree. Having power as a legitimate leader makes one "confident to implement
programs and make decisions." For them, power is a requirement in the exercise-of leadership especially
in governance: "If you are a leader without power, how can you make people follow you? Nobody would listen
to you or obey you."
Her PTO said that MP "used power to get things done even if resources were not always available." The
Governor also used her connections with those in power to spread her powerbase. Her cousin recalled the
time when MP endorsed to Malacanang her appointment as a member of the judiciary. Many judges in the
province, in fact, owe their appointments to MP, she said. The Governor likewise used her power to
"demand accountability" from her staff and local officials.
Sources of Power.There appear to be external and internal sources of MP's power. The external sources
refer to factors in the environment while internal sources refer to factors that flow from MP's personality
and character. The position of MP as governor was a source of her power. Yet she would add: "If you have no
leadership [qualities], you don't have any business using that power." Closely related to position is
legitimacy to which MP had a claim as somebody who was democratically elected. Her cousin said another
source of MP's power was her connections "to the center of political power, Manila." Her access to
Malacanang, the Senate, the House of Representatives and national agencies was an advantage in
obtaining projects and resources for the province.
Another external source of MP's power comprises socio-political support groups like the political families
of her parents and the political family of her husband. Other socio-political support groups constitute her
clan's balwarte [powerbase] which comprise groups loyal to her interlocking political families and maintained
through political patronage. These include ba-rangays that have benefited from MP's projects such as
medical missions, livelihood projects, day-care centers, and waiting sheds. Her PTO said that all the small
projects in the barangays provided instant name-recall, which gave MP an edge over her political rivals.
The charisma of MP was an internal source of her power. "Mapa-oo ka sa kanya dahil very persuasive
siya. Kahit mahirap gawin, hana-pan mo ng paraan para magawa mo ang ipinagawa sa iyo" [You cannot
but say 'Yes' to her because she is very persuasive. Even if the task is very difficult, you have to look for a
way to do it], according to the respondents. Her integrity in making campaign promises for which she would
work hard for their fulfillment was another source of MP's power.
The department heads cited the instance when the province hosted the Boy Scouts of the Philippines
National Jamboree, a no mean feat considering the logistics and resources required for the activity. Her
allies in the province were apprehensive not only because of the costs but also because she could be
accused of using the affair for political reasons, as it was nearing election time. "Pero di siya nagpapigil" [MP
could not be dissuaded], they remembered. "We had to do our part, even if the tasks were beyond us,
because we saw that she was working harder than any of us...she would tell us what to do...'You do this,
you do that'...sometimes she did not even bother to consult us. She made all the decisions, and we just
followed her. In the end, she was able to pull it off."
Leadership Standards.The respondents identified three main sources of MP's standards in exercising
leadership and power. These are the codes upheld by the government, her family upbringing, and her
personal work ethic.
As a public servant in local governance, it was incumbent for MP to follow the Code of Conduct and Ethical
Standards for Public Officials and Employees as well as the Local Government Code. She, however, was
sometimes annoyed at some provisions that seemed to promote inefficiency and to delay project
implementation and service delivery.
Her EA and PTO affirmed that MP's family upbringing influenced her standards in exercising leadership and
power. The families of her parents were not from the "upper classes like the hacienderos ...they were not
born with silver spoons in their mouths." They were "political" families because they were used to dealing
with ordinary people whose votes were invaluable during election day. Relating with and understanding the
common folk became the family's standard in politics.
Even though MP reached out actively to poor people, she never appeared in public sloppily dressed and
without make-up. To her staff, she was a model of elegance. According to her EA, since MP's parents often
had visitors, her mother would not allow any of her daughters "to go out of their rooms unmade-up." This
became part of MP's standard in public service: She never hesitated to tell her staff to wear make-up or to
improve the way they dressed. Her staff recounted that, before they and MP would appear in the same
function, they would get prior information about MP's dress so that they would not appear wearing a
similar outfit or one with the same color.
Her personal work ethic, which she carried over from her days as a court stenographer and then a finance
manager, was another standard in her leadership. She was a "workaholic" who rarely gave herself a
break from her many appointments. "Nahahawa kami sa energy level niya" [We get infected by her energy
level], they said.
Leadership and Management.Academics tend to make distinctions between leadership and management.
The respondents stressed that, in practice, it is difficult to distinguish one from the other.
The Governor was quite sure that "leadership and management should go hand in hand" in order to be
effective in the public sector. For her, leadership is required in management: "Kung wala kang leadership,
wala ka ring management" [If you have no leadership (ability), you have no management (ability)].
Necessary in management are the "systems and policies to put things in order so that you can implement
projects in the right way." But as a leader, one has to have "add-ons" that go beyond systems and policies.
She cited as an example the implementation of a supplementary feeding project that was part of a provincewide nutrition program. As the leader responsible for the project, she had to see the bigger picture and
coordinate seemingly unrelated activities. Thus, as a leader, she needed to be able to relate malnutrition
(addressed by the supplementary feeding program) with food availability in each family (addressed by the
Department of Agriculture) and health concerns (addressed by the Department of Health). Thus, for MP,
rojects such as supplementary feeding could not and should not be regarded as stand-alone efforts. She
considered it her job to see the connections and the relationships, to educate others about the links, and to
persuade them so that they would act accordingly. The Governor termed this leadership ability as "selling
your ideas to the right people so that they will believe in you that you can do it and, at the same time, they
will believe in themselves that they, too, can do it...and that I am there to support them."
How much leadership and how much management is needed to improve public service? The
Governor affirmed that effective basic management would already do much to improve public service. This
did not mean that leadership should be relegated to the backburner. Leadership, for MP, is the sine qua non
for holding together any government organization.
The other respondents saw the necessity of both leadership and management in improving public service.
The department heads - who perceived themselves as both leaders and managers - believed that there
should be a balance between the two. In order to be an effective public servant, one has to have efficient
sytems and procedures guided by relevant policies and, at the same time, have the people skills, which are
within the ambit of leadership. For them, leadership, and not management, inspires subordinates and
followers to act without being ordered. The PDCC director sums this up: "One needs to manage the
organization's resources and one should also have the ability to get other people's commitment to make
things happen."
The cousin of MP would warn against being too rigid in following rules and procedures. She suggested that
leadership in public service means that there are times when one has to bend the rules (or go beyond the
rules) to serve the greater good.
A Square Peg in a Round Hole?
A Profile of Governor Robert Lyndon S. Barbers
Ma. Teresa Ortega-Briones
Everybody was excited - for the first time, the department heads and Sangguniang Panlalawigan
members were going to Boracay, the world-famous island of white-sand beaches. Fresh on their minds
was the Governor's announcement: this trip was to be the culmination of a series of staff development
and team-building activities. For several days, the Capi-tolyo people had been scrimping on their daily
allowances for their share of the expenses, a strict requirement of the Governor's. Everyone wanted to
enjoy the trip and spend a little bit more than what they could really afford. Never mind the detractors
with their nasty remarks being broadcast over the media, saying the Governor was having a "junket"
using taxpayers' money.
As they boarded the ship that would take them to Cebu City, from where they would travel on to Boracay,
they noticed the Governor carrying a bulging plastic bag from which peeked green tips of leeks and what
seemed like other leafy vegetables. His aide toted another plastic bag with kitchen utensils; staff members
from the Governor's office dragged a huge styro-foam ice box.
Unable to contain their curiosity, someone asked the Governor about the contents of the bags and the
icebox. The Governor proudly opened the bags in one were several kilos of tomatoes, onions, garlic, and
bottles of vinegar and soy sauce as well as other condiments. In the other were cooking utensils - a set of
knives, several ladles, a chopping block, and other kitchen items. In the icebox were chicken, pork and
assorted sea food. The Governor explained, in all seriousness, how much they could save instead of buying
these things in Boracay or elsewhere. There were plenty of raised eyebrows and suppressed smiles.
"Kuripot kaayo, no? Kulang na long dad-on ang tibuok kusina" [He's such a niggard, no? He might as well
have brought the kitchen], they whispered behind his back.
As everybody but the Governor guessed, the tomatoes, leeks and onions did not survive the trip to
Boracay because the contents started rolling out of the plastic bags while they were about to board the
plane. The knives, ladles and chopping block, however, were useful, and the Boracay trip overall was a
success.
Back in Surigao City, everybody had a good time telling the story of the governor whose list of monikers Batman, Amerikano,2 estrikto [strict], Hitler - had been getting longer by the day and to which another had
been added: kuripot [niggard]. Governor Robert Lyndon Barbers was aware of these nicknames, but could
only sigh and smile.
Coming of Age.Robert Lyndon S. Barbers is the eldest son of the late Senator Robert 'Bobby' Z. Barbers
and the former Virgie Smith of Makati City.3 Judge Felix V. Barbers (ret.) and Dr. Regina Z, Barbers, grandparents of Lyndon, recalled that, as a small boy, he was friendly, fun-loving, obedient, and religious. During
summer vacations, Lyndon would stay with the senior Barbers in Surigao City. His attachment to his LoloDaddy and Lola-Mommy became the foundation of their mentor-mentee relationship.
In those days, Lyndon would go to the wharf with his great-grandfather, Adriano Zabala, who was the
president of the Surigao Labor Union. They would watch the stevedores loading and unloading cargo
from the vessels. Lyndon's playmates were the children of the stevedores who taught him how to speak the
Surigaonon dialect (a variation of the Cebuano language) and, more importantly, what life was at the pier. His
love for the sea (he practically swam everyday with his probinsyano friends) gave him a strong physique
but made him darker so much so that he became the butt of jokes in the family.
Immediately after graduation from high school, Lyndon was sent to the United States for college. He enrolled
in Riverside Community College where he earned an Associate of Arts degree. Barbers then proceeded to
the California State University, San Bernardino, where he graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in Political
Science. To support himself, he worked as a crew member in a McDonald's outlet in Los Angeles.
While studying in college, Lyndon married Tricia Isidro, a US-raised Filipino who finished a degree in
fashion design. They have three children, Stephanie, Matthew and Luke.
A Reluctant Candidate.Lyndon's stint in government service started in December 1995 when he worked
as his father's technical assistant when the latter was the 2nd district Representative of Surigao del Norte.
In April 1996, Pres. Fidel Ramos appointed Rep. Barbers as Secretary of the Interior and Local Governments,
and Lyndon moved to his father's new office. In July 1997, the President appointed Lyndon as the National
Capital Region (NCR) director of the Tourism Department (DoT).
In 2001, Lyndon was prevailed upon by his father and other family members to run for governor in their
province. At that time, when his father was a Senator while his brother, Ace, was the 2nd district
Representative, he had little interest in running for an elective position. "Politics was forced on me by my
father and brother," he says.
His grandparents, who played a big role in his political life, write in their chronicle:
Lyndon is the rare breed in the family where everyone has now become politically minded. He was so
concerned with his work as NCR director and head of the Tourist Security Division of the DoT.... As
grandparents we were at first vehemently against his entering politics because we believed that
inasmuch as he [was] already holding a responsible position in the DoT, his future in tourism is
brighter than embracing a political career because of its uncertainties.
Judge Barbers recalls that his son, Bobby, was hesitant to endorse other gubernatorial aspirants because the
Senator suspected that they were only after the campaign funds. The other reason of the Senator was the
assurance of a win given their family name.
When confronted [with] the decision of his father, Lyndon was asked to give his consent. Reluctant to enter
politics, he told the members of the family that if Lolo Daddy consents to his entering politics; he will throw
his hat into the political arena. He asked me what can I say and being convinced of the validity of Bobby's
arguments, I told him 'to go for broke.'
Lyndon won in the 2001 elections and became, at the age of 32, the youngest governor of the province. Thus
began the reluctant governor who would be reelected in 2004 but would be unsuccessful in his bid to be the
2nd district Representative in 2007.
Leadership Ways.Leaders have their unique ways of exercising leadership, and Gov. Barbers has exhibited
his own set of practices. He underscores the inspiration that he taps from a number of sources:
My wife - she's very supportive in all the things I do. My children make me think that all the things
that I should do are for the good of the next generations. However, with regard to my inspiration at
the political level, it's no less than my father. And of course, my mother who instilled in me the
moral values as my compass in life. But most of all, God the Father is my ultimate inspiration. He
gives me the strength, courage and wisdom to do the things I have to do for the good of my
province and my constituents according to His will and for His greater glory.
Another source of inspiration is the people he serves. Seeing the people's faces brighten because he is able
to help them is enough "to do better and keep on going." His vision is a "just and God-centered local
governance."
In addition, Barbers has distinguished himself in his emphasis on imposing discipline; being strategic,
systematic, and involved; utilizing democratic and consultative processes; encouraging subordinate initiative;
wielding a personal touch; and serving as a role model.
"Strike Board" Discipline.When he assumed office during his first term, Barbers immediately earned the
moniker "Hitler" and estrikto. The Capitolyo staff and local officials were used to doing things their own way
and this did not sit well with Barbers. The Capitolyo people were convinced that Barbers' ways were not
acceptable in Surigao.
Barbers' first term was particularly stormy. It was a kind of love-hate affair with the heads of line agencies
as well as the rank-and-file in the various units. The people had been used to having indulgent trapos
[traditional politicians] run the provincial government, and they expected their newly-elected governor to work
in the same way. This was unacceptable to Barbers, who regarded the provincial government as "a
corporation or a company that provides services." Barbers says, "everybody was surprised [because] they
could not believe that I, being a politician, would treat everyone with a 'corporate attitude.'"
A panel with pictures and the names of the provincial governor's staff sits inside Barbers' office. Right
beside the pictures were check marks, and above the marks were the words, written in bold, "Tardy", "Absent",
"Mistakes." When asked about the curious-looking panel, Barbers smiled impishly and explained,
That is my 'Strike Board.' It's my way of instilling discipline in my staff. Outside the office, you are
friends, but when it comes to work, you have to work. Pag palaging late o mali-mali ang gawa,
talagang magagalit ako. [If a staff member is always late or commits the same mistakes over and
over, 1 really get angry.] But I make sure no kung magagalit ako sa kanila [when I get angry at
them], it's a professional anger, nothing personal. I try to balance between [having] the personal
touch and the authority of my position, policy implementation, and exacting outputs from them.
The "Strike Board" then is there "so that they will leam. If they do it [commit the same blunder] thrice, it
means 'strike [out]' na sila, just like in baseball. 1 have sent some of my staff on 'exile' to hardship postings,
like the provincial jail or one of the islands. In most cases, they learn."
The Four Rules of the Provincial Governor's Office (PGO)
I.
DO NOT give the Governor problems without solutions.
II.
All instructions of the Governor should be followed unless it will damage the personality and
image of the concerned staff.
III.
A three-strike policy with regard to tardiness, absences and mistakes: One is enough; Two is
too much; Three cannot be - you're OUT
III.
GENERAL RULE: The Governor is always right. If the Governor is wrong, please refer to Rule
IV-1
NOTE: Any PGO staff who disagrees with any of these PGO policies may opt to get out or stick it out.
These policies shall take effect immediately unless sooner revoked.
The Department Heads and other Capitolyo employees who are covered by the Civil Service Commission
are not spared from the PGO rules. "Time is very important for me," Barbers says. "Eight [o'clock] is eight
[o'clock]." Barbers is particularly conscientious when it comes to the "Monday-Friday syndrome," when
employees tend to be tardy on Mondays and leave their offices early on Fridays. Monday flag-raising
ceremonies, mandated for all government workers, have become well-attended activities, with Barbers
waiting for the employees to arrive.
Judge Barbers says Lyndon is "strict and is a disciplinarian... ayaw niya ma-late sa pagpasok sa office o
pag-start ng activity" [he doesn't like people to be late coming to the office or starting any activity]. While he
had mellowed a bit on his second term, the Governor did not change when it came to punctuality. Local
government officials in the municipalities and the barangays, as well as other government employees, had
learned to be on time for their appointments and activities. He says:
Kayo kung may barangay o town affair at di makapag-umpisa ng ta-mang oras, bibigyan ko sila ng
ilang minuto. Then, kung they don't start, aalis na ako. I tell them na hindi lang ito ang trabaho
ko. [If there is a barangay or town affair and they don't start on time, I usually give them a few
more minutes. Then, if they still don't start, I leave. I tell them I also have other things to do.]
I remember one time when I was invited to a function in one of the public schools. It was getting late, and I
still had other appointments. I was very frank with the teachers. I told them na alam ko utang na loob ko
sa inyo itong position ko, but then, hindi lang kayo ang nauutangan ko ng loob. May iba pa, at dapat
puntahan ko rin sila, ayaw ko na ma-late doon, nakakahiya baka naman masyadong dramatic entrance o
pa-VIP. [I told them I realize I owe my position to you, but then, you are not the only ones that I owe my
position to.
There are others, and I also have to see them. I don't want to be late in my appointment with them. It would
be embarrassing on my part if I come in like a prima donna or some VIP.]
It was difficult for him to adjust to the so-called Filipino time, used as he was to being on the dot. Eventually,
people adjusted. He says:
Sila dapat ang mag-adjust sa akin kasi sa dami-dami nila at ako lamang mag-isa kaya pag may
affair sa barangay o town at invited ako, di na nila ako ilagay sa first part. Sa kalagitnaan na ang
number ko, at kung 10 a.m. ang time ko, dapat makapagsalita na ako sa ganoong oras. [They
should adjust to me because they are so many and I'm only one. That's why they won't place me
during the first part of a program in a barangay or town activity. They have learned to place my
speaking part somewhere mid-program, and if the program says I am to speak at 10 a.m., then I
should speak at that time.]
Strategic and Systematic.Barbers' style of governance is often described as systematic and strategic. It is
strategic in the sense that his vision and plans are clear and communicated to the people. At the same time,
he takes into consideration the bigger picture; national priorities, actual conditions in the province, the
needs of his constituents, and the availability of resources both human and material are considered
beforehand. In terms of integration, Barbers says, "there is always coordination between our projects and
national projects, especially if we - the province, the municipalities, the barangays - are required to put up
counterparts."
One of his staff cites the province's program to increase the agricultural output. When Barbers learned that
majority of farmers were dependent on rice production, he ordered the provincial office of the Department
of
Agriculture (DA) to "think of other ways like inter-cropping so that the farmers will have other sources of
revenue while waiting for their rice to be harvested."
He also pushed the DA to upgrade old-fashioned ways of rice farming. However, others found it necessary
to balance Barbers' output-orientation ("resulta agad" [immediate results]) with the locals' leisurely way of
doing things. "We found the going difficult because the attitude of the farmers in America was different from
the attitude of those in Surigao," says one staff member. "While farmers in the US are big-time and they have
the technology and the machines, our farmers are still using the daro-daro [plow] system. But we assured
Barbers that we would do our best to educate our farmers on how to improve their production. But we had
to caution him and ourselves - dahan-dahan lang kasi di pwede mabilis ang success" [we should do it
gradually and slowly because there is no shortcut to success].
Barbers' style of governance follows a system. For instance, prior to formulating the budgets, he meets all the
department heads, informing them of his priorities per department and consulting them about the feasibility
of implementing specific projects. Once priorities have been agreed upon, he asks the department heads to
meet with their respective staff to draw up plans complete with budget estimates, which are then
submitted to him. "In this way, the concepts for the programs and projects as well as the details of each plan
do not only come from Gov but also from the department heads and their staff," says one staff member.
Barbers amazes the department heads with his ability to discuss each of their programs in detail, including
figures in their budgets. In this way, he participates in the planning, implementation, and monitoring of
programs. He encourages the rank-and-file to attend the meetings "to let them know what we are
discussing and planning" as well as to hear their inputs and get to know them better on a personal basis.
Barbers is a "hands-on" person, according to his staff, especially when it comes to monitoring a program or
project. Because it is impossible for him to personally follow up all ongoing projects, he has set up a
Community Affairs Office. He meets the department heads twice a month for feedback or updates. "Bitbit
niya ang records ng monitoring ng kanyang Community Affairs Office. Kukumustahin niya isa-isa. At dahil
alam niya ang programs ng bawat department, hindi sya pwedeng lokohin" [He would bring with him the
records of the Community Affairs Office. He would ask how the programs are faring...and because he knows
the details of the programs of each department, nobody can fool him], says his staff members. He can recite,
for example, the number of fruit trees planted in a particular barangay, and the report of the concerned
department should tally with what he knows.
Barbers' seeming obsession with monitoring and updated information about his projects is attributed to two
things. First, he is intent on ensuring that his projects make a difference on the lives of people. "Gusto niya
may impact sa mga tao ang aming ginagawa" [Our projects should have impact on the people], say the
department heads. Second, he wants his people to perform. "He wants us to be effective leaders in our respective units, that we perform our roles." They add:
Pag may hindi magandang mangyayari sa [project or program] implementation, kami lahat ang
ma-blame kasi lahat kami involved. Pag maganda naman, kami lahat ang pinupuri. [If something
goes wrong with implementation, all of us are to be blamed because we are all involved in it. But if
everything goes well, all of us get commendations.]
Barbers reminds everyone in the Capitolyo that every program and project should have ROI [return on
investment] - "dapat may income tayo d'yan, pati sa investment natin" [we should earn some income from
the projec and investment], he would say when a project is about to be launched When he sees that the
budget for a project cannot be supported in toto the province, he would look for funds from other sources.
"Magaling siya so [he is talented at] networking, sa fund sourcing," observe the department heads.
Democratic and Consultative Actions.While there are Surigaonons who think that Barbers is
authoritarian and too aggressive especially with his belief that he is always right in the end, there are others
who mention his democratic and consultative actions as a leader.
One of the things the department heads like about Barbers is his receptivity when told that his directive
cannot be done due to some legal or procedural impediment. If questions come up regarding a proposal
for farmers, for instance, he will not hesitate to call for a meeting of the agricultural sector in a particular
town to validate the data.
Whenever Barbers does the rounds in the municipalities, he calls the barangay chairs to the poblacion [town
center] where they discuss community needs and possible interventions. He would ask them to submit
resolutions or proposals, regardless of party affiliations. To Barbers, "dapat ang taong bayan maka-beneftt
din, hindi lang mga political leaders [the citizens also should be able to benefit, not only the political leaders],
as long as these projects are within the executive agenda." In the process, he has visited all 27
municipalities, one city, and 435 barangays. He is the first governor in the history of the province who has
visited all the barangays.
One council member attests that he listens to the comments of the Sanggu-niang Panlalawigan members. He
has this line during their sessions, "Sulti mo kung ganahan mo o dili. Basta please feel free to talk" [Tell me
(your comments) whether you like (my proposal) or not].
Aside from conferring with his inner circle within the bureaucracy, the Governor consults his mentor, his
grandfather. He never fails to seek advice especially when legal matters are involved. With a laugh, Judge
Barbers says, "[He has to consult me], otherwise, I will spank him!"
Subordinate Initiative.Governor Barbers expects his subordinates to exercise initiative in their work.
Woe to a department head or staff member who whines and whimpers before him.
I would reprimand them with the reminder: 'Don't give me problems without solutions.' Kasi sa dami kong
concerns and problems na hinahawakan, bibigyan pa ako ng problema lalo na kung maliit na bagay lang
[With my many concerns and problems, they will still add trivial problems at times]. 'Kaya mo yan, e' [You
can do it], I would tell them. What I want to hear from them is something like this: 'Gob, ito, may problema
tayo pero ginawan ko ng paraan. Ok ba ito?' [Gov, I have a problem but here's my solution. Is this okay?]
So I tell them, 'Okay 'yan, pero dagdagan natin 'yan. Ganito ang paraan natin. Hindi n'yo pa ba naisip
gawin [That's okay, but let me add to it. This is how we will do it. Haven't you thought of this] especially
we've been together for almost five years na? This is now my second term, still you don't know the way I
work, the way I think? Do I still have to remind you every time?'
Some employees in the Capitolyo perceive Barbers' style of management to be un-Filipino so that they feel
ill at ease before him. While he may be Amerikano or "brutally frank," he is also "trusting" and "confident that
we can do our jobs," according to the department heads. They have accepted this fact of his personality
because, "at least, alam namin saan kami nag-kakamali" [we know where we go wrong].
Personal Touch.Barbers claims he is a "listening" person with a personal touch: "My leadership [style]
has a personal touch...they [constituents] can see me any time and they can tell me their problems or
concerns. I listen to them and give advice if needed," he says. His experience tells him that three things
are important when "dealing with people: "First, you should gain the respect of your constituents;
second, you should be a good listener; and third, you should personalize leadership." To personalize
interaction with a constituent, "you should be able to go down or up to [his or her] level."
Judge Barbers and PGO staff have observed that the Governor has tried harder to exude friendliness in
public. His speeches are peppered with jokes. Even his reprimands sound like he is joking. He attends
informal employee gatherings, like the Family Day Celebration, where he and the members of his family
also vied for prizes. Lately, employees have come out of his office with huge grins on their faces after
being given a pat on the back for jobs well done.
Barbers has been like a "stage father" to his employees. "Pag may activity kami, andoon siya, nagcocoach sa amin, o siya mismo ang mag-facilitate" [When we have activities, he is there, coaching us, or
facilitating], they report.
Barbers is known to admit his mistakes and apologize - in public or over the radio - to people whom he
wronged inadvertently. Some PGO staff remember an incident during his first term when he reshuffled
several department heads and health administrators of government-run health facilities without the
benefit of a comprehensive consultation. The respondents said barbers was too trusting with his socalled advisers who took advantage of the neophyte governor.
His personal touch has helped him mediate and resolve conflicts. The respondents still remember the
polarization of the employees when he took over: some old-timers - holdovers of the previous
administration - resisted the Governor's change initiatives, while another group openly supported him.
The media had a heyday feasting on the "incompetence" of the new Governor. Barbers conducted
consultations to trace the source of the conflict. This led to the series of teambuilding activities,
including a Family Day, which has been institutionalized as an annual fellowship activity, as well as the
trip to Boracay.
Barbers is known to be gender-sensitive, perhaps because of his stint as NCR director and head of the
Tourist Security Division of the DoT. This unit is responsible for giving protection and other assistance to
tourists all over the country, and deals with the problems of pedophilia and sex tours. He claims to abhor
the display of women like they were objects:
Ayaw ko sa mga mutya-mutya kaya 'di ako pumupunta sa mga coronation. Kasi ayaw ko na
parang pino-promote ang mga kababai-han na parang isang bagay na pwedeng bilhin, lalo na
kung ang hihintayin ng mga tao ay ang bikini portion. [I have never liked beauty contests
that's why I refuse invitations to crown local queens. I don't like it when women are promoted
like commodities, especially when people are looking forward to one thing - the bikini swimsuit
portion.]
Leadership by Example.Barbers is conscientious about projecting a particular image to his constituents
and employees. He is punctual and at his office before 8 o'clock in the morning "para maipakita ko na
kayang hindi ma-late" [so that I can show that being on time can be done]. His staff claim that he has
no time for
leisure activities like mahjong. Some of them several times have witnessed Barbers working in his office
during weekends, poring over documents.
Barbers tries to show to his constituents that he is a different politician. He refuses to have his personal
travel and other expenses reimbursed (like his trips to and from Manila, where his family resides), unlike
other officials. He says:
When I go to Jollibee, pumipila din ako kasi that's the policy - na kaya kong gawin ang ipinapatupad
noting order [I also join the queue because that's the policy - that I, too, can follow what is required to
have order].8 Noong may festival sumali ako sa cleaning, at noong nag-concert isa ako sa nagbabantay,
parang tanod. Dala kopamaspas o pamalo. Nagpu-pulis ako para ma-secure ang peace and order. [During
the (Bonok-Bonok) festival,91 joined in the clean-up efforts, and during the concert I was a guard, patrolling
the place with a nightstick. I helped police the place.] I like simple living. Wala akong bagong sasakyan mula
sa pagka-upo ko rito. Minsan nagmo-motor lang ako. [I have not acquired a new vehicle since I assumed
office. Sometimes I just go around in a motorcycle.]
His practice of frontline leadership sometimes places him in dangerous situations, which seem to excite
him. Judge Barbers narrates that Lyndon organized a composite team of law enforcers to go after drug
pushers and users.11The team was able to secure search warrants, and conducted a series of lightning
raids that apprehended more than 22 suspects in a month's time.
Barbers personally led most of these raids, thus the "Batman" moniker. Barbers says he wanted to cover all
the bases during these operations: He would lead the raid to keep an eye on the law enforcers (who were
known to use illegal means in apprehending suspects, such as planting evidence or pilfering confiscated
items), and he would bring some members of the media to keep an eye on everybody, including himself.
Barbers' example has made an impact on other local officials. One mayor, for instance, says: "I am trying to
follow his style kay mas maayo man ang relasyon sa mga kaubanan sa trabaho [because it helps in
improving one's relationship with one's co-workers]. He is a professional ug binag-o ang iyang leadership
style. Dili siya trapo." [His leadership style is progressive. He is not a traditional politician.]
Leadership Moments.Barbers and the other respondents recount several stories about "moments of
leadership." He believes he is called to leadership whenever he acts as "mediator" in conflict situations. For
instance, he is sometimes forced to step in during budget deliberations when mayors fight over who gets the
biggest share of the pie. Barbers feels thankful for his training in Labor Management Conflict Settlement
during his stint in the DoT when he was often called to attend to labor disputes.
His staff members recall an instance when the Governor made a tough decision. Neophyte as he was on his
first term, he thought he could rely on his father's trusted lieutenants who were old hands in the Capitolyo.
These "advisers" influenced him to make precipitate decisions. A high-ranking provincial official, who was
close to his father and who acted as adviser, was engaging in shady transactions and was exposed. Torn
between axing the official and retaining him out of respect for his father, the Governor decided to "stand for
what is right." Even his opponents admired his gumption for firing the official, who later turned against him
and the entire Barbers family.
In 2004, the Provincial Board and the mayors were in mid-session when they received word of a hostage
incident in Tubod, a sleepy town. A family had been taken hostage by a man wanted by the military. Barbers
calmly announced that he was going to attend to the crisis. Upon being told to let the police or the military
take care of the situation, he answered, "I have to be there. Iba yung pulis, iba rin ang tatay ng province"
[The police is one thing, the father of the province is another]. Barbers ended up negotiating with the
hostage-taker, fearing that the soldiers, all battle-ready, would start shooting. His skills as a mediator
came in handy, and the situation was resolved peacefully with the hostage-taker landing in jail.
On another occasion, Barbers personally led the rescue and relief operations during a landslide in Barangay
Rizal in Surigao City. "He was there, nan-gunay pagtrabaho [leading the operations], mobilizing resources
and, overall, very responsive in helping the people who were affected," they recall.
Environmental Issues.Surigao del Norte is known as a mineral-rich province where mining is one of
the leading industries. In recent years, the environmental and social effects of mining have been felt in the
province. The Manila Mining Company, operating in the Municipality of Placer, had a tailings pond leakage,
an incident that threatened nearby communities. Barbers was just starting out on his first term when
residents and groups of small-time miners accused the mining firm of violating the provisions of the Mining
Act of 1995 with regard to the protection of the environment and the community. Environmental groups
added their voice to the issue.
Barbers and other provincial officials visited the area to assess the situation and to hear the residents and
affected groups. They concluded that allowing the mining operations to continue would put the people and
the environment at unacceptable risk. The provincial government lobbied for the closure of the mine site.
Barbers personally asked the assistance of the Alpha Phi Omega Fraternity, of which he is a leading
member, to support the lobby. Not long after, the mining operations closed down.
The issue did not end there. Barbers wanted an institutionalized and sustainable response. Thus, he
started the ball rolling to formulate a master development plan that would deal with environmental and
mineral resources issues. The process was participatory, involving various sectors and stakeholders
including government and non-government organizations, faith-based organizations, the academe, the
media, the local development councils, municipal councils, and barangay leaders. The outcome of this
process was the "Environmental Code of Surigao del Norte" and the "Provincial Mineral Resources
Development Master Plan," which was conceived as a "guide in all mining development undertakings of the
province." Barbers hopes that both documents will "significantly direct the development of the province's
natural resources and wealth through collaborative involvement of the different sectors in society."
Leadership Measures.For Barbers, a leader in public service should have the capacity to determine and
address the needs of the people in order to uplift their lives. A public servant may not be a leader but a mere
follower. It takes more to be a leader in the public sector whose actions and character can be evaluated
through the following measures: willingness to sacrifice; quality of priorities; transparency, honesty and
integrity; commitment to participatory and shared responsibility; and capacity to increase revenues.
Sacrifice. Sacrifice, for Barbers, is the ability of a leader to give up something that is personally valuable for
the common good. He says:
Sa totoo lang, wala sa intensyon ng isang totoo at tapat na lider in public service ang
magpapayaman. Ang totoo, maghihirap ka sa public service kahit mayaman ka dahil magaabono ka. [Truth to tell, a genuine leader in public service has no intention to enrich himself. In
fact, you will suffer in public service even if you happen to be rich because you will spend personal
resources.] But that's where your leadership and managerial skills are needed. Leadership in
public service requires a lot of sacrifices, a lot of critical decision-making and political will.
Another aspect of sacrifice is the willingness and capacity to listen to the problems and concerns of others
with a view to helping them. He says:
Dito sa Capitol, lahat ng problema napapakinggan mo. Lahat nga mga tao diyan na nakapila sa
labas ay may kanya-kanyang problema - bayad sa kuryente, bayad sa tubig, tuition fee,
hospitaliza-tion, pamasahe, kabaong, embalsamo. Grabe na siguro ang problema ko kung hingan
pa ako ng advice ng isang farmer kung ano ang gagawin kung ang kanyang kalabaw ay nakipagaway sa kalabaw ng kanyang kapitbahay. Tag mangyari 'yan, mag-suicide na talaga akol
(Laughter)
[Here in the Capitol, you listen to all kinds of problems. Each of those people lining up outside my
office has a problem - the electric bill, the water bill, tuition fee, hospitalization, transportation fare,
coffin, embalming. It would really be the pits if a farmer whose carabao has been fighting with the
carabao of his neighbor asks me for advice on what to do. If that happens, I will commit suicide!
(Laughter)]
Quality of Priorities
The priority programs and services that bring about development are also determinants of the quality of
leadership in public service. Barbers' priorities were chosen owing to their impact and net benefits.
Governor Barber's Priorities: Promoting the Tourism Industry. Surigao del Norte is no longer
primarily known as the nickel-producing province. Today, it is a tourist destination attracting people from
the world over. This was aided in part by the Governor's stint in the DoT, and partly by his brother, Robert
Dean Barbers, who is the General Manager of the Philippine Tourism Authority.
According to Barbers, Surigao del Norte seeks to be "globally competitive... that's why tourism is one of my
priorities.... We have [one of the] best surfing areas..." So one of the first things Barbers did was to map
out a tourism strategy. He set his sights on Siargao Island, among others, specifically the town of General
Luna, where giant or Cloud 9 waves that curl in on themselves are ideal for surfing. He organized the
annual international surfing competition with local and international contestants.
Despite the windfall the industry can bring to the environment, Barbers is "sensitive" to moral and ethical
issues. He has put in place policies and mechanisms to mitigate the negative impacts of the tourism
industry. He says "sensitive ako d'yan - kung may makita akong mga foreigners na mga bata ang
kanilang kasama - n'yun bang issue ng pedophilia" [1 am sensitive to that - if I see foreigners bringing
along children - the issue of pedophilia]. His office closely coordinates with the Department of Social
Welfare and Development, the Philippine National Police, and the local governments.
Anti-Illegal Drugs Campaign.Surigao City, because of its strategic location, has unfortunately become a
transit point in the illegal drugs trade. Barbers has led raiding teams on suspected drug dens. By
participating in the drugTransparency, Honesty, and Integrity.
Barbers realizes that, without capable and dedicated human resources, good governance in the province is
impossible. With this end in view, a "moral recovery program" was set in place to target all employees and
staff from the Capitolyo down to the municipal and barangay offices.
Businessmen who transact with the provincial government have second thoughts about giving money to
facilitate transactions since the Governor makes it known that he disapproves it. He says:
Transparency ang kailangan palagi, walang hokus pokus kaya tu-maas ang revenue namin kasi
marami ang nagbabayad na ng buwis. At ang pera pumasok sa government treasury kasi wala na
ang areglo-areglo at walang lulusot kaya wala naman ang empleyadong gagawa o papayag sa
'SOP'.
[What we need is transparency always, no hocus-pocus. Because of this, our revenue has
increased, as many people pay their taxes (and other fees). The money goes to the treasury
because there are no under-the-table deals, nothing illegal goes through, and thus no employee
makes or accepts 'SOP.'
A campaign for transparency and honesty has improved basic services delivery. The Provincial Health Officer
cites the accessibility of low-priced medicines in public hospitals and health centers. The procurement process
has been streamlined, following strict bidding procedures. Judge Barbers recalls that this was set in place
after Lyndon discovered the anomalous purchase of expired medicines worth millions.
While past administrations used public resources and employees in their election campaigns, Barbers
avoided this practice, and he did not mobilize the department heads for his campaign sorties. He tried to be
fair by rejecting the practice of firing employees hired by previous administrations. Instead, employees were
fired only with sufficient basis.
Barbers has the "ability to translate his words and promises into action," say his department heads. The
Governor is known for going into the fray instead of merely delegating tasks. For instance, at the height of
the antidrug advocacy program, Barbers went "from school to school, talking to the students and
administrators. He also visited churches and chapels where he presented the evils of illegal drugs using
power-point presentations." He has the ability also to separate work from play: "Kung trabaho, trabaho gyod;
kung lipay-lipay, lipay-lipay gyod" [When it's work, we really work; when it's time to relax, we relax], says a
staff member.
Shared Responsibility.Barbers puts a premium on having the local governments, sectoral groups, and
citizens organizations participate in governance. "Partnership" in a project can mean 50 percent funding
from the provincial government, with the other 50 percent shouldered by the partner LGU. The province
works with NGOs with good track records, using the 50-50 scheme. The LGU (or NGO) implements and the
provincial government monitors and evaluates.
For Barbers, dole-outs have no place in governance, except in emergencies. The principle of quid pro quo
operates every time the government provides services. Barbers makes it clear to project beneficiaries, such
as farmer groups, that it is their obligation to pay their taxes "as their share so that the government can
continue implementing projects."
According to his staff, government-run hospitals and health centers in the province, as part of his no doleout policy, ask for a minimal consultation fee of PI 5 per indigent patient. This brings additional revenue for
health and medical services. This policy was the result of a consultation process with municipal and
barangay health professionals and health workers.
Against Nepotism.Barbers is clear on his stand against nepotism. Relatives are banned from directly or
indirectly benefiting from any project or activity on account of his position as governor.
Several incidents tested his commitment in this matter. Once, a relative caught operating a sand-andgravel quarrying business with no license or permit was brought to court. A cousin was arrested for alleged
illegal gambling operations. Their appeals to Lyndon went unheeded. "They were very angry at me, but I
couldn't do anything about it. I didn't want to jeopardize my governance and leadership. I just wanted the
law to take its course," says Barbers of the incidents.
Even those closest to the Governor have had to exercise caution to avoid being perceived as currying favors
from him. Dr. Regina Barbers, his grandmother and a former Vice-Governor of the province, relates that she
and other family members have respected the boundaries set by the Governor. As the incumbent
chairwoman of the Red Cross-Surigao del Norte Chapter, Dr. Barbers is often in the public eye, conducting
medical missions and other welfare services. "I see to it na 'di ako naka-front, o di ako magpapakilala na ako
ang lola ni Gov. Otherwise, baka mababahiran ang kanyang leadership" [I see to it that I am not there out
front, or introduced as the grandmother of the Governor. Otherwise, his leadership might get tainted], she
says.
Some relatives and family friends think the Governor has gone overboard in this matter, Judge Barbers
says. Even relatives with legal business with the Capitolyo are affected. For instance, a cousin's bid for a
catering service was rejected by Lyndon. "Walang kamag-anak na sumasama sa bidding in whatever form o
gusto magpapa-endorse para employment sa Kapitolyo" [No relatives are allowed to participate in any
bidding in whatever form, or to be endorsed for employment in the Capitol], the grandfather adds. Unlike
nepotism, however, a "political dynasty" is not regarded by the Governor as wrong, as long as the free will of
the voters prevails.
According to Dr. Barbers, job applicants have sought the grandparents' endorsement for employment in
the Capitol. They invariably advise them to go to the Personnel Office. "Kung qualified sila, madawat sila. Dili
g'yod 'mi manghilabot kay masuko si Lyndon. Dili 'mi gusto nga maglabad ang iyang ulo" [If the applicants
are qualified, then they might be hired. We don't want to intervene because Lyndon gets angry. We don't
want to be a headache to him], she adds.
Organizational Problems.Barbers had to confront organizational and personal leadership problems. The
most serious organizational issue he had to deal with as a neophyte governor was the change-resistant
culture of the bureaucracy at the Capitol, which had seen better times, not to mention the partisan mentality
of most of the local officials. His political science background and his business management orientation
would have a difficult encounter with the ingrained habits of the organization and the individuals comprising
it. His situation was like that of a square peg being hammered into a round hole.
Most employees and officials found it difficult to adjust to Barbers' work ethic and no-nonsense attitude in
dealing with them. Barbers admits "they were shocked when I took over" because they were used to 2-hour
lunch breaks. Most employees had a hard time reforming their easy-going ways.
As soon as he assumed office, Barbers started coming in before 8 a.m., working through lunch break, and
going home late. He institutionalized his policy of punctuality and accuracy with his "Strike Board." It was
initially difficult for the PGO staff, but they eventually learned. The department heads were not spared. He
placed a time-in/time-out logbook inside his office where he saw - and thus monitored - them signing in.
This had a "multiplier effect," according to Barbers: because the heads had to stay in their offices for the
required number of hours, their respective staff members had to do the same.
Small changes produced small victories. Upon assuming office, Barbers began to require every employee to
wear an ID; no one was allowed entry without it. He wanted his staff to look smart before their clients, so
he ordered strict adherence to a "dress code." The story is told of Barbers taking this so seriously that, once
while passing by a female employee on her way home, he stopped his motorbike and jokingly told the
employee that she would look better if she wore high-heeled shoes instead of sandals.
During conferences or unannounced visits to the offices, women staff members are instructed to apply makeup
on their faces. This particular policy started off another round of complaints - and name-calling. Some
suspected Barbers of being gay because of his seeming obsession with high-heeled shoes and makeup.
Another issue Barbers looked into when he assumed office referred to the qualifications of his employees. To
some people this smelted of a witch-hunt. Barbers saw the qualification assessment as a way of helping the
employees improve their skills because "when I came in [many] people in the organization were not qualified
for their positions." He suspects that many gotappointed "because of political accommodations." The
department heads, who cannot forget that incident, say, "there was a gap between him and us with regard to
who were qualified."
Barbers proudly claims that he himself goes the rounds and monitors the offices. "Kung wala ako, nag-aassign ako ng tigbantay, at ang tigbantay, pinabantayan ko rin" [When I'm not around, I assign someone to
monitor the offices, but I also ask another person to watch the monitor], he says with a smile.
A close circle of friends composed of several department heads and provincial officials tries to balance
Barbers' Amerikano image. They provide him feedback about the impressions and reactions of Capitolyo
employees with regard to his policies and pronouncements. They act as his "brakes" to slow him down
when he wants things done posthaste. They try to make him understand the Surigaonon way of life - the
inato culture of exhibiting behavior appropriate only in one's household or familiar territory such as
wearing slippers and casual clothes. By his second term, Barbers had learned the ropes and made some
adjustments to local ways.
Dealing with the President.As governor and local party leader, Barbers encountered dilemmas relating to
the political environment of the country and the national leadership. He thinks that the prevailing political
system puts more importance on what one has said rather than what one has done. For him, the highest
criterion of leadership in public service comes down to what one has accomplished for the good of the
constituents.
He confesses to being appalled, at times, with the way the national leadership decides and manages its
affairs, but he tries to be prudent, and finds a way to soften the impact on his people. He says:
I try to find ways in making this and that particular request or instruction na maganda pa rin ang
kalabasan [to still come out good]...Using my own discretion, gagawan ko ng paraan. Kasi tuwing
magbibigay siya ng instruction sa akin, parang... 'Ooooops.'[I try to find a way. Because each time
she gives me instructions, it's like...'Ooooops.']
The Governor and the rest of the Barbers clan had been subjected to intrigues because, despite their
claim to be political allies of Pres. Gloria Ma-capagal Arroyo, Rep. Ace was among those who signed the
impeachment complaint against the President in 2005. Lyndon asserted that he would not exert influence
on Ace when it came to matters deliberated in Congress, but the Barbers family expressed its support for
Ace after he made his decision on the impeachment. At the same time, another brother, Dean, remained a
presidential appointee as head of the Philippine Tourism Authority. Thus, detractors of the Barbers family
have said that it engaged in a dishonorable game to ensure that it would have a share in the spoils no
matter which side would win in the battle between the administration and the opposition.
Dealing with Painful Criticism.Current local politics is highly partisan and personality-oriented, and under this system, any public official is considered fair game. "Ang hirap dito kahit sino ang nakaupo at kahit
gumawa ka ng mabuti titirahin ka pa rin ng oposisyon" [The problem is, whoever sits in office, even if you do
well, the opposition will always find fault in what you do], according to Barbers' staff.
Barbers appears unaffected by the brickbats thrown at him - usually through the "paid media" - and
laughs off his critics. He says that he takes criticisms as "inspiration to do better." He likes to say in public:
"Tapos na ang politika pagkatapos ng eleksyon. Lahat mag-cooperate kahit iba't-iba'ng political parties for
the development of the province" [Politicking should end right after the elections. All should work together
even those from different political parties].
Despite his hard image, Barbers, the governor, has a soft side, which seems vulnerable to attacks. He
admits to being hurt when his detractors say his efforts to mingle with ordinary people and to be like everybody
else (such as queuing at fastfood restaurants) are just "pa-pogi points" [deeds for show].
His co-workers in the Capitolyo also whenever his father was criticized.In October 2003, Newsbreak, a weekly
magazine, published an article, "Barbers Cut," which showed a wide discrepancy between the declared
wealth and properties of Sen. Barbers, on the one hand, and his government salary on the other. The
Senator and his sons filed a libel suit against the author, Gemma Bagayaua, and the editorial board. The
article won for its author a Jaime V. Ongpin Award for Investigative Journalism.
In April 2004, during the campaign period in which Sen. Bobby was running for a 2nd term, Rep. Ace was
running for a 3rd term, and Gov. Lyndon was running for his 2nd term, the TV show, Imbestigador,
conducted an "expose" that seemed to suggest that the Barbers brothers were involved in acts of corruption
and murder. The brothers claimed that the program had allowed itself to be used by their political nemesis,
the Matugas clan, and they filed a libel suit against the show's host and the network.
Dealing with Favor-Seeking Supporters.Gov. Lyndon and Rep. Ace were reelected in 2004 but Sen. Bobby
was not. The Governor would complain about people who trooped to his office or residence asking for this or
that favor as a quid pro quo for supporting him during the election. In his view, the problem centers on the
Filipino value of utang na loob in which one tends to become beholden to another person for a favor
bestowed. Barbers says:
I have to be sensitive to the attitude and behavior of the typical Filipino. I have to deal with things
like pakikiusap [asking for a favor], utang na loob [returning a favor], political accommodation...like
the mayor who is my political ally and who asks that his son be employed in the Capitolyo even if
the guy is not qualified.... So where do we start? Kaya sabi ko [That's why I say] the only way this
country can change and progress is to have genocide [laughter].
Those whose requests could not be accommodated would react like jilted lovers and seek out a higher
authority like the Senator when he was still alive. The father would ask his son to respond favorably to
supporters as much as possible. The PGO then had to devise a system in which employment seekers
would be sent to one office while those seeking something more "personal" would be allowed to see the
Governor or referred to the appropriate department. Nevertheless, PGO personnel have not hesitated
to turn down those lacking qualifications. Jilted favor-seekers would spread nasty stories about the
Governor, who would conclude that the economic state of the province is still problematic and for which
better education would be the long-term solution.
A Promise by His Father's Deathbed.Bobby Barbers passed away in December 2005, and at his
deathbed he made Lyndon, the eldest son, swear that he and his brothers would not abandon
Surigao. "Mahirap tumanggi sa kahilingan ng isang taong mala-pit na mamatay" [it is difficult to say no
to a person who is dying], Lyndon affirms. In the 2007 elections, Lyndon ran for Representative and
lost while Ace ran for Governor and won.
Lyndon has said that what he wanted was to be a career person in some government office or private
company and not to be in politics. As an ex-Governor, will he still try to exercise leadership in Surigao or
somewhere else, in governance or in business? Will he still abide by his father's request, and how will he
choose to do so?
A Concoction of Luck, Hard Work, and Science
A Profile of Governor Josefma "Josie" Mendoza de la Cruz
* Joy Aceron and Vina Vicente
"She had just turned 21, a fresh graduate from the Ateneo de Manila University. Like any young adult,
Josefma Mendoza or Josie, as she is luridly called, was hanging out with her friends with whom she
comfortably shared her thoughts and dreams. It was local election season in February 1980 in a country
still under Martial Law. Not too many people were keen nhout running under the ruling party, the Kilusang
Bagong Lipunan (KBL, New Society Movement), owing to growing dissent towards the dictator, 1'resident
Ferdinand Marcos. It was difficult for the KBL to complete a slate In some locales.
While hanging out in the streets in a day that would change her life, losie and her friends were
watching candidates who were going around campaigning. Since Marcos suspended elections during the
first 6 years of Martial Law, they were curious about the electoral exercise. It was at this moment, in a
sudden illumination, Josie remarked aloud, "Gusto ko rin kumandidato" (I also want to run for office).
It was as if those words were heard by the gods that, in an unexpected turn of events a few days before
the deadline for the filing of candidacy, one of the KBL candidates for councilor backed out from the
race. With not much time left to find a candidate, one of the KBL members remembered hearing Josie in
the streets saying she wanted to run. Perhaps because of the absence of alternatives, the local KBL
sought out Josie and drafted her to run for councilor of Bocaue.
She filed her candidacy ten minutes before the deadline with her photo graph to follow. To the
surprise of many, the young Josie Mendoza topped the elections, becoming the youngest councilor of
Bocaue. In less than two I decades, she would become the first female Governor of Bulacan.
Luck in the Rise to Power. The rise to power of Josie Mendozawho became Josie de la Cruz after
marrying Rogelio, her childhood friend-involved some lucky breaks that one* might think it was
destiny unfolding.
Less than two years after she got elected as the youngest councilor, another unexpected event
happened, and she assumed the position of Bocaue vice I mayor at the age of 23. But unlike the subtlety
of the "world's mysterious ways" the last time, this one was rather drastic-the incumbent vice mayor
died. As the number one councilor, she was the legitimate successor to the position.
In 1988, de la Cruz thought her political career was over. Yet again, there was an opening that led to her
election as the youngest provincial board member of Bulacan. Similar to her first foray into politics, the
scarcity of candidates who were willing to run, this time against the LDP, the dominant party in the
administration of President Cory Aquino, was the reason she was fielded by a "splintered opposition"a
coalition of smaller political parties, namely, the Liberal Party, the Nacionalista Party, and the PDF
Laban.
In 1992, de la Cruz became the first female Vice Governor of Bulacan and was re-elected in 1995. In this
period, she was fortunate to have Governor Roberto "Obet" Pagdanganan as her mentor and ally. Years
later, he would become her worst foe.
Finally, she reached the governorship. Again, call it luck or providence, she initially assumed the
position when, on his last term, Governor Pag-ilanganan had to resign in order to run for the Senate.
De la Cruz was a sitting governor when she ran for the same position a few months later in the 1998
elections. She won her own mandate as provincial chief execu-t ive, and would complete three terms
and succeed in helping her younger brother, Joselito 'Jonjon' Mendoza, take her place as governor
against Obet Pagdanganan in the 2007 elections.
Ideas on Leadership.I or Gov. de la Cruz, a leader is a product of her time. "Every leader has got the
chance to be a great leader of her time," 1 she remarks. "A leader responds, and if she is to be an
effective leader, she must respond to the needs of her time; and these needs change." 2 Furthermore, a
leader inspires, convinces and moves her people towards a common outcome. But more than just
possessing the power of words, a leader leads by example.
Leadership, for de la Cruz, is largely common sense. There are those who are born with it, possessing a
good gut-feel, while others develop their common sense. De la Cruz admits that she herself at first used
only gut-feel. "In the beginning, all I had was gut-feel,"3 she said. With little or no exposure to life in
politics, she had to leam the ropes and feel her way through the job.
Only when she had formal training on governance that she learned tri theories and concepts behind her
actions and decisions.
Another important element of leadership according to de la Cruz, is the heart. "One can have all the
training and education but if the heart is not in the right place that is when you start having problems
that is when you start to have inconsistencies," says de la Cruz. "There are man1 good leaders who turn
out to be disappointments because the heart is not in the right place/'4 de la Cruz added.
She believes a strong sense of values is important in leadership. In fac she even has a theory that she
wants tested or used in an empirical study or research. It is her hypothesis that the best leaders come from
the middle class because this class has the strongest sense of values.
Election and Awards.Upon entering public service, de la Cruz had a solid educational background. She
graduated Magna Cum Laude from the Ateneo de Manila University with degrees in Management
Engineering and Psychology.
Although luck gave her the opportunity to run for councilor in 1980, it was through the strong social
networks of her family that she won her first election. Her mother was a teacher for several years so she had
plenty of students, while her father was a Division Superintendent of the Department of Education. Her
grandmother was active in their church. Their family was known to be one of the pioneers in the business of
importing and exporting veterinary products.
Although she was not active in school, she was a community youth leader as the national president of the
Catholic Youth Organization. This also helped her first electoral bid.
Josie de la Cruz has shown dedicated service and performed well in public office. She was hailed Most
Outstanding Lady Board Member of the Year and Outstanding Provincial Official in 1991, given the
Leadership Award in 1993, and recognized as Most Outstanding Vice-Governor of the Philippines in 1993
and one of the Ten Outstanding Young Filipinos in 1997. In 2000, she was awarded the Outstanding
Governor of the Philippines by the Consumers Union of the Philippines. During her term as governor, the
province won the Konrad Adenauer Local Government Award in 1999, Most Outstanding LGU in Population
Development in 1999, and the Gawad Galing Pook in 2000, when she herself was awarded the Lingkod Bayan
Award by the Civil Service Commission.
Everyday Public Affairs.Gov. de la Cruz is "not the typical manager,", who comes to the office everyday
eight-to-five, and directs subordinates from the comfort of an air-conditioned room. She stays in office whole
day Monday, during the Peoples Day; but the rest of the week, she would first do rounds in the municipalities
talking to people where "she would try to find things out, discover and ask for problems."
After traveling from town to town, if she still has time, she would settle in at her office in the Provincial Capitol.
When she is there, her receiving room is always open, and she also dedicates some time at the convention
center so people can approach her and tell her what they need. "I have a dedicated line for them, and they
can send me email and tell me what they want,"says the Governor. Her staff takes this opportunity to
approach her to address some of their pressing issues.
The Governor expects her staff to be accessible to the public. Her chief-of-staff for 12 years, Sienna
Maureen Hilario, immediately answers phone calls and text messages. She is practically wired to a laptop,
answering email requests and questions.
De la Cruz devotes time to meeting with various sectors. For example, every third Tuesday of the month,
different religious groups have breakfast with her, in order to discuss situations and concerns that affect their
members.
When she sees an issue or concern, de la Cruz is quick to find a solution. "After recognizing the problem, she
would find ways and do networking," according to Hilario. "She would ask for assistance from her networks.
Even at home, she thinks of how to solve the problems. Sometimes, she would wake me up very late at
night to share her ideas and give instructions solve the problems we face."
To solve social problems, de la Cruz has this to say: "The key in today's world is networking and alliances.
No province can stand on its own."12 She has different projects going on such as information-sharing
seminars and income-generating activities with other cities and provinces.
Gov. de la Cruz believes in a strong private-public sector partnership, because, "at the end of the day, the
private sector balances the perspective of government and Mngs added resources."13 This belief is
manifested in the linkage between the provincial government and the different private enterprises in
developing the province-wide food exchange program, which is now privately-led. Although she has
minimal participation in its actual operations, De la Cruz believes she needs to go on a roadshow to promote
the program.
For some other problems, de la Cruz would bring up her favorite word: communication. "Many conflicts can be
avoided just by having time for dialogue."
Hard Realities.While she sees to it that she responds promptly to the needs and concerns of her
constituencies, the common and uncommon issues and challenges in public sector leadership just seem
unending. "The biggest problem of a leader is managing people," de la Cruz replied, when asked about
her problems through the years. She jokingly remarks that it would be much easier if the people she
managed were robots. "Everyone is a leader...even a college student can form his own opinion and make his
own decisions."
"There was a time Gob (Josie) told me, Tt is lonely up here,'"16recalled Gladys Sta. Rita, the Provincial
Administrator of Bulacan for 17 years and who has become a close friend of de la Cruz. An accomplished local
official herself, Sta. Rita further remarked:
"Kasi so.situation niya, may mga dati syang kaibigan na nawawala na long dahil sa politika. (In her
case, she would lose friends because of politics.) She also doesn't have time for her friends.
Mahirap din paid maging nasa position niya. (It is also difficult to be in her place.) Kaya ganito
ako kadedicated sa trabaho kasi nakita ko kung gaano siya kadedicated sa kanyang trabaho. (I
am very dedicated to my job because I have seen how dedicated she is to her work.)"
De la Cruz admits, "I have to be able to maintain distance sometimes. I get so emotionally involved that it
gives me problems." Even members of her staff have observed that she has the tendency to linger over a
single problem until she has found a way to solve it. "When I listen to a woman whose husband is missing, of
course I will sympathize with that woman. I would fight tooth and nail trying to find the husband because I
feel what she feels."
Her chief-of staff describes the sacrifices de la Cruz had to make in order to do her job well:
I think there were a lot of personal sacrifices that she had to make for the past years that she has
been in public service. Foremost is the time that she could have spent with her family. She is a
workaholic. There were times I had to get the grades of her child in school.
She also had sacrificed time for herself. While other governors are playing golf, she couldn't even bring
herself to the salon for a simple manicure. She is so committed she sleeps, talks, breathes public service.
She has forsaken herself literally. She doesn't sleep. She has sacrificed her health. Nowadays, no week
would pass without her getting sick...She also sacrificed what could have been a bright career in business
because she is good in business. As she would say, she could sell refrigerators even to the Eskimos,
[paraphrased]
Some sacrifices she made were closer to home, for as Hilario recalls, "even her marriage was sacrificed."
The Governor says that her two youngest children sleep in her bedroom because she does not want them to
experience what her older children went through: her regular absence brought about by her work as a
public servant.20If she were not dedicated in serving others, she would not be able to make sacrifices.
For Hilario, this is a fact: "If you are a governor and a woman at that, you have to work doubly hard.
It is difficult sometimes to meet the expectations linked to both roles."
Standing for One's Principles.Gov. de la Cruz took a stand for what she thought was right despite the
high political cost when she spoke publicly in favor of the impeachment case against President Gloria
Macapagal Arroyo in 2005. The Governor wanted to give the President the opportunity to disprove the
allegations in the proper forum. This, however, proved to be a hard decision for the former. She says:
The impeachment matter was not popular among my own political group. I did take the opposition
side, while of course it was very costly in many situations. I just thought I had to follow my
conscience, which told me that, at some point in time, you will have to defy your group. I can only
be true to my conscience.
Hilario recalls that, in one instance, de la Cruz criticized the President in public and said, "There is so much
deceit; it is time for the President to step down." There seemed to be betrayal of public trust, and people's
trust and confidence is necessary for the effective exercise of leadership.
"It was a big challenge for her to speak up for the truth despite all pressures," but de la Cruz demonstrated
her integrity. Her chief-of-staff odds:
She was fearless. We would tell her to be calm and think deeply first before she speaks. But she
made up her mind. She believed she was standing up for the truth....There was pressure from
above for her to buckle down but she did not give in. So she was thinking not only for the good of
Bulacan but also for the good of the nation. Not all leaders have that courage. That's what
inspired us. Instead of us changing her mind and her position, she was able to change our position.
The Governor admits: "I was worried about the implications to the province. You cannot be irresponsible.
My decision will have an impact on 2.8 million people and it is not always easy."
She was worried about what it could do to her political party. "It threat-cued to divide our group. It might cut
ties with my congressmen." She was also warned of the risk of being suspended from office owing to pending
complaints of corruption, grave misconduct, and abuse of authority filed against her at the Office of the
Ombudsman for allegedly favoring private companies that were linked to her relatives.
It appears that her years in service have taught her reality in its coldest form. "There will always be negative
consequences. You will have enemies. Standing for what is right is not necessarily popular to your group.
The most difficult challenge of a politician today is to continue to stand for what is right." She adds:
"Sometimes, what is popular is not right, and what is just is not popular. But after all, it's not a popularity
contest."
Her conscience helped her through the trying periods in her political career. "If at the end of the day, I can no
longer look at myself in the mirror, then I don't think it's worth continuing."27 Also, "if you cannot stand by
your word, what can people really count on?"
Resisting Temptation.Public office is a position filled with temptation. Power corrupts, as the saying
goes. To obtain unfair advantage, one has to gain the favor of those in power. In exchange, those in power
will have to get their share in the undue gain.
"There are a lot of offers," said Hilario, "but the governor is very particular in protecting her name. As she
would say, Tangalan ko lang ang puhunan ko' (My only political capital is my name)."
One specific case was the quarrying of expensive tearose marble in historic Biak-na-Bato. According to
Hilario, "commissions" had been offered by some persons who wanted to monopolize the quarrying, but the
governor did not entertain the offers. "The governor makes sure she does not make a living out of politics. She
fights graft and corruption seriously," her chief-of-staff asserted. The key to addressing corruption, according to
de la Cruz, lies in clarifying and limiting the discretion of public officials by instituting policies and making sure
these are observed.
Innuendoes are perhaps an extension of politics, and de la Cruz has not been immune from them. For
instance, there are allegations that "she has allowed relatives to land lucrative government contracts,
leading to graft charges filed against her before the Office of the Ombudsman." The feisty Governor, however,
has fought tooth and nail to protect her name by filing libel suits against some of her accusers.
Another criticism thrown her way was that she and her staff traveled abroad on official time and at taxpayers'
expense too often. As a staunch advocate of education and communication, she maintained that the
purpose of the trips was to share and gather information on best practices that could be applied to the
province. She also attended several seminars on leadership and good governance. In their trips, she and
her staff promoted Bulacan and its industries, ranging from agricultural products to pyrotechnics and
jewelry, in order to generate investments and increase exports.
Continuity and Sustainability.Gov. de la Cruz had to confront the challenge of continuity and sustainability.
One way she and her personnel dealt with it was to prepare templates of how they operated so that her
successor could use it and would not start from scratch.
One reason succession was a concern was the future of co-terminus staff mid employees. "It is not because
you want to continue but because of the burden of all these people that you are responsible for. I worry for
them,"32 the Governor said.
The succession issue has implications on whether one's ongoing and unfinished projects will be completed.
How does one mitigate the uncertainty over succession? "You should have a core group of champions. That is
how you are able to multiply yourself several times over. Without that we cannot sustain our plans, without
that it will be very difficult to expand,"33 de la Cruz further explains.
While confident that she already had a core group that she could depend on to continue her projects, de la
Cruz admitted that she had difficulty grooming a successor. "I hope they will lift the term limit to allow me another term," she says. "Supporters, especially in the business community, ask what will happen after my
term. What happens afterwards becomes an issue. I never thought succession would become an issue, but it
is."
Gov. de la Cruz believed that there are people out there worthy of being her successor. "If I have four
maids, one of them will stand out and be the natural leader. What is good is for that natural ability to be
nurtured. You mature in time. You mature in your job and you grow while doing it."
In the end, de la Cruz decided to support the gubernatorial bid of her brother, the Association of Barangay
Captains (ABC) President Jonjon Mendoza, who ran under the pro-Arroyo KAMPI party. Her decision was a
controversial one, for she had to switch from the Lakas-CMD party to KAMPI and opposed her former
partymate and mentor, Obet Pagdanganan. Thus her critics have accused her of turning into another
traditional politician who is establishing a political dynasty.
Because of her track record as an effective and responsive public servant, de la Cruz was urged by some
supporters to run for the House of Representatives or the Senate. "They say that this is a new season in my
life, a deepening of my role as a leader." But she was not interested. "I am an executive. I am a hands-on
manager. I don't think I will make a good congressman."
And with that, Josie de la Cruz decided to become a private citizen and move on to other things. She has
been exploring the feasibility of establishing a 2nd call center in Bulacan so she can employ and absorb the
people with whom she had worked these years. In her words: "I would rather retire and go to the private
sector. I'll be more productive elsewhere [than in Congress]."
Expectations and Patronage Politics.A tough part of the Governor's job involved occasions when some
members of the private sector would try to influence her to give them undue advantage. She said, "I have to
manage it, and I don't yield." She claimed that the same was true for co-workers, family members, and
friends. "When you are no longer contributing to the common good, I will have to confront you."
She is a believer in a constituent responsive government, which entails a system "to get the feel of your
constituency. It doesn't necessarily mean being popular, but it is being able to meet expectations." Thus, she
has often used survey technology, both informal and formal, to be able to identify and address the
expectations of the public.
De la Cruz is wary of people who think she is the answer to all their problems, or of government officials who
think they are the answer to all social ills. "It is a problem if people are made to believe that leaders have
all the answers. And that is why leaders also tend to make promises. I don't promise heaven and earth. I only
promise I will do my best if you work with me. With your support and my effort, we will be able to accomplish
many things."
"It's the balancing that is difficult. There will always be vested interest, and there will always be negative
comments. I just have to manage it."41 Instead of allowing herself to be affected by negative talk, de la Cruz
chooses to plod on and keep working.
It also helps to be policy-oriented. "If there are no policies, okay, then formulate the policies," she tells her
people. She has introduced an employee handbook, which has made the personnel more aware of their
rights and responsibilities. When there are particular issues that some employees want addressed, de la
Cruz simply asks about what the handbook says. "You don't even need me to make a decision; it has already
been made for you."
Dilemmas are minimized with the employee handbook, government policies, and laws. De la Cruz does not
believe in encroaching on what policy says, and she firmly disagrees with doing without. "If there are gray
areas, then you come to me. Otherwise, it is cut and dried. It's there."
Having been in public service for a long time, she is familiar with patronage politics, which she calls politics as
usual. "Patronage politics is the name of the game. And you are expected to take care of your people
regardless if they are right or wrong. Unfortunately, or fortunately, I cannot subscribe to that."
She claims that she would attend weddings, baptisms, and wakes of constituents out of sensitivity to Filipino
culture and for the purpose of spending time in prayer during the religious services. She usually .left after
the services and rarely attended receptions.
Open Communication and Visibility. Today, when information technology is becoming a critical tool for
good governance and efficiency, the provincial government of Bulacan boasts of a website that is designed
to help people get what they want when they want it.
The URL http://www.bulacan.gov.ph is all that the Bulakenos need for local government services they seek.
The site includes features such as a health services page, announcements, and an e-procurement window
for bidding. The provincial government personnel can also access departmental budgets, maps, property
information, human resources information, and financial documents using this website.
Constituents can log on to look for jobs or to contribute to helping save Biak-ncL-Bato. If one has a
problem, there is a window entitled "Isumbong Mo Kay Gov," as well as various email and online forum
windows, for airing out grievances. There is also a window that offers an SMS contact number for textmessage comments or complaints. "As long as the communication lines are open, we will receive feedback
and adjust accordingly," dela Cruz says.
A story published by the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) during the campaign period
for the 2007 elections, however, mentions some transactions of the provincial government which are not
characterized by transparency, despite the status of Bulacan as a vanguard in e-governance. The PCIJ
reporter requested a copy of the annual provincial budget from the offices of the budget officer and the
provincial accountant on separate occasions, but only meager data were given. It seems that the Governor
had instructed the provincial offices to be wary of queries from the media as regards information that her
opponents could misuse. In an interview, the Governor admitted that she began to develop some phobia
towards the media when a malicious story about her relationship with Gov. Pagdanganan was carried by
several media outlets before her campaign for re-election as Vice-Governor in 1995.
Besides communication and visibility, the message is important. To be an empowering and accountable
leader, one should have a platform of governance. In de la Cruz' case, she has her 5-pomt Agenda, which
sprouted from her constant interaction with the people of Bulacan and from the ideas of her predecessors.
De la Cruz would communicate her platform to her constituency so that they would know what are her
plans for their province and to what matters her administration could be made accountable.
Problem-Solving. For de la Cruz, ingredients for solving problems include humility, consensus-building,
and hard work. She says:
One has to have humility. A lot of problems could have been avoided if we just have a little humility
to accept the truth or to accept a mistake. You can ask my people: if there is one thing I am
comfortable with, it's apologizing if I know I have made a mistake. I'd never see it as something that
makes me less superior or less a person just because I admitted that I committed a mistake. It
just goes to show that I am as human as the other one.
De la Cruz values communication highly, and puts a premium on conversation and interaction, especially
with ordinary folk. "I always say that a good leader must know how to listen. The problem with us is we all
know how to talk. We don't know how to listen." And she makes sure that, when she is around for a
discussion, when she is talking to someone, she is 100% present and listening. "When I am sick, I don't face
the public. It's not fair if I face them and pretend to listen but then nothing registers."
Sta. Rita says: "The governor listens to reason. She admits when she makes a mistake and apologizes for
it."52 One case was when the Governor publicly apologized to a police officer during her regular Monday
program because she mistakenly accused him of being involved in drug dealing, which resulted in the latter's
suspension from office. She based her accusation on a report of one of the mayors. After finding out that
the police officer was innocent, she apologized and reinstated him.
The Governor solves problems through consensus-building. Her chief-of-staff maintains: "She gives premium
to consensus for the greater good.... Here in the capital, she would always say unity is important. So there
is unity here and cooperation. Being a consensus-builder fits her well."
The Governor says: "I cannot ram through what I believe in. I try to convince, I try to motivate. But I cannot
dictate. That is how high a regard I. have for a person."
According to her chief-of-staff, the "consensus" of 21 of the 24 Bulacan mayors was the primary reason for
the decision of de la Cruz to transfer from the Lakas-NUCD party, which chose Obet Pagdanganan as its gubernatorial candidate, to the KAMPI party under which her brother would run.
For de la Cruz, humility and consensus-building would be for naught without hard work. Her staff would call de
la Cruz a workaholic for being too focused and obsessed with her projects. Sta. Rita related: "She thinks of
work and works all the time, even during travels abroad, and we would send papers and documents to the
Capitol through LBC even when we were only on a three- or five-day travel abroad." Her chief-of-staff shared
that the Governor did her work even at home, and hardly slept.
Sticking to the Policy.Gov. de la Cruz gives primacy to policy: "I try to be very consistent and that's why I
also make sure that the terms, the rules of the game, are very clear. Because that is fairness, and if you say
that these are the rules, then we go by them."
She believes that sticking to the policy made it easier for her to deal with demands, conflicting interests, and
the pressures of patronage politics:
In the last eight years of managing a province with such a big population, it was simpler to
preserve the policies and remain consistent with these policies. In very special cases when I had
to make an exemption, I ask my people to find me a way to go around the policy and be able to
justify the exemption. Otherwise, then I'm sorry, we just have to implement the policy.
Sta. Rita affirms, "for example, in hiring, our policy sets very high standards and this is always followed."59
Only honor graduates from reputable schools are hired for key positions in the Capitol, and a semestral
performance appraisal is conducted.
One time, relates de la Cruz, she had to deny the request of a relative, a 36-year old nurse who wanted to
be hired in one of the public hospitals so she could collect qualifying hours to apply for a job abroad. "I told
her, 'I cannot make exceptions for you just because you're my relative. Our policy is that we don't hire over
35, and just because you are my relative doesn't mean that you're exempted.'
The nurse reportedly cried, but de la Cruz just offered a shoulder to cry on. Policies in the provincial
government are made public through its website and various circulars, and de la Cruz upholds them.
Despite accusations that she favors companies linked to her relatives, she maintains, "my relatives
complain because they don't get special treatment."
Being Scientific.Regular public polling serves as a powerful tool for de la Cruz to determine the sentiments,
opinions, and attitudes of her constituency. Although her staff conducts regular consultations, they would
rather rely on surveys that are scientific. "Only the few active ones attend consultations," says Hilario.
Expectations are determined through the use of surveys. Programs and policies are evaluated by going
through the process of sampling, field interviews, data processing and analysis. Data and statistics
constitute a key to making a decision and taking actionbe it a policy, a program or a campaign strategy.
Sta. Rita provides an example of the usefulness of a scientific survey in making decisions:
We had an initiative to re-engineer the bureaucracy. Others said it was political suicide to have
many employees laid off. We did a survey about this and the people approved the policy. We were
able to manage the change process. We became one of the leanest bureaucracies.
In its seriousness to be scientific, the provincial government has invested in expensive information
technology infrastructure, the Geographic Information System (CIS). Through the said technology, correct
and specific statistics and data are generated. To complement it, they also have the community-based
monitoring system.
The Governor regularly checked her net approval rating, which made it easy for her to determine her chances
in the elections. She would make necessary adjustments to address significant dissatisfaction she
discovered. In the 2007 elections, survey technology helped her determine not only the fighting chance of
her brother in his gubernatorial bid but also the probable impact of her negative campaigning against his
opponent.
Performance and Politics.For de la Cruz, good performance is good politics. To win in the political arena,
one has to perform well. If you have good programs and they yield results whose impact is felt at the
grassroots, then you are wielding power well.
"This is the better way to get re-elected-good programs," says Hilario. Owing to her projects, de la Cruz did
not have much difficulty consolidating her base and keeping her political machinery intact. The mayors
would usually listen to her because they know that majority of the Bulakenos are quite satisfied with her
performance.
Having effective programs, however, is not sufficient for the governor's office. These programs must be
directly attributable to her. This is the reason why almost all the big projects of de la Cruz have been
named after her or have posters or billboards with her face on it. An example is the Joint Systems
Improvement in Education (JOSIE) project.
This practice of putting her name or face on projects has prompted critics to label her as another traditional
politician, who reinforces the current culture of personality-based politics. The Governor, on the other hand,
sees it as a way to show people that their government is working for them. According to her chief-of-staff,
"name recall and association is important" for the Governor's political career.
She strives for excellence and makes sure all the people working in the Capitol are competent, if not brilliant:
"It helps to have bright people around you because they can dish out good ideas. You need to be able to
share credit." As much as possible, she tries to exercise this principle in everyday dealings, whether with
her staff or her constituents. She makes it a point to meet with her staff on a regular basis, to make sure
that she conveys a message of approachability to those who work in the Capitol. She regularly checks her
email, and lets her staff know that she is available for consultation.
"I know how to listen. I know how to appreciate a good idea. I know how to give credit."67 Thus, she gives
her personnel the opportunity to travel to other parts of the world, whether as a representative of the
province to seminars and trainings or as a member of trade missions.
Care, Foresight and Charisma.One of the priorities of de la Cruz is the welfare of her employees especially
her trusted ones. While she exacts from them much output, she shares with them simple joys like a treat to a
movie. She likes buying and wrapping gifts for them. Her thoughtfulness and care would make lowly clerks
feel special. Such care strengthens their loyalty to her.
It also pays to have foresight, to anticipate things and adjust accordingly. Deep foresight and intuition give a
leader an advantage, especially in politics. Being able to calculate what could happen given a certain
scenario puts you always one step ahead of the rest. Foresight initially can be gut-feel but can also be
developed to become a systematic or methodical practice.
Charisma is definitely a plus in leadership. Supporters of de la Cruz affirm that she is charismatic especially
when she speaks in public. Unfortunately for those who are not given this gift, there is a strong belief that
it is not something that can be developed. Either you have it or you don't. At the same time, it is not enough
to have charisma especially if it is used for mere self-aggrandizement. It is not even necessary for effective
leadership.
Potent Combination.Gov. de la Cruz draws strength from her immediate blood relations, who provide the
critical emotional and financial means of support which enable her to face the challenges of public service
and to exercise effective leadership.
When the Traditional and the Managerial Merge:
A Profile of Mayor Mary Jane C. Ortega
Joy G. Aceron
It was February 1998. The Ramos presidency was In its\ final months, and the national elections were fast
approaching. The 10th Congress had passed Republic Act 8509, the law that converted San Fernando, La
Union into a component city. This was the last piece of legislation pushed by then Rep. Victor F. Ortega in
the final year of his 3rd term in llu1 House of Representatives.
Two months before the May elections, the Ortegas of La Unionone of I hr oldest political clans in the
countryhad to make a decision on who should run as mayor of the new San Fernando City. They had two
options in the offing. The first was for Victor and his younger brother who was the incumbent and endtermer mayor, Manuel "Manoling," to swap positionsVictor to run as mayor while Manoling would run as
Representative of the 1st District of La Union. The second option was for their younger brother, Pablo, who
was the number one councilor of San Fernando for two (2) consecutive terms, to run for mayor.
Two variables clinched the decision for the Ortegas: the opponent and the newly acquired status of San
Fernando. The opposition at that time was Artemio Tadiar, a retired commanding general of the Philippine
Marines who played a critical role in the 1986 People Power event. Ordered by then Armed Forces Chief of
Staff Fabian Ver to capture Camp Crame and Camp Aguinaldo using whatever force was necessary, he
refused to fire on the anti-Marcos civilian crowd that gathered along EDSA.
Tadiar ran for the position of congressman against Victor Ortega in 1995 but lost. Recognizing the narrow
margin between his votes and that of Victor in San Fernando, Tadiar saw the mayoralty race as a promising
opening for his bid for political leadership in La Union. The Ortegas were aware of these same political
calculations. If Pablo was to run, he could have probably won, but it would have been a "tight squeeze."1
Victor, on the other hand, did not want to resign as the Speaker Pro-Tempore in the House, a position that,
as per the Election Code, he should give up if he did decide to run for mayor.
Then came the idea of fielding a good manager rather than a seasoned politician, since San Fernando would
soon become a city. Confident as they were that cityhood would get the nod of the people in the plebiscite set
for the 20th of March preceding the elections, Victor looked at Mary Jane, his wife who was beside him; and
said: "I think you will be a good one. I think the city needs a manager-a leader as well as a manager. I guess
it's high time."2
Hence it came to pass that the 1998 mayoralty elections of San Fernando City was a contest between a
"lady candidate and a macho man."3 While Tadiar commented that the battle was between a rooster and a
hen, Mary lane would respond with what turned out to be her classic campaign line, "Kung kayo, ni mister,
kayo, ni misis" (a title of a popular soap opera: "If the husband can do it, the wife can do it [too]").4
On 30 June 1998, Mary Jane Crisanto Ortega took her oath as the first mayor of the City of San Fernando,
winning the 1998 mayoralty elections with 65% of the votes.
Early Training
Mary Jane was born in Indang, Cavite on 30 May 1941 to Jose F. Crisanto, Sr. of Quiapo, Manila, and Adela
Cruz of Navotas, Rizal. Her father was an Assistant Director on Vocational Education.
At a young age, Mary Jane had consistently landed at the top of her class. When she finished her
elementary school at the Union College of Manila in 1952, she ended up as the class valedictorian. When
she entered high school, Mary Jane "went into a shell."5 She got so engrossed in reading that the librarian
had to issue her two library cards in a year. She entered into "the world of books and withdrew from the real
world,"6 not finding enough time for her subjects in school. Her grades suffered and she graduated with barely
passing marks.
Her parents never scolded her for her low grades in high school. When she ijraduated, her parents were as
proud and happy as when she graduated valedictorian in elementary school. "There was no reproach on their
faces,"7 und she realized how much her parents loved her and how much trust and luith they had in her.
This put her to shame.
Even at seven years old, she was already allowed to decide what dress to wear for a children's party,
forcing her to figure out for herself if she was over or underdressed. She was trained to make decisions for
herself and take the consequences of her decisions.
At her high school graduation, Mary Jane resolved to do better and excel j in whatever undertaking she
chose. In college, she wanted to study at the University of the Philippines (UP). Her parents, however,
dissuaded her as they were scared that she would be influenced to "go to the mountains"8 by the activists in
UP. They preferred that their daughter remain under in the conservative system of the College of Holy Spirit.
She abided by her parents' request and took up an Associate in Arts there. She became Vice-President of
the Student Catholic Action and a chapter member of the National Union of Students in the Philippines. After
two years, however, she decided to transfer to Letran College. Her parents agreed when the young Mary Jane
told them she was going to take up Spanish.
In Letran, Mary Jane served as the Literary and Sports Editor of Letran News and finished two language
majors, English and Spanish. She finished her Spanish major in 11/2 years with a general weighted average
that would have qualified her for Magna Cum Laude. She was denied the said honor because of Letran's twoyear residency requirement for honors. Although frustrated, Mary Jane became more motivated to excel. She
continued her English major and finally graduated in 1959 with a Bachelor of Arts major in Spanish and
English.
In 1972, she took her degree in Master of Arts in Language Teaching from the Ateneo de Manila University.
Her masteral thesis was entitled A Study in Linguistic Styles: Max Lerner and Carmen Guerrero Nakpil. She
also took] up Special Studies in French.
The Making of a Good Manager.As a professional, Mary Jane served as an instructor in several schools
like Our Lady of Loreto College in 1959, the University of the East (UE) from 1962 to 1965, Father Burgos
College in 1965, Union Christian College in La Union in 1966, and Saint Louis College in Baguio City in
1972.
While teaching in UE, she met Victor Ortega, who was pursuing Accountancy and was her student in Spanish,
which was one of the general education subjects students had to take. Victor and Mary Jane were married
in 1963, and thus started on their way to becoming a powerful couple in La Union's political history.
After her teaching stint, Mary Jane became the comptroller (treasurer and administrative officer) of the
Philippine Daily Express Publishing Corporation from 1972 to 1987. In 1986, upon Corazon Aquino's
assumption of the presidency through People Power, all corporations held by the dictatorship were either
closed down or sequesteredthe Philippine Daily Express (PDE) included.
The Aquino administration did not totally stop PDE operations; it closed down its publishing component in
1987 but retained its printing section, which was eventually named Express Commercial Printers (ECP). Mary
Jane was made its general manager due to her good relationship with creditors. She recalls, "I was able to
get credits from our suppliers...and it was just on the good relationship that I had with the suppliers and
their belief in me."
The printing house was profitable and a business success in the nine years of operation under Mary Jane. It
was printing 30% of the Philippine Daily Inquirer's circulation, the Daily Standard and a couple of Chinese
newspapers. Mary Jane's stint as the general manager of ECP earned her a reputat ion for being an excellent
manager. ECP was sold in 1996.
Before finally plunging into elective office, Mary Jane became a member of the Board of Regents of Don
Mariano Marcos Memorial State University from 1997 to 1998. She was also active in international
conferences on women, and was an officer in several civic organizations such as the Philippine Council of
Management Foundation (PHILCOMAN), Inner Wheel Clubs, National Council of Women of the Philippines,
and the International Council of Women.
Multi-Awarded Public Service.Mary Jane Ortega was reelected as mayor in the 2001 elections, reaping
92.5% of the votes. Her winning streak continued in 2004, when she won with 90.5% of the votes. Ortega
completed her third and last term by the end of June 2007.
Her busy day as local chief executive was described in an article posted on San Fernando City's official
website:
Mary Jane Ortega begins her typical workday at 8 in the morning. This early in the day she meets with her
constituents who walk into her office seeking assistance for a number of things, majority of whom are
seeking medical help...After attending to her constituents, Mayor Ortega proceeds to a series of committee
meetings throughout the day. Interspersed with these are visits to various areas in the city for barangay
consultations. She ends the day by attending 'to the paperwork awaiting her on her deska quiet way to
end an otherwise busy day.
Ortega has received countless awards and citations that recognized her leadership both as the local chief
executive of San Fernando as well as a private citizen.
Awards Reaped by Mary Jane Ortega:
Woman of Distinction Award, 1992 and 2001;
Gintong Ina Award, 1995;
Outstanding Letran Alumna Award, 2000;
Likas Yaman Award, 2001;
Habitat Scroll of Honor Award (First Filipino Awardee), 2000;
Outstanding Woman in Good Governance Award, 2002;
Konrad Adenauer Medal of Excellence, 2003;
Outstanding Mayor, 2004
Likewise, San Fernando City (SFC) has received numerous awards under her leadership. The City has been
described as such:
The adult literacy rate is high. There is a large selection of higher education institutions. The infant
mortality rate is low. Incidence of theft is low. The city government focused on urban environmental
measures, human resource development and housing. Social development programs and
infrastructure cover almost half of the budget at 47%. Tourism invigorated economic activity with
the Botanical Garden, Bacsil Ridge and the like as main tourist spots. SFC is noted for its excellent
communication facilities.
Recently, it was named first in the Asian Institute of Management's (All1 Competitive Cities under the small
cities category.
Leader and Manager.According to Mayor Ortega, "a leader is one who does the right thing, but a
manager does things right." She said it is not enough for a person to lie just a leader in public office; she
should also be a manager. "You do not just do the right thing but you also have to do things right." 14 This
idea has guided her exercise of leadership.
Ortega recognizes that, in our country, there are "leaders" who do not have leadership qualities, thus the
need to differentiate the concepts "leader" and "leadership." Nevertheless, as Ortega explains, the
differentiation is not without conceptual complications.
If elected officials do not have leadership qualities, then they have no right to be leaders. Hence, not all
elected officials have traits of leadership. But then again, if you look at it in the loose definitionthat a leader
has followerselected officials are leaders for they were elected by their followers. However, in our society,
there are times people follow not only because of the leadership qualities but because of other
considerations, (paraphrased)
There have been defining moments in Ortega's life as a public official who IMS exercised leadership.
Fateful First Steps. Mayor Ortega regards her stint in the Express Commercial Printers as a showcase of
her leadership qualities and capacity especially in the world nl business. The city accountant of San
Fernando says: "It is good she ((Ortega) was not reared in politics. She compensated it with knowledge of
I he corporate world, which is needed in implementing the Local Government Code. The people of San
Fernando are educated enough to know who will give them a good future. We are output-oriented."
During her run for mayor in 1998, Ortega was challenged to exercise leadership. Despite knowing that she
was up against a formidable opponent, she accepted the challenge immediately when it was offered to her.
Victor describes Mary Jane's first electoral bid as her "baptism of fire."
As Ortega recalls:
I became a Mayor without warning, without wishing it...I accepted the challenge when it was offered
to me because I remember the saying that 'He who hesitates is lost.'... and 'If there is a person
who believes in youeven just oneyou should not turn this person down; you ought to believe in
yourself as well.'
Capacitating the City's Human Resources.Immediately upon assuming office during her first term,
Ortega called a I meeting with the department heads of the City. She decided to keep the] bureaucracy
intact since she saw no need for any revamp or changes in :the personnel that might cause commotion
and politicking. The meeting, according to the city accountant, was designed to draw out all the figures I
and data that Ortega needed. "She was trying to know the strengths, opportunities, threats and
weaknesses of the City."
Not only did Ortega learn and understand the situation, she responded by I prioritizing capacity-building and
human resource development. She provided the heads with skills and knowledge in management and local
governance, and in the process, taught them to be proud of their City and to go j beyond political affiliations.
As the SFC vice-mayor puts it:
With the three-year capability-building program for the department heads initiated by Mayor
Ortega, the heads have widened their horizon and their vision. From then on, it was easy for the
Mayor to delegate tasks to them. Nawala na rin iyong attitude na 'tao ako ni Pedro na mayor
dati; tao siya ni ganito.' (The attitude that "I am a supporter of Pedro the former mayor, while he is
a supporter of somebody else" disappeared.) The city government was taught to have a common
direction.
According to Victor Ortega, capacity-building was critical at that time since San Fernando had just become
a city, and the change entailed bigger responsibilities.
The city administratorwho had worked with the Mayor since day one of her administrationrecalled that, on Ortega's second month in office, she took the department heads on a city tour.
After this, the Mayor asked them, "How many of you have been on a city tour before?" and no one
raised a hand. The Mayor then told them, "Now that you have done a city lour, I expect all of you to
do this to your relatives." The administrator sees this as a mark of the Mayor's deep understanding
of the City and her way of making the department heads appreciate it themselves.
International Partnership-Building.The website of San Fernando City shows the different international
organizations and institutions the City has partnered with. This reflects how active the Mayor has been in
international engagements. She was so active I hut, from July 1998 to June 2006, she participated in 62
international gatherings as a speaker, resource person, guest, participant or a member, setting a record of
nearly 8 official out-of-the-country appointments every While this was brought up as an issue by her
political opponents during electionsaccusing the Mayor of not spending enough time to do her job
Ortega and her managers cited a handful of benefits her trips abroad had given the City. Most important of
these is the financial assistance in terms of grants and loans extended by international and multi-national
institutions such as the World Bank (WB), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and the
United States Agency for International Development (USAID).
Ortega impressed the funding institutions during her participation in the World Bank Urban Forum Week
held in Washington DC on 12-15 May 1999, followed by the Asian City Development Strategy Conference in
Tokyo, Japan in July 1999. The WB invited Philippine city mayors to compete for technical assistance on urban
development strategies. Of the 24 invited, only seven, Ortega among them, came. The instruction was for
each mayor to sell his/her city, and the city with the best presentation would win. Ortega shared what
transpired in the meeting:
When it was my turn, I said, T have noticed that you have invited 24 cities but there are only seven of us
here. I have also heard of the money that you have for this technical assistance. Why can you not give
technical assistance to all of us seven?' They said, 'No way. Japan is the one giving the money according
to particular terms of reference. There is only one city that will be given the assistance. Please go on and sell
your city.' So I sold my city.
The next meeting that we had, World Bank officials came up to me, and said, 'Mayor, we discussed your
proposition and it is a good idea but we will not increase the pie. But if you can convince the 6 other mayors
to share the same pie, we can give you all the assistance.' So I came to the 6 other mayors and we talked. I
asked them, 'how sure are you that your city will be chosen? Wouldn't, it be better if we all seven could be
getting the technical assistance?' And there was one who was hesitant because they felt they would win.
But the moment they had doubt, I said 'how can you be sure you'll win?' So I spoke for the group and told
WB officials, we have now agreed that all of us seven will share the pie.
Finally, in the WB conference, Ortega was tested when she was asked to speak ahead of schedule because
the mayor of a city in Vietnam did not arrive. After her semi-impromptu presentation, one of the guests came
to her and said, "Whatever you have spent for your travel here, your city will have it back a hundredfold. I
assure you." In the Cities Alliance Meeting of 1999 in Berlin, she met the UN Habitat Executive Director who
appointed her one of the 12 mayors in the United Nations Advisory Committee of Focal Authorities
(UNACLA) from 2000 to date. She was also appointed as member of the Executive Committee of the
International Council of Local Environment Initiatives (ICLEI).
The city's administrator stresses the benefits from Ortega's travels abroad.
It has encouraged the growth of partnership programs with other cities that have good practices like our
most productive city partner, the township of Langley, British Columbia in Canada. It's been going on for five
years now and it has helped us in the area of urban planning, information and communications technology,
local economic development, emergency planning and law enforcement. Aside from that, it has translated
the widening of our experience in development strategy and in good governance because whenever she
goes both as a speaker and participant, she brings back ideas that she actually replicates and implements.
The Challenges of Leadership in Governance.Leadership in governance confronts peculiar issues and
dilemmas. According to the vice mayor: "Leadership in any political office is entirely different from private
office."24 He explained that this is because of the difference in the environment, the demands, and the
expectations.
A challenge in the form of an issue, a problem, a dilemma or a crisis accentuates the kind and quality of
leadership, which can become better or worse as a result. In some challenging situations, a leader is made
or unmade.
The challenges of leadership can be personal or institutional Oftentimes,however, challenges form a
smorgasbord of personal and institutional, issue and dilemma, problem and crisis. There is difficulty in marking
the boundaries of these forms and types of challenges.
Personality Issue.When a person becomes a leader, he or she is expected to behave and act in a
particular manner normally dictated by culture. In the case of Mayor Ortega, her personality is one of the
most frequently raised issues about her leadership. There are accounts of the Mayor confronting, scolding,
or shouting at somebody, and some consider such behavior inappropriate.
The city administrator provides a good description of the issue:
She speaks her mind. She tells it to your face. And this is not very Filipino. That is the difference
with the Mayor. 1 happen not to be Filipino also in that sense so we get along. It is not difficult for
me to listen to criticisms and to thresh out things face-to-face. But for others who are very Filipino,
that is a very sensitive area or issue.
Leadership (in Philippines), they say, requires that you maintain smooth interpersonal relationship. But
leadership also dictates that sometimes you have to be firm. You have to be true and honest. She is firm.
Anyone who talks business speaks business and has a busi-,-ness face. Seryoso iyong dating and firm ang
voice. She was a teacher for the longest time...she tells it to your face like she is a teacher. She is actually
like a mother and yes, she is like a teacher most of the time. That's her background.
Mayor Ortega does recognize this issue about her personality: "Probably I come in too strongly...because I
give my piece of mind. I am very frank. I tell it the way I see it. If you dish it out, you should also take it. You
cannot be a sissy and dish things out and not take it."
Dissent as a Given. In spite of the recognition the city has received for its achievements, there tire critics
of Ortega as a leader. While the vice mayor describes Ortega as focused, firm and with strong political will,
her opponent in the 2004 elections describes her as showy, non-transparent and undemocratic. While both
the parish priest and the city accountant assert that Ortega is a visionary, sensitive to people's needs, and
inspiring, a known "critical ally"alleges that she is vindictive, self-righteous and not always truthful. Both
critics and supporters, however, agree that she is intelligent, resourceful, confident, hardworking, and good
at marketing.
Mayor Ortega affirms that it is a given in leadership in governance that you can never please everybody.
There will always be differences on how the leader or the leadership is perceived or appreciated. This is one
OF the burdens of leadership. Leaders run never please everybody no matter how hard they work or how
well they perform.
When a leader treats criticism and personal dislike as inevitable, she may end up ignoring valid views.
An SFC councilor asserts that the Mayor has not responded to his critical feedback and suggestions
probably because she believes that the feedback stems from personal dislike. Mayor Ortega seems to
have validated this observation when she said: "There are people whom you care (about) and you think
you can reform so you try to talk to them. There are people who will always be critical no matter what."
The city administrator explains why dissent is a given. "In basic human relations, there are people
who really will not like you. You cannot do anything about them. You do not have control over other
people's minds. You just have to do what you need to do. Then they have to gauge what your i
intentions are.."
A Personal Dilemma.When asked about occasions of personal dilemma as a leader, Mayor Ortega
could think of only one incident that depicted a tug-of-war of her priorities. She was scheduled to go to
Ansan City, South Korea to formally execute! a Memorandum of Understanding for Economic
Cooperation between the cities of San Fernando and Ansan. A few days before her departure, her
daughter was scheduled for an operation. Ortega had initially thought the operation was a simple
procedure on a tumor; then she was told it was cancer.
The trip to Korea was a prior commitment, yet her daughter needed emotional support. Mayor Ortega
ended up leaving for Korea-a decision she made at the last minute. She recalls: "My husband said right
after the operation, 'Anyway the operation is over and you can't do anything about it. You go ahead and
I will stay here.' My plane to Ansan almost left me." 30 As a result of Mayor Ortega's trip, San Fernando
received 280 computers from Ansan.
The Political Dynasty: Advantage or Disadvantage? Another frequently raised issue against Mayor
Ortega and the entire Ortega clan is the matter of political dynasty. The Ortegas have occupied elective
and appointed positions in La Union for over a century. In 1901, Joa-quin Ortega was appointed
governor by the US colonial administration. In 2006, ten (10) Ortegas were holding various elective
posts in La Union.31 After the 2007 elections, the Ortegas retained the offices of Governor, 1st district
Representative, and SFC Mayor.
While the Ortegas' long period in public office validates the family's "tradition of public service and
credibility,"32 it may signify a stagnant democracy due to a restricted or non-existing "circulation of the
elite." 33 Opinions on the political dynasty issue vary.
Ortega's city administrator says:
It is not an issue. Why punish people who deliver? Like in Frankfurt, they have a Mayor for 25
years and she keeps on delivering. Look how developed Frankfurt is?...It is not an issue if you
are in power for a long time. It is not actually the length of service. It is the quality of the
service that you give. If the leader delivers, why punish him/her? On the other hand, if you
have a term limitation, three years is too long kung hindi naman nagdedeliver. If I had my way,
I'd like Mayor Mary Jane to stay on as a Mayor...She really delivers. She has brought San
Fernando into the map of the Global World. She is a very good marketing arm.
A critical councilor says:
Gusto nila sila lang ang parating bida. (They want to always be the only stars.) Parang (As if)
virtually, they are a monopoly of, good public service. Parang ayaw nila na mapunta sa iba na
hindi sigurado. (As if they do not want power to go to another whom they cannot control.)
As far as Mayor Ortega is concerned, her link to a political dynasty is a big advantage. She provides two
reasons why it is advantageous: (1) she receives all the support and assistance she needs in running the city
government; (2) she feels politically secure because she can rely on the good tradition of leadership of the
Ortegas.
Mayor Ortega explains how political security creates political will:
They always say we need leaders with political will. You can have political will only if you are
politically secure...If the people give their support to the leader, she becomes a better leader. If
people do not support their leader, she is weakened. Who is to blame if the leader does not
perform? I think it is the people; because they did not support their leader. But if people give their
support and the leader knows that, and the leader does not abuse the trust and support, the
leader will have the political will to do what is right and do things right, (paraphrased)
The Mayor also defends the Ortegas' hold on public posts:
The Ortegas grew up eating, breathing and drinking politics. It is in their blood. Whenever
somebody dies, an Ortega will always be one of the first to go to the family of the deceased...The
asikaso (care) is the advantage we have. It is the concern. It is the time and energy to take care of
them (the people). It naturally comes out. If they [opposition] want to [hold public office], they should
work doubly hard.
Meeting Expectations.Like criticism, social expectations are inescapable in the exercise of leadership, and
sometimes the expectations are unreasonable. How does Mayor Ortega handle expectations and meet the
demands? Victor Ortega shared this principle the couple subscribes to in handling expectations:
Sasabihin mo sa tao, pare, maski anong tulong ang ibigay ko sa iyo, kung ayaw mo namang
tulungan ang sarili mo, wala tayong magagawa. (You tell the person: friend, no matter what help I
give you, if you do not help yourself, we can accomplish nothing.) That is the main principle we
follow. Even in helping barangays, whatever it is, you have to let them participate. You have to
involve them. They should be stakeholders in whatever project that you do in the barangay. They
have to sweat for it. Mas sustainable din kung kabalikat mo sila. (It is more sustainable if the
burden is shared with them.)
The city administrator shared that Mayor Ortega handles expectations by not promising anything she
cannot fulfill. During elections, he recalled, the Mayor would only revisit the vision and mission of the City.
By doing so, the Mayor was able to present what she intended to fulfill when elected without directly promising
anything.
Doing What Were Necessary and Right. Although she said that she did not encounter many dilemmas
in doing what were necessary and right, Mayor Ortega recognized the difficulties of doing so. There were
several instances when the Mayor resisted to give in I o what was popular.
The earliest challenge was when she had just assumed office in SFC and was confronted with the problem of
how to remove overlaps in the fulfillment of the duties of the executive and the legislative branches. "Since
the passage of the law (R.A. 7160), nobody really attempted to fully implement its provisions on the
separation of the executive and the legislative,"39 the city administrator recalled.
On the first year of her administration, Mayor Ortega clearly defined the boundaries. The City Council was
given the power to legislate including the power to act on the budget; while the executive powers were given to
the different departments of the City Government headed by the Office of the Mayor.
This did not sit well with some of the councilors, and they continued to perform executive functions. After
receiving reports about it, the Mayor constantly reminded the councilors of the legislative-executive
separation. It annoyed some of them, and they took it up with the department heads. The councilors grilled
the latter during committee meetings of the Council.
To resolve the growing tension, the Mayor did not give in; she instead created the Executive-Legislative
Development Authority Council or the EL-DAC. This has been a venue for dialogue and exchange between
the executive and the legislative branches.
There were also instances when she was pressured to set aside policies that were not popular in light of the
coming elections. One of these instances was when the City Government had to dismantle fish cages in the
Carlatan river.
There were fish cages in the Carlatan. I said dismantle or you will have a fish kill. Let the river breathe. The
fisherfolk did not like this. The first time was Christmas, so I let it pass. The next time, it was fiesta, so again
I gave in. Third time, election time was around the corner. Election time came. They thought I was going to
give in. My 92.5% [victory] might have been 93% if I did not dismantle them, but it had to be done.
After that, in September, we called them again and we identified where they should build their fish cages.
So we said we will raffle it off. But before we raffled it off, they talked among themselves sino iyong
magkasosyo [who would become partners]. They were able to settle the whole thing through the raffle, and
everyone was given his share. One of them gave their response Ammum mayor, ti kinagpay-su na, nasakit
ti nakem mi iddi pinaikkat mo. Ngem iddi nagbagyo ti july,nalugi kami kuma, ta nadadael jay kwama.
Tatta maawatan min, agyaman kami ken ka. (You know, Mayor, the truth is we felt bad when you removed
the fish cages. But when the storm came in July, we thought if you did not remove it, it would have been destroyed and we would have lost a lot of money. Now, we understand and we thank you.)'
Another instance was the policy to convert tricycles from two-strokes to four-strokes so as to protect the
environment.
We asked them [the tricycle drivers] to convert from two-strokes to four-strokes. I asked the city council to
pass an ordinance but they came to me and said, 'imbaga da baka agpasugnod iti tricycle drivers ta
election 2001.' (The tricycle drivers might go into a sulk and we have elections in 2001.) So I met with
them (tricycle drivers). I met with the operators. I told them what a two-stroke engine can do to them. With
total suspended particulates, their health was at risk. I gave them all the reasons.
In 2001, we had 1200 two-strokes out of 1600, and even without an ordinance, as of today, we have 1200
four-strokes. And 1 discovered at that time that there were 79 units which were 30 years old. I said, "I am
giving you one year to phase-out. I am giving you money. We will lend it to you without interest and to be
paid back in one year," which they took. As of today, we do not have tricycles older than 15 years. All
without an ordinance.
Mayor Ortega shared her realizations: "If you serve the people well, you don't have to spend big in
elections. Leaders spend only if they do not want to serve. It is like a trade-off."42 She also realized that
people refuse change because they do not understand. It is therefore important for leaders not to give in to
pressure because people will eventually appreciate the good once they have experienced and understood
it.
Power and Leadership.Power is that which enables a person to make another person behave in a
particular manner. On the other hand, politics is simply denned as the exercise of power and influence;
hence, political relationships involve, to a significant extent, control, influence, power and authority. Political
action is sometimes understood as "striving to change or influence the distribution of power in society."
How does Mayor Ortega conduct her politics? Central to her exercise power is her membership in a political
dynasty. She believes this gives hethe security necessary for the exercise of political will. She is able to do
who has to be done because she is secure about her political resources.
In making important political decisions, Mayor Ortega would normally turn to her "political guru," her
husband, Victor, who helps her in handling political alliances and parties. Accordingly, the Ortegas
consult among themselves first before coming up with a political decision. As observed by the vice mayor,
"They come to the public as one. You do not see them debate... To be strong leaders, they have to show to
the public their unity in decision-making."
Mayor Ortega firmly believes that absolute power corrupts absolutely. She has said that, although the
Ortegas hold critical positions in the governments of San Fernando City and La Union, they never abuse it
for they are aware of regular elections that ensure the sovereignty of the people.
Absolute power is when you have dictatorship. We still have to go through an election. The electorate will be
the ones to dictate who are the ones who will lead... Who is the boss? The people. [Power is] theirs to give
and theirs to take away.
The question then arises: are elections in SFC credible? An Ortega opponent says it is not, but has no solid
evidence to offer.48 Meanwhile, Mayor Ortega sees no need to resort to illegal means such as vote-buying to
get the support of the people: "I give them immediate gratification even when there is no election. If they come
and I really see their need, they do not have to wait for an election."
The vice mayor reveals a strategy they have used to keep the elections cheap. He says that they used to
target the leaders (which is complicated and costly), but now they opt to go to the people directly through
the media.
The city administrator plays a role in ensuring that the City Government is insulated from politics during
elections. She shares: "I am happy that I am not into politics. While most others file their leave of absence,
I stay on and look after the fort...A differentiation should be made between those who really deliver all around
the year and those who only deliver during the election."
Mayor Ortega underscores the importance of perception in winning over the people. "It is not enough
that you are a good leader; they (people) should know that you are a good leader." Perception is
rooted in communication, and when it comes to selling and marketing ideas and thoughts, it is a
consensus that Ortega is astounding. As the vice mayor commented, "If she (the Mayor) can convince a
kid at the age of three to sing 'San Fernando .... San Fernando...' she can convince anyone."
Management and Leadership.While the family provides the necessary political machinery and her
talent for communication provides the political tool, Mayor Ortega's performance has been one of the
major factors that have kept her in office for almost a decade.52 Local and international recognition
affirms her record of good performance.
Under Ortega's management, the City Government has become a "learning organization." The Mayor
recognizes the importance of technology transfer and capability-building; thus, she sees to it that all the
department heads are able to attend seminars and trainings that will upgrade their capabilities and
skills. By being equipped with the latest tools and technologies that worked successfully in other places
here and abroad, the City Government is able to deliver results and perform competently.
She tries to assess the assets of the city and improve them. She believes in capacity building. She
believes that we can do more. She tried to improve everybody. She says with pride that, even when she
is out of San Fernando, the City is running the way it should be. It is because she has improved the
skills of the people here. She always shares the fame that she gets. Your contribution is accepted and
appreciated. (paraphrased)
The Mayor's management style is performance-based, but aside from focusing on the performance of
City Hall, she also ensures that the barangays are capable.
We did the Barangay Development Strategy. We made them (the barangays) do their plans and we
assisted them to do that, giving them the idea that they have to have projects that they can afford
and to consider what the impacts are. The way I look at it, doing three rounds of that, they have been
empowered.. Now even the barangay-based volunteers and NGOs have a way of gauging and
measuring the performance of the barangay leaders.
Another aspect of management is resolving problems and conflicts. The city administrator describes
Mayor Ortega's conflict resolution and management style.
Ang style kasi niya she never sits on a problem. She gets it out in the open and resolves it as soon as
possible. What I like about her is her sense of propriety and justice. She brings together the people
concerned and solves the problem in their presence. She discusses it right now, right here, and finds a
solution to the problem. She doesn't stop at airing issues; she moves forward and asks what we do
about it now. So you end up satisfied at the end of the session. Even while you are battered there is
resolution at the end of everything.
The city planning officer describes Mayor Ortega's leadership as participatory owing to her bottom-up
approach in planning in which the communities identify their needs. Mayor Ortega "looks at
development from (i holistic perspective. She says the people of San Fernando City should be healthy not
only physically but also mentally and spiritually."
Conclusion: When the Traditional and the Managerial Merge. The traditional understanding of Filipino
leadership focuses on the leade or the person. Filipino folk culture, which prioritizes personal relation-)
ships, manifests itself in personality-oriented politics.
Those who have been dominant in the exercise of leadership are called inl the literature as the "elite,"
whose members possess the following characteristics:
They come from a political family or dynasty.
They belong to a high socio-economic class and are landed.
They have a "superior level of educational attainment" (from top universities and schools in the
Philippines and abroad). Most are lawyers.
They are members or have been members of associations that "reflect the nature of their
occupational activities, economic interests, cultural ties and social status."
They live an extravagant lifestyle.

They are usually friendly and nice.
Most of the elite practice traditional politics, which is characterized by patron-client or unequal
reciprocal relations. Kinship plays a primal and critical role in traditional politics, and political
exercises become family affairs. Decisions are made in consideration of how to strengthen the
power! base or how to consolidate one's position. Thus, the interests of moneyed groups are looked
after, and alliances are established using resources and posts in the government as means of
leverage.
The Filipino cultural trait of pakikisama, which spurs people to be polite, j respectful, accommodating and
non-confrontational, is given high regard. Finally, the culture of poverty, which leans toward immediate or
short-term J gains and benefits for oneself and one's family or group, is exploited by traditional politicians
to perpetuate clan power.
In contrast to traditional leadership, which is personality-based, "managerial leadership" is more appropriate
to our times and can be characterized as follows:
Flexible - able to meet changing environmental influences;
Fast - able to make necessary quick decisions even within multiple layers of management;
Empowered - able to respond to changes owing to sufficient discretion and resources;
Open in its communications - sets up open communication channels that promote the timely
distribution of information across levels of the organization;
Innovative - operates in an environment that supports risk-taking and rewards innovation;
Learning-oriented - supports and promotes institutional learning for new information to enhance
performance;
Development-focused - sustains learning and enhances skills to accomplish objectives;
Lean - optimizes financial and human resources;
Energized - able to reach high levels of activity and enthusiasm in which work is fun and exciting;
Team-oriented - focuses on organizational performance and how to work effectively together to
achieve a common purpose;
Performance-based - monitors individual and group performance and holds each one
accountable;
Value-driven - incorporates a strong set of values to provide stability and consistency.
Managerial leadership is a form of "new leadership," and befits "new politics," which contrasts with traditional
politics.
The new politician "approaches politics not as a playground for his ego, but as a field in which he seeks to
achieve a cause much larger than himself, his family, or any other entity he represents. The striving for
power in his case is a purely objective enterprise, which he takes up methodologically and relentlessly and
dedicates exclusively to the service of the cause." This is a results-oriented leader with a substantive
purpose whose conduct is rooted in an "ethics of responsibility," which is an "attitude that compels the
leader to give an account always of the foreseeable consequences of his decisions."
For the new politician, the end does not justify the means, and power is not the goal of politics. Power is a
means to achieve a higher purpose that seeks to change life or society for the better.
Mayor Ortega's practice of leadership results from a confluence of the traditional and the managerial. She is a
member of a political dynasty, but her stay in power is also due to her performance as a public manager.
Although her family plays a big role as it provides the needed political machinery and security, her firm
decision to give primacy to capacity-building of the managers of SFC partly explains her success.
The importance given by Mayor Ortega to capacity-building and learning shows that the practice of
leadership need not be leader-centered. In SFC, players are given their appropriate rolesthe legislative to
make appropriate laws and ordinances and the executive to implement them with strong political will. The city
government strives to be team-oriented and performance-based.
Mayor Ortega reaches out to all -kinds of people, but not at all times is she nice and friendly to the person
she talks to. She speaks her mind and displeases some people, but she can afford to do so because she has
the political security provided by her family. Critical political decisions are made at the family level, but
planning in the City Government remains participatory, at least institutionally, given the presence of the
LGC-mandated institutional mechanisms for participation.
Mayor Ortega has tried and tested skills in marketing, and therefore has the knack of convincing people.
Her exercise of leadership emphasizes communication and education. It wins support through the
sharing of ideas and information.
When the traditional and the managerial meet and merge, a hybrid is produced. Mayor Ortega's practice of
leadership exhibits or strives to exhibit the qualities of managerial or transformational leadership while at
the same time possesses or is perceived to possess characteristics of traditional leadership. Her brand of
politics is not new or alternative, but neither can it be considered purely traditional. If traditional and new
politics is conceptualized as a continuum, her politics lies or strives to lie somewhere in between.
The synthesis is always better than the thesis and the anti-thesis. Although Mary Jane Ortega's hybrid
leadership cannot be compared to a product of a dialectical process, one thing is certainthis way of
leadership is politically more formidable than mere traditional leadership in the Philippine sociopolitical
context. Whether or not this way can bring forth equitable and sustainable development in the country is a
critical question.
The Gift of Grace:
Her Persona Rhetoric Leadership
by Celia Hernando Tobia-Bulan and Augustus Ceasar Destura Latosa
(Quezon City: Claretian Publications)
Bombo Grace became the people's script that read:
Grace Padaca will fight the most powerful member of the dynasty. We, the masses who have
silently admired her courage and integrity all of 14 years, will now support her bid for governorship
of Isabela.
The stage is the gubernatorial drama, 2004; the setting and place, the province of Isabela,
northeastern Philippines.
The gubernatorial stage thus beckoned the young and brave polio-stricken broadcaster just
when Congressman Faustino Dy, Jr. was ending his term.
The script is ready, the stage set, there is only a thing leftthe performer.
But there is no performer if there is no audience. For it is the audience, it is the people
watching and listening to the performer who determine the beauty and the power of a
performance. It is they and only they who can act upon, be moved or not by a performance.
A performer becomes a rhetor when she persuades her audience through the words she
speaks. Words fashioned in elegance and beauty are the surface text. The person who embodies
her message is what convinces, attracts, and impacts an audience. A rhetor thus seeks listeners to
her messages, purposively and deliberately, communicating them to specific audiences during
specific times in specific places. This was Grace Padaca's strategy in convincing the Isabelinos to
give her the electoral mandate. She tailor-made her speeches to touch her audiences.
But it was not always easy for her. There was the wave of support from the masses
evidenced as early as the congressiona race of 2001. Not proclaimed despite her edge in vote
count over her opponent in majority of the voting municipalities, she retreated to privacy. But radio
audiences from the Cagayan Vallej to the eastern Cordilleras had known her as a fighter. Earlier
defeated oppositionists of the dynasty finally threw their hats into the ring for contender Padaca. The
Isabelinos seemed to have had enough of the Dys. From a woman named Noemi, a note to Grace
bore this message: "In votes you were number one. Only, you were cheated, so were we. So let us
defend our rights..."2
Grace the vacillating contender recalled the taunts hurled at her person in 2001: "I became
the butt of jokes and ridicule. I couldn't blame them though. Who is Grace anywaya poliostricken girl? She can't even walk, and, look she's running against a rock-solid wall!"3
Grace was alluding to many people's doubts on how she would fare as a political contestant.
However, when thousands of Isabela voters witnessed her performance in the 2001 congressional
polls, they would not, in their hearts, concede Grace's defeat. Some supporters claimed, "We knew
Grace really won."4
Grace mused quietly, "I had the support of the majority in 2001. The election tribunal
proclaimed my opponent winnerby only 48 votes!"5
Fight or flight. The Padaca supporters came to a decision.
The masses had spoken out against the poll fraud, incidences of intimidation, threats, and
harassments. The town of Angadanan was in the spotlight as a "victim of vote-padding" to favour the
incumbent candidate for Congress. A mass action was held where then Bishop Sergio Utleg
delivered a message decrying the election irregularities demeaning the sacred ballot. 6
The people's mass action of protest had arisen from (to put it simply) the glaring
inconsistency of the count results with original on-site precinct tallies. Pro-Padaca voters did not and
could not find credence in the total tally when Election Day voting hours ended. If Padaca led by big
margins in 5 out of 8 voting towns,7 why did she still lose in the overall?
If the sitting dynast can be said to have used non-rhetorical tools to attract voters, then
Grace can be said to have used tools of persuasion through the word. Was it not the ancient, great
rhetorician and orator Cicero who affirmed that "the power of eloquence is what gathers scattered
humanity and leads them out of their brutish existence...?" 8
The campaign rhetoric of Grace was unusual for not checklisting election promises as
traditional politicians are wont to do. Instead, her initial rhetoric was her vision: liberate habela, liberate
the people? She belonged to no political party that would have required a party platform. She
belonged instead to the masses. Her vision to empower them would only be realized if they
supported her bid for governor.
Thus, the big issue poised against her was: Does candidate Padaca have a platform?
So, in that ensuing radio debate prior to Election Day, she was hounded by the same question. To the
broadcaster-moderator she answered: "Allan, how much does a 30-minute spot on radio cost?"1[
"Tens of thousands,"" replied the broadcaster.
"There! So since I can't afford thirty minutes on radio, I briefly tell the people in the 15
seconds of air time that I can afford,
'Palayain ang Isabela upang mabigyan ang lahat ng Isabelino ng pagkakataon na mapaunlad
ang kani-kanilang kabuhayan at malinang nang ganap ang kanilang mga katangian'"12(Trans.: Let
us free Isabela so that every Isabelino will have a fair chance to improve his life and achieve his
fullest potential.) This was Grace Padaca's answer.
Then time came for the listeners to hear the two contenders' response to "What qualities do
you possess that would make you good leaders of the province of Isabela?"13
Since Grace had drawn the first lot and Faustino Dy, Jr. the second lot, she answered first:
Ang aking katapatan sa aking ipinaglalabang kalayaan ng Isabela ang alam kong
magpapanalo sa akin dito sa labang ito. Dahil ako ay isang maliit lang na bahagi ng labanang
ito. Ang alam kong magpapanalo sa akin ay ang katotohanan na kapareho kong kaisipan at
kagustuhan ng mas maraming Isabelino na gusto nang lumaya...
Trans.: What I strongly believe is that my sincerity and truthfulness as a person will
make me and the Isabelinos win. I am but a tiny part of the whole. But the good
thing is that the masses and I share the same dreamliberation from so many
oppressive structures...
From the opponent Dy, Jr. came the answer qualifying him to be the leader of the province:
Ang magpapanalo sa akin ay yung performance ko na ipinakita ko kung ano ang aking
nagawang serbisyo sa ating mga kababayan. Yung pagbigay ng zero backlog in
classrooms at yung pagbigay ng magandang serbisyo sa ospital natin. At yung pagtulong
sa mga livelihood at napakaraming proyektong nagawa. Sa madaling salita, performance ang
pinagbabatayan ko.15
Trans.: Performance is what will make me win. My 3-year term pushed so many
projects off the ground, in livelihood, and especially my zero-backlog
accomplishment in classrooms. We have built hospitals where everybody can seek
treatment at no cost. People can see what my administration has done and its
effects are felt by the populace.
The sting of the word "performance" did not seem to faze Padaca because in the allotted
two minutes for rebuttal, she extemporized: "Mr. Junior Dy truly erected a lot of infrastructure, yes,
but his performance is only edifice-oriented, not service-oriented. For instance, there are new
schools for children in the public system of education. But who will enter these classrooms if the
children are poor, sick, weak from scarcity of food on their table? How can families without enough or
decent livelihood even send their children of school age to your schools?""
The quick refutation from the opponent Dy came in the query, "You apparently do not know
your facts and statistics about these schoolsthat since my administration constructed these
school buildings, there has been a 20% increase in enrolment rate! And why do you say these
children cannot enter these elementary and high schools when everything is free from tuition to
books?"17
"I do, I have the facts, Mr. Junior Dy. I know, for instance, and Isabelinos know that
the Dys have had a lot of construction projects way back to the rule of the late Faustino
Dy, Sr., your father. Like the huge sports complex that serves as the venue of a once-a-year
sports activity, the Palarong Pambansa, and thereafter, no longer used. Plus the huge capital
building you built. My point is: any mayor or governor or congressman can carry out all these
projects because there is a budget appropriation approved by the national government. But
where are your priorities anyway? And more importantiy, how do you prioritize projects?" 18
In the verbal tussle between the two, listeners from Isabela to Nueva Vizcaya to Ifugao
trained,their ears to the "fight" that would win the voters' hearts and minds. What the
incumbent refuted, Grace had a ready rejoinder. It seemed she sounded once again the
Bombo Grace who had a full grasp of the facts. She arrived ready for the debate.
The incumbent Dy would not yield that easily. He stood pat on the air that his
performance had been sound and solidly grounded on basic social services like hospitals,
health, and schools."There was no mention of agriculture or food production in the rice and
corn basketfor which Isabela is well-known.
Padaca, however, allowed her listeners among the broad masses to see the contrast
between the Dy administration's treatment of poor, sick people as they sought medical help in
the big hospitals and the manner in which well-off and well-connected patients were treated.
There was a big disparity, she claimed, in favour of the well-to-do. While influential patients
received quick and generous sendee in the form of medical health payments, the poor had
to keep going back to secure health benefits. Two documented cases were presented by
Padaca. One beneficiary of health benefits was a person of means who had high blood
pressure while the other was an indigent who needed immediate post-accident surgery.20
At this criticism coming from Padaca, Dy announced that he needed formal
complaints with specific, concrete facts from patients as to how they were helped or not by
hospital doctors and personnel staff. That Padaca could not simply generalize was the latter's
point.21
Grace Padaca apparently did not plan to be trapped by the opponent's strategy of
placing her in a controversial light. When Dy threw an innuendo that his opponent was an
amicus-NPA, meaning a friend of the New People's Army, she thought she would be wasting
precious air time during the debate if she became defensive. So she stuck to her plan of
apprising the Isabelinos of what she would do for them if they supported her. She spoke of
people empowerment of all sectorsnot just of a few. She spoke of leading Isabela
society towards a level playing field for all. She told them she had the integrity and sincerity
and competence to raise them to a higher quality of life. But first she offered herself as the
better alternative to the current leadership. And she did not mince words when she faced
her opponent with "The Dys are ruling our province everywhere, and it seems they have no
intention of relenting. See how they have multiplied their families!"'
With the able moderation by the Bombo Radyo broadcaster, Allan, the Isabelinos' most critical
concerns like the coal mining project, the transport ship project for coastal Isabela, and the issues
on the incumbent's financial management of the province all surfaced. While Dy trumpeted his
performance indicators, Padaca trumped them down with logic, facts, and innuendo. It must have
been hot in the air lanes.
The debate had ended with the two being civil to each other. A modey group of listeners but
voter-listeners especially had been afforded a chance to be critical or reflective of the opponents'
messages. Soon it would be countdown to Election Day. At that point, who had the edge?
Reminiscent, it seemed, of Grace's campaign speeches when she would prefer to be the last, the
debate's closing statement had her delivering a final salvo:
Ako po ay isang taong may kapansanan. Nung 3 taong gulang pa lang ako ay nagkasakit
ako ng sakit na polio. Hindi ko ho yon kasalanan, pero mas magiging kasalanan sa Diyos
kung aking binalewala ang aking buhay. Kaya po ginamit koang mga talinong binigay niya sa
akin Hindi lamang po para bigyan ng kahulugan ang aking buhay kundi ang iba pang mga tao.
Lagi kong sinasabi sa lahat ng aking mapuntahan, huwag kayong maaawa sa akin. Hindi ako
nagpapaawa. Hindi ko kailangan ng awa. I have become a successful person without the pity
of other people. Ang sinasabi ko po, huwag ako ang kaawaan n'yo Isabela, kaawaan n'yo
ang inyong sarili. Kung ano man po itong aking sinasabi, kayo ang magsasabi kung ako'y
tapat. Ngayon lamang po nangyari sa kasaysayan ng ating lalawigan na lahat tayong mga
mamamayan ay mayroon tayong lakas at pagkakaisa para labanan silang sobrang tagal na sa
kapangyarihan. Walang sinabi sa kanila ang diktaduryang Marcos na 20 years lang naghari
samantalang sila ay doble na, 40 years na. Wala na po tayong panahon para sayangin para
iligtas ang ating sarili sa panghabampanahon na yatang pagnanais na sakupin tayo... Ang
sinasabi ko pong lagi kung sana ang dinastiyang nandiyan ay maganda ang pamamalakad at
hindi nang-aabuso, hindi na ako lalaban... Mahirap nahong mangyari muli mga kaibigan
ang pagkakataong ito na puwede nating palayain ang ating lalawigan ng Isabela. At sana
po yan ang inyong isipin. Kahit ganito po ako, isang simpleng tao, hindi mayaman, hindi
makapangyarihan, buong tap ang ng loob kong iniaalay ang sarili dahil alam kong tama ang
aking ipinaglalaban, at alam kong ito rin ang gusto n'yong ipaglaban, aking mga kababayan.23
Trans.: I am a handicapped person. Since I turned 3, I have been afflicted with polio. That
is not my fault. But it would be a greater sin against God had I not utilized the talents He
gave me not only for myself but also for others. 1 do not need your pity. I have become a
successful person without the pity of people. Isabelado not pity me; pity yourself. What I
utter now is something you can judge to be true or not. Our province is experiencing a
historic first. It has never happened before that Isabelinos gathered enough strength,
conviction, and unity to fight the powers that have reigned for so long. So long that the
Marcos dictatorship of only 20 years pales in comparison. This one is 40 years! There's no
more time to waste, fellow Isabelinos. Let us save ourselves from the dynasty that desires to
rule forever... I always tell myself that if this dynasty were of another kindwith a good
governance, without abusesthere would be no need for me to oppose them... My fellow
provincemates, what we have together reached and accomplished at this point may never
come again. Today, united as we are, we can liberate Isabela. I am Grace Padacaa simple
soul, neither rich nor powerfulbut I offer you my whole self, my will to continue fighting, [as
I have fought for 14 years], and my personal courage for I know I am fighting for the right
even as I very well know that you and I share this dream.
To talk of who was the better debater would be out of context. To gauge who was more
persuasivethat would be the listeners' concern. One thing stood out though among the
audiences who heard both contenders for the governorship. A segment kept its silence while
another expressed vocally whom to support. A longstanding climate of fear had crouched at people's
doors. Election Day would be judgment day.
In fine, Grace Padaca the rhetor had brought to radio the ethos of her persona. And it
was like it had always been. Issue- oriented, critical of status quo, critical of governance within
and by a dynasty. Through the points of contention raised by the broadcaster-moderator, Grace's
personal qualities of forthrightness, intelligence, candor, sincerity, and humility shone through. Her
environmental consciousness and concern became highlighted when she knew salient points as to the
dangers of coal mining, especially to human beings. Moreover, there was indication of her planning and
managerial ability as she cited her opponent's lack of goal-orientedness and program sustainability, even
while she noted his administration's lack of prioritization.2* The opponent Dy stressed only one thing: his
outcome-oriented performance indicated by big and numerous infrastructures.25
Visioning in governance was needed, claimed Padaca; no visioning, but performance results
came from Dy, Jr.
A paradox was noted in the debate: the woman Grace spoke thus "in just a few hours, you will be
free, Isabela!"26 The other contenderthe mandefended himself thus "if there's no democracy here,
then no one would run."2'
Could it be that Padaca's being allowed or tolerated to run against the Dy dynasty was in fact, by
all intents and appearances, a calculated showcase of electoral freedom or democracy? Or that now there
finally emerged a serious contender and challenger to the established dynasty?
Thus, the performer as debater leaves the radio scene. The performer as campaigner walks the
countryside. The performer as Grace Padaca arrives.
Through forty-five days come sun come rain, audiences come to see her perform in the remote
barrios and villagesmany of them farmers of rice and corn. The people wait till midnight. They keep vigil.
Grace finally alights from a vehicle in crutches. She has been combing the farthest, remotest barrios
relendessly.
They listen and study her face for the first time. The people make her sit on a pile of rice grain
sacks. She is now encircled by farmers and their wives, by sons and daughters who look at her face
intently, waiting for her voice. She greets them "Naimbag a rabiiyo amin apo!" (Good evening to you all!)
and says her piece:
Kung talagang magaling ang ating mga pinuno, bakit ang marami pa ring naghihirap at
nagdurusa? Ang ating mga magsasaka, bakit kahit anong pagod nila, baon pa rin sila sa
utang? Lumaban naman tayo... Kung nakikita n'yo akong ganito, pilay, nahihirapang lumakad o
kumilos, huwag kayong maaawa sa akin. Kaya ko ang aking sarili. Nakapag-aral naman ako,
nakatapos naman ako. Bagkus ay maawa kayo sa inyong mga sarili. Bakit pagkaraan ng
apatnapung taon ng dinastiya, ganyan pa rin ang buhay niyo? Kung sama-sama tayong lalaban,
mapapalaya natin ang ating mga sarili, makakamtan natin ang isang Isabela na para sa lahat at
hindi para sa iilan lamang.28
Trans.: If our present leaders are really good, why are we still suffering and not prospering?
Our farmers, no matter how hard they toil, are still neck-deep in debt. If you see me like this,
limping and weak, don't pity me. I can take care of myself. I am blessed to have been to school
and gotten a degree. Instead, think of yourselves, why after 40 years, you are still dirt poor. If we
unite and fight together, we can free ourselves. We can have a province of Isabela that empowers
everyone and not only the chosen few.
Having heard Grace speak, the people nodded and observed silenceperhaps a silence that
they imposed on themselves. The rural folks who by all indications were what one may categorize or
stereotype as the powerless and marginalized sector were the intent listeners of her messages. It cannot
be ascertained, however, if their engagement as listeners has had a prior formation through many years of
habitual listening and patronage of Bombo Radyo programs, especially those of Bombo Grace.
Thus, when Grace was queried why she decided to run against a powerful incumbent, she said:
...I just knew that if somebody had to fight the dynasty in Isabela, I think it would
have to be me, modesty aside. We know elections to be contests between and
among people who are known to the voters. I was waiting for the known
opposition leaders of Isabela to make the move, but, perhaps, they got fed up
running in the elections because they would just be clobbered or cheated
anyway... I think I had an edge already because of my stint for 14 years as a
Bombo Radyo broadcaster. So, perhaps, it would be a chance. If somebody had
to do it, it had to be me because I was known by many people, and I think they
liked me too... I was popular because the issues I presented on radio were people
issues, issues linked to governance... it was not just popularity but integrity, it was
sincerity in the things I said, that when I said 'Let us work for a better government
for Isabela, let us fight for a better future,' then they knew I meant what I said...29
In the campaign sorties as well as in Grace's flyers and written letters to the people, her
messages were synchronized by her constantly, if not blissfully, repeating her mantra "PALAYAIN
NATIN ANG ISABELA! Sama-sama tayo sa mithiing iyan." 30
The message visualized for its listeners an imprisoned, incarcerated, and caged province and
people. So, it fired a more eloquent point when it reached one's consciousness: Why does Isabela
need to be liberated? It needed thought. It needed answers without prodding from the performer
Grace Padaca. It only needed looking inside oneselfhis life, his experience. It is well-known to
many that rural folks possess a wisdom that city folks or urbanites do not possess. The cycles of
hardship that transform them into crusty people of character and tenacity are their wealth. Pliant and
resilient they are, yielding to nature's force or fury.
So, it was that after 45 days of speaking face-to-face with the Isabelinos, Grace the
challenger returned home to make way for the voters to pause. To listen.To decide.
Two critics and well-known scholars in the field of rhetoric, Campbell and Burkholder, suggest the most
appropriate standards for evaluating a speaker's messages or performances, namely: artistic and
ethical.1
On the first criterion, the artistry of a rhetorical performance can be gauged, thus: does a
message appeal to or influence its audience? Does its language move and persuade its audience? How
about its argument, is it cogent and logical?2 To a layman, this wouldbe described as a message or speech
that is appealing, persuasive, and logical. In the teacher and philosopher Aristode's thinking, die credible
speaker is one who by her character or integrity influences audiences over and above her reasoning and
emotional appeals, elements that are to be present, too.
To find out how Padaca's audiences apprehended and appreciated her performance as
rhetor, we need to borrow the ideas of our aforecited scholars: two artistic strategies, namely: the
"powerful embodiment of a persona" and the other "a wedding of language and thought."3
Was Grace Padaca the powerful embodiment of a, persona?
A word first about what persona is. The term takes its origin from persons of stature, of
acceptableness, of character, and of greatness.4
First, one has to see the trajectory that her life took. What were the influences that shaped
her? There was the polio that afflicted her at age 3 and the burdensome therapy and intervention,
followed by early schooling. Though mobility was limited, Grace's intellectual development was not.
Family nurtured her formative years in utmost affection with an underlying discipline. Whatever strength
came in her youth came mainly from a father's solicitous devotion. Classes absorbed her fertile, creative,
and unstoppable mind. Home provided a wealth of reading material that matched a child's boundless
energy. The mystique of radio started to bud a child's prodigious imagination.
Grace Padaca's emerging identity of strength in her adolescence hinged on a preemptive
will to fight the things she had no power overlike her disability, her imagined self-image due to
physical constraints, and the normal preoccupations of her teenaged life.
From a sheltered, protected, and perhaps insulated environment, Grace exited to
experience the real world where she met other young people from varying family backgrounds and
social status. Further on in college, the higher education atmosphere challenged her even more to
achieve scholarship and excellence as a student to include imbibing love for country. Part of her
college life, in fact, central to it, was her learning the state of her country and the conditions of Filipino
citizens as this learning was integral to the Lyceum curricula. From a high school girl steeped in traditions
of an exclusive Catholic school, Grace came to see at the Lyceum a wider, bigger, and more challenging
horizon. Academic scholarship she continued to show, however, being a self-motivated learner, Grace
wanted more. She could set her analytic mind to figure out the growing dissatisfaction and resdessness of
her elders and fellow countrymen trapped in the dictatorial leadership of the early seventies to mideighties. She along with her fellow students saw signs of injustice and wanton abuse in government
despite her still budding sensibilities.
In her young adulthood, Grace's awakening to her connectedness to a Supreme Being
healed her unconscious which began her own person's liberation. The chronic self-doubt of tenuous
adolescence disappeared. A whole and no longer fragmented self loomed.
Grace's later path had led her to stretch her limits even more. With the lofty goals she set for herself,
after graduating at the Lyceum, she "bumped into" an opportunity in radio broadcasting to aim high, to
reach for the starsto pursue a meaningful life. The local radio station proved to be the right place for
her to grow up in and get training in. In that chrysaline cocoon she woke up to the hard knocks and
harsh realities of Philippine society and its politics. In the end, her qualities of truthful and fair reporting,
passion for justice, and sense of public mission caught national and international attention. Once
Grace walked the tightrope of missionary journalism and defied comfort or the easy way out, her
audiences especially the youth came quick to the rescue!
Where several and better-known media luminaries in the country allowed themselves to join
lesser-known politicians to attract voters, Grace the broadcaster considered politics only after ending a
14-year stint in broadcast journalism and a brief state-auditor desk job. In hindsight, she attracted the
populace's attention because she embodied what it is to be a good broadcaster. Rising from the
ranks, she had proven her competence and leadership in that radio station of Cauayan, Isabela. "Hindi
pelikula, hindi kanta, hindi basketball.""
The Isabelino populace came to know her as Bombo Grace on radio. She was the "voice"
thousands came to recognize as a fighting voice opposing government abuses, a challenging voice
calling attention to numerous problems that beset the province, and a gentle, pleasing voice trailing
through air waves. Grace was also the mysterious voice to the innumerable listeners who had not as
yet seen her.
Grace represented the mission and goals of DZNC Bombo Radyo Cauayan; as a main
anchorperson, she easily glided into the role of the poor man's mouthpiece. The little powerless
and unmoneyed people saw Bombo Grace as a figure to seek refuge in. Like a lighthouse, she
beckoned "sailors and voyagers lost at sea." They assumed her fighting stance and courage would
alleviate or rescue them from their plight. Whether or not this was true, ii ilid not seem important.
Call it fan-dom or a cult or a following M ! iiiniional proportions, what they saw in Grace mattered
to them. Messages on air that transmitted hope were sufficient in their insufficient, materiallydeprived situations. With the persona Grace, there was tomorrow.
And if Grace's e xposes and off-the-cuff statemen ts on air were not enough to
convince the incredulous, her arrest and imprisonment for the causes of media became the most
powerful embodiment of her persona. Here was a polio-stricken female broadcast journalist willing
to take all the punchesfor acause The libel case against her was resolved, acquitting her after six
long, grinding years.
One cannot possibly write of Grace's rhetorical acts or messages as discrete, separate
messages. For as in a helix vhere the spires of communication are never ending, speakers or rhetors are
continually performing their lives or scripts through their words And their words and discourse
move onwards irreversibly m time and space even as they recede into yesterday's messages and
utterances. It was the message the listeners had drawn, refi ned and reinterpreted individually and
collectively that produced ^ distillate of hope in human dignity. It was what eventually brou&ht Grace
home. Home to their hearts.
Now, then, how about the second criterion: "a wedding of language and thought"?
Where thought precedes a word, a word an act, a rhetor who "walks her talk'"5 is credible.
Where previous thoughts precede visible actions in a continuum, a rhetor who exhibits such becomes
highly credible, especially when good thoughts give way to good words or messages, and good words to
good deeds. When Grace Padaca launched her battlecry "Free Isabela, free the Isabelinos " 7it was not
a far-fetched idea, concept or slogan of campaign. Rather it was a freedom cry articulated in common
with the bro ad masses who could not speak out; it was a reality shared by the people and her beneath
an albatross of forty years of dynastic rul e. Where rhetoric becomes empty when it carries no substance,
meaningful rhetoric is the opposite. In explaining the language of liberation she showed her listeners
and audiences how "freeing Isabela from the dynasty" 8 would free the Isabelinos from abuses, corrupt
governance, and injustices. Inductively, she highlighted all sectors of society who stood to be empowered,
who stood to reclaim their rights and dignity as citizensno longer to be dictated upon, coerced, or
intimidated. But she needed the people to act in concert with her to achieve the goal.
The only alternative for the Isabelinos to free themselves from the dynasty was to make a
choice on Election Day. In Grace Padaca's reflections, she said, "I never wanted to run or oppose the
dynasty for myself. I did want to tell people especially the Isabela electorate that they had a choice. The
fire must be kept burning at all costs."9
The thought of liberating Isabela and liberating the Isabelinos was given form in this language:
Grace Padaca., kalayaan ng Isabela ito'y hangad niya
Samahan natin sa kanyang mithiin
Grace Padaca tayo'y lalaya.
Trans.: Grace Padaca's goal is to free Isabela;
Let us join her in her aspiration.
Grace Pa-dacatogether we will become free.
The complementarity of thought and form (symbol) is seen through the simplicity and unambiguity of
connected words and lines above. The notion of kalayaan or freedom is abstract. So is the concept
of mithiin or aspiration. What then becomes meaningful and concretized to Padaca's audiences? It is
the collective experience of the Isabelinos that emerges as a ray of sunlight on a cloudless day. It is the
shared realities of the masses the "poor oppressed farmers, the unrecognized professionals and
educated, the intimidated entrepreneurs and businessmen, the law enforcers" at the dynasty's beck
and callthis is where though!
weds language. The meanings and images that resonate with the populace's experience stir up in them a
shared decision: to liberate Isabela, to go along with Padaca's dreamPadaca's dream for her people.
The Isabelinos' present spirals into the pasta collective memory is retrieved of things and experiences
past. Then the past regurgitates the present. Where are they now? Can they think of a better future?
With the masses clamouring for her, the persona of Grace Padaca was transformed into the
Script where people wanted her to be the main character or protagonist in the 2004 Gubernatorial
Drama and they her supporting cast. The background was a sociopolitical setting where the
electorate's rights and liberties had been denied systematically during the forty years of dynastic rule.
In her early predicament of youth, she had dreamed to become a voice penetrating through the
airlanes. If she could not be seen, at least she could be heard. Padaca recalled "Hindi nakikita pero
naririnig."" And slowly, gradually through time, her competence, courage, and integrity of
broadcasting started drawing thousands of listeners and fans to her radio programs. Her aired
messages and broadcasts had won her and the station award, acclaim, and applause. DZNC Bombo
Radyo Cauayan emerged to become the most credible, most heard media broadcast station in the
Cagayan Valley.
Unknown to her then, Grace Padaca the broadcaster had in reality started wooing "future
supporters" by entering their ordinary world and the humdrum of simple livesof hardship and
struggle to survive, of experiencing injustice when pitted against the powerful, of helplessness to
defend their rights. But lo the broad masses of Isabelinos who had neither voice nor clout, the "voice"
had become their champion and defender. While a dynasty clanked on with its iron wheels and cogs of
wile .ind clever patronage, the "voice" sent calm, gentle messages toIsabelinos who had been longing
to appropriate for themselves the right to suffrage.
`Meanwhile, the audiences of Grace the challenger minded their seats patiently, quietly, but
hopefullywaiting for the ripening moment to face the Spotlightto make their choice.
Like the hero Cyrano de Bergerac in Edmond Rostand's novel, Grace as anchorwoman had set
the people's hearts on fire. Like the maiden Roxanne whose heart throbbed to an unseen poet's
inner beauty and strength, the heart of the masses had at long last surged with hope, for at the sight
of their visible heroine, a new day dawned.
The fury of forty years of silence became unleashed. The people cast their vote.
If the broad masses apprehended and appreciated Padaca's rhetorical messages, how did it
impact their lives? Who did they say Grace Padaca was? Who was she to the people?
In the minds of her innumerable listeners, Bombo Grace was a champion and defender of
die disadvantaged, weak, oppressed, and fearful. Her credibility as a fighter has been evidenced by
her performance in radio journalism for 14 years. This is well-known. Thus, when Grace took the
challenge in 2001 and 2004 as political contender against the dynasty, it was her ethos or character
finally visible in action. Within her, she had resolved at long last that there was nothing left do
in radio. But she had planned another course of involvement with people. There was more that she
could do,12 she thought.
Though she experienced a temporary setback in 2001 and vacillated when urged to run
again in 2004, it was her moral persona that sealed her decision to fight.
Grace Padaca may be described by Rushworth Kidder's notion of a person exhibiting moral
courage}"" Such individual is said to possess a commitment to moral and ethical principles, an
awareness of the risks and dangers of such a commitment, and willingness to endure the risks and
dangers and consequences of such commitment.14 In the context of the gubernatorial drama of 2004,
Grace's central aim was to right the wrong. What appeared to be wrong? Righting the wrong meant
dislodging the dynast because she believed the governance or leadership of this dynast was the
talisman of most of Isabela's troubles. Grace, however, did not fully subscribe to the intractability of
the Dys and their cohort; there was a more serious intractability among the people. Making the
electorate aware was Grace's main task. By constitutional standards, sovereignty had ceased to
"reside in the people."
It was a "first-things-first" rhetorical strategy of campaign. If the dynast is not removed from
his entrenched power, there can be no chance at real change in the province. But if the dynast is
supplanted by a moral and ethical leader, then there is hope for genuine reform. This was Padaca's
frame of thinking whose logic translated into her campaign slogan "Palayain na natin ang Isabela!"15
That uppermost in her mind, Grace Padaca the contender proceeded to educate the poor,
the disenfranchised, the passive, and even the educated of Isabelino society. She was aware
as a journalist that a meeting of minds was the key to a deep, empowering awareness of the
people and of their plight. Through her radio debate with the incumbent, she proclaimed to her
live audiences her slogan of liberation. Through her succinctly written letters to Isabela (a female
symbol for the collective) and through her radio spots and "commando campaign speeches," she
challenged the people to march, get up on their feet, and fight alongside her to liberate Isabela from
dynasty rule.
The masses' point of intersection with their female champion may be analogous to Burke's
theory of identification" which simply says that when Grace Padaca the aspirant saw and felt the
yearnings of the masses and articulated it in her discourse or rhetoric, the masses began to identify with
her. Somehow their own personal truths of living had resonated with Padaca's messages.
Anyone who gathers does not scatter.Padaca's language united rather than divided the people.
All sectors of Isabelino society came to such a moment. Even the militants with their political and social
agenda came to join the cause. Political parties heretofore each to his own coalesced. The majority
recognized the time had come to be one. Burke claims that when language is utilized to bring people
to a common way of understanding, such use of language or rhetoric promotes identification.17"A,
iyan, ipagtatanggol niya talaga ang mga maralita, lalo na ang masa,"ls(Trans.: Ah, she really fights for the
poor, especially the masses.) remarked a long-time radio listener. Listeners of 14 years saw that Padaca
the broadcaster was speaking for the peoplethe voiceless and powerless. Moreover, she was an
educating broadcaster. She knew as broadcast journalist she had the mission to inform, transmit
knowledge, and foster awareness in the listening public.
It was an exciting sequel to her Bombo Radyo script for the masses to learn she had
decided to run against a political giant in the 2004 Electoral Contest. The sequel was the final,
decisive action of the persona, Grace.
Padaca's rallying rhetoric to free Isabela became a highly charged message in its emotional
tone. "PALAYAIN NA NATIN ANG ISABELA!"19This theme of liberation was not understood initially by
the common folks, but when Padaca made it clear and vivid by using metaphor, i.e., "the thieves who
break into a house do not enter to beautify it but to carry out their evil motives; let's not allow
them a chance," 2" many understood. To the broad masses Padaca announced this overarching
mission not hers alone but theirs. When queried about her platform of governance, she merely
replied, "Kung itatanong ninyo po ang plataporma ni Grace Padaca, isasagot ko po ito: Gawin nyo akong
daan para lumaya ang ating lalawigan. "21(Trans.: If you ask Grace Padaca's platform, this is my answer:
Make me your instrument to liberate our province.)
When she made her campaign sorties combing the barangays, she explained to them what was
wrong in provincial governance and what ills had arisen out of dynastic rule. If the masses shared her
dream of liberating the province from dynastic power, she and they would attain this freedom for the
Isabelinos, and ultimate freedom to be themselves, freedom to realize their own potentials, freedom to
tap their talents and skills. Freedom with dignity for all Isabelinos. This was Padaca's underlying
message to all.
Finally, what ethical judgments can be drawn from Padaca's rhetorical performances? Again
we look to critics of rhetoric Campbell and Burkholder who recommend the core question "What
are the social implications and long-term effects of a rhetor's discourse?" 2
Thus, one may begin by assessing the "values and the images of human beings and of society
that are upheld as ideal" 23 Looking into Padaca's rhetoric during the campaign of 2004, the rhetor said:
Mahalaga ang kalayaan para sa mga negosyante o businessman, para mapagbuti nila ang
kanilang diskarte. Kalayaan para sa mga professionals para magamit nila ang kanilang galing
para sa mabilis na pag-unlad ng bayan. Kalayaan para sa mga guro at empleyado ng
gobyerno para mapagbuti ang kanilang serbisyo.24
Trans.: Freedom is important for the businessmen so they can be enterprising. Freedom for
the professionals so they can use their minds and skills to help the province prosper.Freedom for
the teachers and government employees so they can improve their services as public servants.
The foregoing excerpt names specific sectors of the population that would benefit from the
liberation of Isabela from the imposed dynastic structure, namely: entrepreneurs and merchants,
professionals or the highly educated, and teachers and employees in public service. The paragraph
denotes society as a wholea unit composed of diverse and unique individuals endowed with qualities,
equipped with training, knowledge, and skills, acumen and capacities necessary for the province's growth
and progress. The use of the possessive pronoun "kanilang" if translated to the English their brings
to the surface a sense of individually being equipped with certain knowledge, skills, and aptitudes which
they can tap not only for self-growth but also for the greatest good. But the implicit stage on which it
could only be acted out is the stage of freedom. Also noted in the excerpt are the English equivalents
"strategy," "speedy progress," and "efficient public service." Aside from these three articulated goals,
the words of Padaca the rhetor show her visualization or images of empowered constituency and
citizenry. Reading into the lines may bring listeners (audiences) to grasp the connectedness and synergy
arising from the potential of collective effort. In the context of Padaca's campaign battlecry, the human
resources of a province must be tapped within a liberating environment. Moreover, the simple language
used in parallel syntax readily visualizes for the voters the image and thought "In such a society I am a
person with dignity and capacityfor this I am recognized."21
Such environment is the rubric of democracy in free societies.
Further on, Padaca seems to drive the point that freedom is necessary for the farmers (the
agricultural sector and providers of staples like rice and corn) to improve their lot and fully attain
economic sufficiency; moreover, freedom is a condition to the lifting of burdens of ordinary labourers;
freedom for the youth and women is likewise crucial if they be counted on as contributors. The following
rhetorical segment of a radio speech attests to her imaging of other sectors (often marginal) of society:
(Ilocano tongue) Masapul nga mawaya-wayaan daguiti mannalon tapno maaramid da ti pudno
a pagsayaatan da.Waya-waya para cadaguiti trabahador tapno lumag-an met ti casasaad da.
Waya-waya para cadaguiti agtutubo ken babbai tapno macatulongda ti panag-dur-as ti paguilian.26
Trans.: Liberate the farmers from their yoke so they can be free to prosper. Liberate the workers
from their burdens so their lot can improve. Liberate the youth and the women if they must be
counted upon to contribute to the province's progress.
The rhetor Grace implies that freedom exercised by such groups is a necessary condition to growth
and prosperity of the entire province.
In all the above passages, the rhetor Padaca cites freedom to be an imperative. Freedom is
her avowed premise to liberating her provincemates. Thus, she declares that her platform of
governance is simply for the people to make her the instrument to Isabela's liberation.
Grace Padaca, kalayaan ng Isabela ito 'y hangad niya;
Samahan natin sa kanyang mithiin,

Grace Padaca tayo'y lalaya.21
In the above campaign jingle the vernacular "kalayaan ng Isabela," (Isabela's freedom), "hangad niya,"
(her aim) "kanyang mithiin," (her dream) and "samahan natin" (let's join her) communicate meanings
not only about a desirable state called freedom but also a call to the people to share the rhetor's dream
of a free Isabela. The rhetor's campaign jingle that people heard from her vehicle was stark in its
simplicity of words but implicit in its seeming indictment of the political scenery obtaining, "...tayo'y
lalaya" (...we will become free) is a phrase with a futuristic meaning and tone; thus, the present
points to a condition without freedom.
Albeit the abstraction "freedom" seems too encompassing to grasp, the visualized examples
of human beings exercising freedom as citizens or members of the body politic appear clear enough
to Padaca's commonfolk audiences. Farmers, plain rural housewives, and the youth upon hearing
the word that Padaca would speak in their villages stayed up "till the dead of night waiting to see
and listen to her."28 Such anticipation was described by Padaca's mother, thus: "Ang upuan namin yung
cavans of rice. Hinintay nila si Grace hanggang alas dose. Pinapalibutan nila si Grace habangnakikinig sa
sinasabi niya."29(Trans.: We sat on rice sacks. The rural people waited for Grace until midnight.
Wanting to get near, they slowly surrounded Grace as they listened.)
The images coming forth to the reader are rice sacks piled one upon the other, neatly
placed on hard ground or a village grain-drying concrete, along with darkness for it is midnight, then
the image of people, simple folks mostly farmers, waiting for the Voice to be embodied in the
person of Grace. If still another image would be drawn, there is the pull or force of the woman's
charisma drawing the people to listen and listen more until performer and audience become one
in feeling and thought. The shared experience becomes the shared dream.
The value of freedom as emphasized by Padaca the rhetor appears to have resonated
with the voting audiences as shown by their responses like patience to wait for the person of
Grace, listening to her messages in the dead and stillness of night, building for her makeshift
canopies fashioned with coconut and nipa fronds, putting up her posters, contributing in kind,
and a host of others.
Noteworthy is the exemplar of courage that one pastor, the Rev. Jojo Tuazon, embodied
through little gestures of support and encouragement. The gentleman's actuations may even raise
eyebrows on the issue of the Church's nonpartisanship, however, the person of Padaca during those
momentous days of Isabela was in a very real sense symbolic of the deep yearning of the people
to witness the triumph of democracy so that their actions sprang from the heart. When human
liberties are endangered and upon the scene emerges a perceived champion to defend such
rights, the bandwagon phenomenon that ensues is like a strongly-knit neighbourhood whose
members rush to help a neighbour in urgent need, moreover, to be in solidarity with him.
Throughout Philippine history, our farms, our villages, our barangays, and poblaciones have
exhibited a social life marked and governed by kinship and bayanihan structures that transcend
political structures. The bayanihan "soul" of the Filipino seems to have been at work in the
supporters' response to Padaca's candidacy. Kinship, in the literal sense of consanguinity, no; but in
the "kin" dimension, voters who began to believe they had at last a defender somehow felt a "kin" in
her. The individual person Grace through the gradual realization by the people of someone who
possessed courage to fight for them now became blurredthe masses had meshed their dreams and
hopes in her and her dream of a free Isabela in them.^'They became one.
Grace Padacathe symbol embodying the people, became the most striking, captivating
interpretation by her audiences. She became the message.
If the reader backtracks to Isabela's social setting of four decades, he would find the
politics of patronage, clientilism, and predatory politics. Voters' free exercise of choice had been
systematically stifled in exchange for money, material, and other favors, a practice that had become the
norm in a dynastic structure. If a barangay captain (village leader), for instance, had ascended to his
stature of power through a dynasty's support, this person would very well know the many strings
attached to the position and what favors needed to be returned come elections. Such power structure
boasts of a quaint way of "if you deliver the votes for a certain candidate for re-election or for
another elective position, your position is secure for as long as the law permits." Thus, the barangay
captain who is strategically situated among the populous lower strata (villages and hamlets) is required,
not expected, to make the favoured candidate the winnernot by persuasive messages or rhetorical acts
but by trickling down money or gifts to those below him. In a curious way, one may call such a person the
powerful politician's "steward of sorts." His continued prominence is dependent upon his power to
deliver to his bosses, the wealthy and powerful. Once this mechanism is in place by a dynast, assisted
by a cohort of local government proteges and sycophants, campaign speeches or rhetoric is
rendered inutile. There are no audiences and there are no messagesonly "runners" who at midnight
knock on doors to distribute money envelopes to willing takers.
A last word about the artistic strategies made effective by Padaca. The strategy of
deliberate avoidance of campaign promises of which the Filipino nation is a victim of ad nauseam
was fruitful. She had planned an altogether innovative and divergent motto, a slogan to identify
her with the disenfranchised Isabelinos. There were no promises of more schoolhouses for the
barrios, of hospitals in far-flung areas, of barangay halls and health centers, or other kinds which in
the end were cost centers builtwithout consultation with the people. Padaca's rhetorical strategy
was one of visualization: if people united with her, the people would be free to be themselves as
they exercised their rights as citizens. Padaca with the people, the people with Padaca in one
aspiration of freedom, so to speak.
The rhetor's thought of "liberation" or "freedom" to be set in place first before anything
beneficial can arise was made explicit in her campaign messages that articulated the same. It was
a thought transformed into verbal symbols of language faithful to the thought. Once the concept
of freedom or liberation seemed ungraspable by the masses, Padaca began translating it into the
recognition needs of the broad sectors and marginalized members of societyagain implicitly
driving home her point of human rights first and foremost. Then, it seemed at that point the
commonplace people understood what she meant. The Bombo Radyo broadcaster had
become more than ever credible to the voters now than while she was still the unseen courageous
journalist. It seems Padaca had opened the people's eyes with "Wake up, Isabelinos, freedom is
your birthright."
The ethical criterion bearing on Padaca's campaign speeches or rhetorical performances
has to do with the question: What social implications or effects upon society does Padaca's rhetoric
have? First, we have already established its consistency to the universal code that invests the
right to liberty of human beings in a free society.31 Not only was Padaca emphatic in pushing the
people's electoral liberty and right but also the people's right to self-development and selfactualization. From Padaca's forthright, critical radio rhetoric while in debate with opponent to her rallying
cry for the liberation of Isabela, the value of freedom superseding lesser values rang out loud and
clear.
Second, what palpable effects were observed as a result of her campaign messages?
If a coalition of militant, radical, and church sectors gravitated to her side, it pointed to Padaca's
messages gathering if not uniting groups which heretofore tended to "mind their own business" or
causes or advocacies. If the Christian Church and its groups became pulpit-active to describe the ideal
attributes of would-be leaders, short of pinpointing who that candidate was, it also meant that the
normally tight-lipped and cautious Church sector spoke up. Many voices were heard. Many more voices
wanted to be heard. The plurality of voices seemed to affirm the existence of a democracy at work.
Third, the flow and chronology of events starting with Padaca's audacious will to run against the
dynasty up till the coalescing of the sectors, including the ideologically opposed, reached what might be
called a synchronicity of the people's will and purpose. The majority was silent no longer. This
synchronic time was reached by Padaca's persuasive rhetoric of liberation "Let us free the
Isabelinos; let us free Isabela" and by the listeners persuaded by her messages.
As to the long-term effects of Padaca's words of persuasion or rhetoric, only time can tell.
Suffice then to present to you, dear readers, what we think to be an anatomy of moral and ethical and
leadership (Grace Padaca style).
An anatomy of ethical and moral leadership.
Leaders by choice
First, ethical leaders become leaders by choice, not by force, not by a lust for power, or by a negative
desire to oppose others. 32 According to theorist Rushworth Kidder, an ethical and moral leader is
someone who leads despite being aware of the risks, dangers, and adversities imminent; who
chooses to lead while willing to face and endure the risks, dangers, and adversities; and one who is
committed to moral principles, adhering to them."Padaca did not run for governor or
congresswoman on orders; she was an emergent leader chosen by the people, acceding to their wishes
meanwhile accepting the challenge to oppose the political dynasty. Because of her choice she faced
ridicule, alienation, pressures untold, intimidation and threats, and resistance from public servants
mandated to work with her. Furthermore, this choice when sealed by an electoral mandate had to
be lived out through her commitment to lead and serve.
Leaders' view of their constituencies is inclusive.
Second, leaders in democratic societies tend to be more popular and effective when they
draw or gather more people, more groups, and more sectors into their circle, rather than denounce,
splinter, or exclude people, groups, or sectors of the population. 34 With certain exceptions, of course,
this type of leadership is termed inclusive or inclusionary. Inclusionary leadership enlarges the
primary human group that it addresses 35 thus shares with the people a vision, a dream, an aspiration
attainable through positive collaboration. Such leaders are often motivated by a desire to effect
change, and often they believe they possess a vision for such change. When the broader masses have
reason to believe that leaders who are inclusionary tend to be sincere and honest, they show support for
such leaders.36 For 14 years Padacca as broadcaster witnessed the virtual exclusion of a major
portion of the Isabela populace through dynastic control of politics and the local economy, Padaca
sought to reverse that by her dream and vision: to effect change by a freedom that would include
all segments of the population. A shared dream and a common vision to "liberate Isabela" from
dynastic rule was Padaca's campaign message from start to finish.
On her first term (2004-2007) the lady-governor signed a memorandum of agreement with
PhilHealth to benefit more than 600,000 Isabelinos under a universal coverage scheme. The health
benefits program covers the father, mother, children, and parents up to 60 years old and up. Isabela
became the second province in the whole country to provide more than half of the population with
PhilHealth benefits. At the time, the provincial population was 1.3 million. This and other
inclusionary programs of Padaca's administration took off the ground. 37 Democratic and socialized
access to health services became a reality under her people-oriented leadership. Such a sense
of inclusionary leadership in Padaca had perhaps its early origins in a childhood that saw
opportunity for constructive action despite the physical challenge. It is said "one cannot
communicate what one does not have."
Leaders' stories cultivate a sense of community.
Third, leaders communicate stories or messages that educate, inspire, and draw cooperation from
their audiences; audiences craft and send messages in collaboration with their leaders.38 Gardner
underscores the necessity of followers, supporters, and audiences to come to the assistance of
their leaders and to "share their burdens, rather than try to exploit or undermine their authority."38*
Initially, aspiring leaders may have difficulty telling their stories or messages to intended audiences
but when these stories are interpreted by the audiences as being significant, meaningful, and close
to their needs as human beings, a commonness is achieved. Padaca needed no extra techniques to
build a sense of community. She had for more than a decade "invested" heavily with a
broadcaster's goodwill and integrity of persona in the audiences of Bombo Radyo Cauayan that it
seemed natural and forthcoming for people to accept her as one with them.
In her governorship, she strove to be in constant touch with the governed. She had a
regular radio broadcast to "constantly report to people" about her programs and goals of
governance. She initiated a weekly People's Day at the provincial capitol. This was another avenue
for close communication with constituents or citizens.. When several town leaders (mayors) refused
to support her leadership during her first term, she wasted no time, instead she trooped to the
villages or barangays to know firsthand from the rural folks what their problems were. This practice was
regularized to become the Ugnayang Barangay.V)
Leaders who embody what they say are credible.
Fourth, "walking the talk"4"enhances leaders' ethospeople's perception of their character. A leader
may be able to formulate or construct a clear and persuasive story but unless and until she has
shown the story through her actions, the audiences will not "buy the talk." Of what use would good
logic be or emotional appeals if one fell short of convincing audiences who perceive inconsistencies
between the story or message and the storyteller? Persuasive rhetoric is embodied rhetoric.
Padaca's profile of courage in the provincial prison earned her the people's admiration as they
witnessed that she was willing to endure hardship for broadcasting the truth. She pressed on, no
matter what.
Quintilian, the ancient rhetorician of Rome, taught that a rhetor or persuasive speaker is
"the good man speaking."41 Padaca was considered a person true to her ideals of truth and
fairness in reporting and integrity and competence in public service. Furthermore, the masses
perceived her singularity of purpose to serve even in the face of great odds.
Leaders empower rather than manipulate.
Fifth, empowering a broad citizenry is a consequence of inclusionary leadership.42 Leaders who can
perceive the big picture or a vast landscape of the societies in which they lead attempt to ensure
recognition of the needs, desires, and aspirations of theii members across all sectors.43 How? By "learning
from the people" or through reciprocal means of communication or dialogue.How else? By creating
democratic structures and mechanisms that enable individuals and groups to utilize their
knowledge and training, skills, and qualities for self-empowerment and self-reliance leading to a
progressive society. Thirdly, by using a bottom-up approach or strategy of problem-solving and planning.
Leadership by empowerment is devolving responsibility to broad masses, to the grassroots even, rather
than centralizing power at the helm. Structures that ensure justice and fairness are deemed empowering.
Institutions and agencies whether public or private that allow equitable access by all are empowering.
Empowerment considers the sharing of power among all sectors of society. Padaca challenged the
distorted electoral structure that had been the norm for forty years. Instead of "joining," she tried "licking"
the voter's payola by giving the masses the alternative to choose better leaders and consequently
empowering themselves.44
In Padaca's governance a strategy to rescue the majority of the population (60% are
farmers) was put in operation. The National Food Administration (NFA) in 2005 procured corn for seven
(7) pesos plus two (2), amounting to nine (9) pesos. For palay, it was ten (10) pesos plus one (1),
amounting to eleven (11) pesos, The additional two and one came from the price stabilization program
introduced by then Governor Grace Padaca in collaboration with the government agency NFA. This
move eventually influenced market prices to rise, benefitting 87,500 rice farmers and 85,086 corn
farmers. The program also earned a net profit of 450,000 pesos for the provincial government. At the
time when Padaca became governor, one kilo of corn was being bought by the middlemen or financiers at
only 4 pesos. Such a strategy worked to the farmers' benefit because middlemen had to match the
subsidized farmers' price. Buyers of rice and corn knew the farmers could very well sell their products to
the National Food Administration, the partner of the provincial government.45
Furthermore, her leadership brought integrity and honesty into standard operating procedures
of cyclical activities such as bidding for government projects alongside strict adherence to bidding
guidelines. She formed a Project Team to cross-check prices of materials, supplies, and equipment 46
something the length and breadth and width of Philippine bureaucracy had forgotten or simply paid lipservice to. In the words of a former executive assistant of Grace Padaca, "Things like overpricing,
padding the rolls of government employees, and many other anomalies had become normal to people
in government."4
It was known by the Isabelinos she was kept busy during the first three years of her
governorshipto pay all government debts to contractors and suppliers and, being an accountant
and a former government auditor, saw to the books of accounts and put them in order.48
Finally, Grace restored the business landscape to a freer and more levelled playing field. This was
warmly welcomed by the entrepreneurs and merchants of the province as this sector had received the
flak of power and manipulation, intimidation, and coercion.49
Leaders innovate through a sense of judgment.
Sixth, in a particular milieu or setting, in a particular time and place, leaders know how to innovate in
tune with the needs and times of a people.5" An innovative leader is a leader who listens. Such a leader
listens with the mind and heart to assess the leadings of the people. In order that the people's
imagination may be aroused or captured, a leader innovates a story, message, or theme that
resonates with the people's strongest need at a time when they are "poised to respond."51 The
theme "freedom" is classic yet recurring among peoples of the modern world. But innovative leaders
like the late Martin Luther King, Jr. and Mahatma Gandhi worked around this theme to rally their
people with distinct, resounding messages such as "We shall overcome!" 52 and Gandhi's call to
"passive resistance and civil disobedience." 53 Padaca, using the Filipino language, adroitly
synthesized her vision of a free Isabela with the cry "Isabela, Malaya ka na!" 54 (Isabela, you are free
at last!") Then she elevated liberation to transformation with another message "Bagong Kultura,
Kaunlaran ng Bawat Isa" where she as leader set the example of a new ethics in public service. In
2007 during her second term, she offered the message "Bravo, Isabelino!" and further elevated
transformation to celebration, restoring pride and dignity unto the Isabelinos. 54"
Leaders possess spiritual intelligence.
Finally, leaders possess spiritual intelligence.55 Spiritual intelligence is not a monopoly of religious
leaders; rather, it can be found among morally strong and ethical persons such as leaders of
nations, institutions, organizations, and movements. 56In world history, one famous exemplar was the
woman-commander and warrior, Joan of Arc, who was saaid to have been inspired by messages
of a Spiritual Being to defend her nation, France, during the Hundred Years' War. Spiritually intelligent
leaders show obedience and sensitivity to messages they believe to be coursed to or meant for
them, or in very rare cases directly communicated to them, i.e., documented accounts of inner
locution, in that they perceive such messages to be providential and thus to be respected. Beyond
these few manifestations of spiritual "life," spiritual intelligence is described as the "God Spot in the
brain, the temporal lobe that lights up when monks and nuns are in deep contemplation, and when
people ponder the deep meaning of human existence." 1 In addition, Zohar defines spiritual intelligence
as "being creative, insightful, rule-making, rule-breaking, being transformative in one's thinking"58 and
according to Emmons a "capacity to transcend the physical and material"... "and an ability to invest
everyday events and relationships with a sense of the sacred." 5'
In Padaca's life, what started to be a light banter about opposing the long-sitting Dys
became serious, deliberate, and sacrosanct because she fully believed that as she prayed on
the evening of the last day of filing one's candidacy, Scripture contained a resounding,
unmistakable message she "could not resist or defy."60 The passages of Scripture "jumped at her" with
such a compelling force, pressing her to make the decision to run. Thereupon, she instructed her
brother to file her candidacy at the eleventh hour, so to speak. (2001).
Padaca summed up her leadership in the years 2004-2007 and 2007-2010, thus:
I have shown the Isabelinos the difference between my governance and the dynasties... I have
no more new message to tell our people. In media as well as in governance, I know how
important communication is not only in informing but educating our people... So, I think I have
done everything to save our freedom, to save our victory [in Isabela]... Whenever I talk in fora on
good governance, I always say that electoral reforms are my main advocacy, my main concern,
not agriculture, not women, not the handicapped... It's electoral reform because I have proven
that if you just elect the right leaders in government,61 there's the speed of trust.61"
Howard Gardner, the author of Multiple Intelligences, cites six constants of effective leadership,
namely: the story, the audience, the organization, the embodiment, direct and indirect leadership, and
the issue of expertise. 62
First, a leader communicates a message or a central story, articulated the theme before a large
and heterogenous group, and taking care to address the sense of individual and group identity. Even
more striking to an audience if the message or story is novel or transformational. 63
Second, Gardner says "even the most eloquent story is stillborn in the absence of an
audience ready to hear it."64 A leader communicating her story has a complex and interactive relationship
with her audience, often with the desires, aspirations, and needs of the audience interplaying with the
leader's story. In addition, a leader's story if presented constantly as the core message becomes highly
effective at different levels of understanding and sophistication. 65
Third, a leader if her message is to endure needs an organization of base supporters and
possible future advocates. 66 When she leaves leadership upon finishing a term or terms of office,
the original story that moved, touched, and mobilized supporters to action must be kept alive until it
reaches a point of irrelevance or waning significance. The bond created by the leader with her
supporters and followers is maintained only with some kind of organization or networking. Coming
together to share a dream, vision, or goal is an act of reinforcement which deepens into
commitment.
In fine the message, the script, the performancethese transformed into the persona of
Grace Padaca. Her own personal journey of self-empowerment had inspired her dream, goal, and
vision to free Isabela, a story of her own struggles within a story of the Isabelinos' fight for their
rights. In only two terms of 6 years Padaca had performed as a leader who exhibited moral and
ethical qualities, moving in counterpoint to mainstream traditional politics and prevailing norms of
accustomed behavior among the citizenry. It has been a long journey from dusk to daybreak.
Breaking New Ground
A Profile of Mayor Jesse M. Robredo
It is Monday morning and Mayor Robredo, Naga Citys chief executive on his sixth term, is ready to begin
his day. He is up by 5:30 to perform his morning rituals before heading to the Basilica of Our Lady of
Penafranciato pay his respects to the Virgin. From there, he proceeds to city Hall to preside over a weekly
Management Committee meeting with his department heads.
Together, they tackle the issues and concerns of his constituency. Today, a dispute internal to a
people's organization predominates the discussion. Absurdly enough, they must also discuss a request to
reimburse the transportation costs of a Rizal resident visiting Naga City.
`While subordinates admit to being slightly intimidated at these meetings, Mayor Robredo moves
without the swagger of most provincial caciques or the reckless flamboyance of your typical politician.
Instead, in a plain shirt and equally simple pair of pants, Robredo works like a middle class professional
with a meticulous eye for detail and a commitment to hard work-qualities that seem to suit the demands of
his post in his beloved city.
Bicol's Paradox Box .Located in a region long mired in poverty and burdened by a three-decade
communist insurgency, the city of Naga is regarded by many as a dynamo of activity and a generator of
prosperity. Even with onset of the 1997 Asian financial crisis, when many parts of the country
experienced tepid growth or economic decline, Naga achieved a growth rate of 6.5%. It was still surging
forward in 2004, when it enjoyed a gross city product 115% higher than the national average. Such an
increase in the economic pie meant greater income security for the average Nagauefio, with the city recording
average household incomes 42% higher than the national average and 126% higher than the Blcol average.
Without direct access to the sea, Naga has nonetheless been able to overcome its geographical limitations
and transform itself into the business hub of Bicolandia. Compared to its long-time rival, Legaspi City,
which has more than 2,000 business establishments, Naga has approximately 5,000. Construction is on the
rise and the city government has benefited much from the permit fees that it has collected.
Telecommunications is also a thriving industry in Naga with a telephone per household ratio of 1:1, higher
even than Metro Manila's current record of 1:3.
Naga continues to attract more investors through its policy of "fiscal prudence" and bureaucratic
efficiency-prompting the Philippine Chamber of Commerce and Industry (PCCI) to cite it as the Most
Business-Friendly City for 2002, 2003 and 2005, thus becoming part of its Hall of Fame.
Unfortunately, Naga's good fortune has yet to benefit the rest of the Bicol Region. In 2003,
regional poverty incidence was pegged at 40.6%, making it the fourth poorest region in the entire
Philippines. According to the National Statistical Coordinating Board (NSCB), this affected approximately
3,625 families or about 9.5% of the country's total poor.
Moreover, while Naga's local economy is largely animated by its various commercial ventures,
Bicol remains highly dependent on agriculture. The national economy may even be characterized as
feudal, with land ownership concentrated in the hands of a few elite families that also control local politics.
This then engenders an undercurrent of resentment among the populace, making them more susceptible
to the allure of armed resistance.
Enter Robredo. Naga was not always known as Bicolandia's premiere city. In fact, when Robredo took
over as mayor in 1987, Naga was a typical third-class city with a budget deficit of PI million.
A number of Robredo's supporters impute the City's near-overnight transformation to the singular
efforts of the Mayor. Although to attribute everything to Robredo is an exaggeration, the Mayor's managerial
skills and fiscal acumen indeed have been pivotal to Naga's economic boom.
Ironically, during his college years, Robredo did not exhibit any interest in politics and shied away from
organizations; the only group he opted to become part of was the De La Salle Engineering basketball team.
Nobody expected that he would one day run for public office and be elected mayor of his
hometown, where he was born to an ethnic Chinese family in 1958. Most were surprised by his decision to
enter politics. A cousin described him as "a late bloomer" who did not particularly excel in college in high
school.
Robredo remained largely non-partisan until August of 1983, when opposition leader Benigno
"Ninoy" Aquino, Jr. was assassinated. The event would create a groundswell of protest action leading to
the 1986 ouster of President Ferdinand Marcos; it would draw in those like Robredo who, though not
totally indifferent to political issues,had until then remained on the sidelines of the protest movement. Like
Saul on his way to Damascus, Robredo was transformed, and two days after the assassination, he joined
thousands of others in a queue towards the Aquino residence at Times Street, Quezon City, to pay his last
respects to a fallen hero.
Politicized almost overnight, Robredo began joining the "movement's noise barrages and marches down
Ayala Avenue in Makati."However, he found himself in an uncomfortable position, working at that time for
Magnolia Dairy Products-a subsidiary of San Miguel Corporation (SMC), which was controlled by Marcos
crony Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco.
In Magnolia's distribution department, Robredo interacted with people of quite diverse
backgrounds. He worked closely with the managers of the company and mingled with ordinary employees
at the same time.
"In my work with San Miguel, I got to meet different kinds of people. When I was with the staff, I was
talking with Spanish mestizos," Robredo remarks in Filipino. "When I was assigned to line duty, I was
interacting with warehouse keepers."
In April 1986, two months after the People Power Uprising that ousted Marcos and brought Corazon
Aquino to the presidency, Robredo returned to Naga to head the Bicol River Basin Development Program
(BRBDP), a project funded by the World Bank. Robredo obtained the position through the efforts of Luis
Robredo Villafuerte, his uncle who was a Trade Minister under Marcos but who switched to the opposition
and became Chairman of a presidential commission under Aquino. Robredo brought a new dynamism to
the BRBDP by infusing management principles and techniques that he had learned from the corporate
world and from his masteral studies in business administration (MBA) from the University of the
Philippines in 1985.
In 1988, with much urging from his uncle, Robredo ran for the post of mayor of Naga City and won over
his closest rival with a slim margin of 947 votes. Garnering a mere 24% of the votes, Robredo became a
minority mayor, with only four allies in the Sangguniang Panlungsod.
Undeterred, he again introduced his practice of corporate management to city Hall. As mayor, he
proceeded to dismantle the existing system of political patronage by requiring an aptitude exam for all City
Hall employees, and introducing a merit-based system for hiring and promotion.
Prior to his mayoralty victory, Robredo had run for the post of president of the Ateneo de Naga Alumni
Association. This, according to his vice mayor, was meant as a litmus test to determine his viability as a
possible political candidate, Seeing him win the alumni presidency, his supporters finally felt that he was
ready to enter and eventually succeed in the rough-and-tumble world of Philippine politics.
Electoral Juggernaut.Within the first year of his term, Robredo had a falling out with his uncle and
political mentor. Villafuerte began to issue statements disowning him and calling him an ingrate or one
who has no utang na loob (a deep sense of gratitude), Not surprisingly, the Villafuertes refused to support
Robredo's reelection bid in 1992 and instead fielded another candidate-Robredo's aunt, Pura Luisa
Villafuerte Magtuto.
With Robredo's performance and well-organized political machine, he had generated much
support from his constituents to win reelection with a clear majority, beating his aunt by more than 33,000
votes. His entire slate also won in the polls, as voters heeded his electoral battle cry, "Uhas kung Uhas,
Gabas kung Gabas" (nothing if nothing, all if all, i.e. vote for a straight slate sweep).
Robredo has since become so influential in Naga politics that his choices for team members inevitably
emerge victorious in any election. To date, his team holds a record of six consecutive sweeps from mayor
to the 12th councilor.
Such a straight ticket victory, Robredo maintains, is partly due to their strategy of fielding a slate that
adequately reflects a cross-section of Naga City. In one election for instance, the Mayor recalls having a
tricycle driver run as City Councilor against a doctor who was obviously more intellectually capable. But
the former still won in the end, because all of the City's tricycle drivers decided to vote for him.
Robredo has succeeded not only because of his performance but also because of his political machine
that comprises formal organizations that his administration initiated. A researcher on Philippine politics,
Takeshi Kawanaka, wrote:
Robredo set up his network among grassroots leaders and residents more systematically than
had his predecessors .... Robredo established formal long-term organizations made up of these
grassroots leaders and urban poor residents. He then kept up the management of these
organizations through specific offices he set up in the city government.
Anti-Political Dynasty.After Robredo's third term, Sulpicio "Cho" Roco, a brother of the late Senator
Raul Roco, took on the mayoralty post. At this point, some of his supporters began urging him to run for
Congress; he declined, saying that he did not have enough resources to launch a successful campaign.
Initially, his wife Leni was also encouraged to run as city mayor, but she refused out of disdain for political
dynasties.
Non-negotiable na ako ang pumalit kay Jess na mayor, Leni says. 'Hindi ko talaga nagustuhan ang mga
family dynasties na feature ng PCIJ. Grabe naman kung gagaya ako.(The idea that I replace Jess as mayor is
non-negotiable. I really didn't like the political dynasties that were featured in PCIJ. It would not be good if I
followed in their footsteps.) Robredo agrees, adding that their family's decisions embody a stance against
political dynasties.
Gusto naming isabuhay 'yung paniwala na ayaw sa dynasty. Walang kamag-anak sa pulitika maliban sa mga
kalaban(We wanted to remain true to our principled stance against political dynasties. We have no relatives
in politics besides our rivals - the Villafuertes)," Robredo remarks.
His stance on political dynasties is partly brought about by his belief that its ultimate aim is "to preserve
the interests of the family, instead of ensuring sustainability and preserving the gains for the community."
But more importantly, Robredo asserts that ordinary people who deserve to be empowered should be
given the opportunity to serve the community, for "the right to serve does not belong to one family alone."
At the end of his third term in 1998, Robredo decided to return to private life and subsequently completed
a master's degree in public administration, at the '"John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard
University in Cambridge, Massachusetts. After completing his studies, he ran for mayor and was elected for
a fourth term in 2001. He is currently serving his sixth term in Naga City.
Since his successful foray into politics in 1987, Robredo has modified his Administration's theme from
Uswag Nagal(Be Progressive Naga) to An Maogmang Lugar (The Happy Place), to Proud Akong Maging
Nagaueno. Such modifications are also reflective of Nagas economic transformation as a third class city
achieving first class status in a span of just two years.
Robredo contends that this accomplishment was due to the people of Nagas collective efforts. In
an interview with Newsbreak, Robredo claims that his role as city mayor is to "come up with a good idea then
make his constituents realize that they have stakes in whatever issues he wants to address, services he
wants to improve, and sectors he wants to reform. This management approach is also reflected in his
concept of leadership, which according to him, is collective in nature.
This, moreover, requires a certain degree of people skills on the part of the leader-outlining the
direction that the team should pursue, motivating his subordinates to make full use of their potentials, and
encouraging everyone to participate in an ongoing dialogue to further improve their work.
Robredo, however, admits that there are leaders who are able to get many things done despite
their lack of or refusal to have people skills. But such leaders, he believes, create organizations that are so
leader-dependent that the sustainability of projects becomes problematic once the leader leaves the
scene.
His wife Leni, for her part, believes that his formative years were crucial in shaping him as a leader. In his
youth, Robredo lived in the family compound situated near an urban poor community. He made friends
with children from the slums asweII as his better off neighbors. It was this experience that opened his
eyes to the sharp division between the rich and the poor.
"It started when he was still young," so says Leni. "He grew up seeing the divide between the rich
and the poor. Sa likod ng bahay nila ay squatters area. Mga kalaro niya ay mga squatters." (The back of
their house is a squatters' area. His playmates were also squatters:)
Lumaki ako na ang mga kaibigan ko ay mga iskwater sa likod ng bahay namin. Ang kasama ko sa
basketball team mahihirap. Nag-aaral na ako sa La Salle, ang mga kalaro ko ng basketball, hindi nga
nag-college. Parang na-balance yung pananaw ko na may mga taong mahihirap na kailangang tulungan.
(I grew up with my friends who were squatters living at the back of our house. My basketball
teammates were all poor. When I was already in La Salle, those that I got to play basketball with
didn't even go to college. Somehow, it gave me a more balanced view that there are poor people
that needed to be helped.)
The 1986 People Power event, however, would prompt Robredo to entertain thoughts of joining politics.
Marcos' removal from office generated so much hope from the people, especially the young, that they
began asking how they could contribute to the country. Robredo was equally inspired.
Indeed, as one journalist narrates, Robredo was swept along by this tidal wave of optimism. In the first
few months after People Power, he had already resolved to "heed President Corazon AqUino's call to
service."
Robredo in the Saddle .Once in the City Hall, Robredo cultivated the image of being an assiduous, nononsense (though sometimes boring) public servant. Departing for City Hall by seven in the morning, he
would be seen working hard in his office until five in the afternoon. Beyond his apparent diligence, the
mayor would soon put his managerial training and administrative skills to good use in City Hall, earning him
the image of being a "born problem-solver."
"He takes problems as part of his daily activity," a cousin recalls. "For him, its not a struggle." Leni, for her
part, also notes Robredo's uncanny ability touse logic to convince people: "Sa mga problema, mabilis siya
mag-isip (He can think quickly when confronted by a problem). Everything has a solution.
The city vice mayor claims that Robredo's ability for finding solutions is due to his result-oriented attitude
and his "scientific way of approaching problems." The mayor's cousin, on the other hand, attributes this to
Robredos intuition in handling the "human element of governance" and his natural predisposition for
finding solutions.
"It is so easy for him to address a situation," the cousin adds. "I don't know if its a skill born to him or he
developed it in time. The Mayor's personal qualities are further complemented by his "high energy levels"
and his hands-on approach to city management. As the city administrator readily admits:
'Totoong mataas ang energy level niya (Robredo). Nauuna pa siya sa bombero kung may sunog, baha
oaksidente. Pag may bagyo, nasa labas siya, naglilinis, nagpapala. Masaya siyang gawin ang mga
mundane tasks.
(It is true that his energy level is very high. He always arrives earlier than the firefighters every
time there is a fire, a flood or an accident. If there is a typhoon, he is out in the streets cleaning
and digging. He is quite happy doing mundane tasks.)
Characterizing his approach as "leadership by example," the vice mayor narrates how Robredo and the
entire City Council dealt with the destruction brought by Typhoon Monang to Naga:
All the councilors and (the) top official were cleaning the darkest parts of the city. The people
loved him because of that...People had to be ashamed; the mayor himself was cleaning the
streets. So the people also worked. Even during fires, cleaning up of the river, he's always at
the forefront. The people can see that.
This image has become so iconic that one columnist was moved to portray Robredo's efforts as that of a
"solitary figure shoveling the muck of the City.

Leni simply attributes it to her husband's innate passion; she says he would readily "forget food and sleep
for work ... Wala pa akong nakitang tao naas passionate as him" (I haven't seen anyone as passionate as him).
Robredo's wife adds: Wala siyang tamad moments," (He has no lazy moments,)
"One time," Leni recalls, "during the Palarong Pambansa, he had to go abroad for a meeting. Balik kaagad
siya.Pagbalik niya, he realized na pw'ede rin palang iwanan sa City ang work." (He returned immediately.
After he came back, he realized that the work could be left to the City.)
Living Traditions .Attending wakes is part of Robredo's everyday rituals which he confesses in jest, is
also meant to ensure his visibility and further endear him to the voting public.
Lahat ng patay pinupuntahan namin. Paglabas ko sa office, may Iistahan na ng mga patay na
pupuntahan. Ito 'yung traditional part ng politics.(We go to all the wakes. Once I leave the office,
they hand me a list ill" all the deceased whose families I would have to visit. That's the
traditional part of politics.)
The city urban poor coordinator affirms this, claiming that his boss attends five wakes a day on average, as
if "every day is campaign day. Even holidays like New Year's Day, according to the vice mayor, are no
exception: the Mayor makes his usual rounds as if hes on the electoral trail, but he never hands out
money or gifts to anybody at the wake, wedding or baptism he attends.
Robredo claims that his attendance in family and community celebrations and rituals is of great
political significance, for these rituals form part of Filipino culture, His supporters are quick to emphasize
that there is nothing bogus or contrived in his expressions of sympathy, solicitude, or support. On the
contrary, they arise from his easy nature and his ability to connect with people.
He handles people well," says the urban poor coordinator. The city planning and development
coordinator states that such connection is due to Robredos sincerity for the welfare of his constituents.
One journalist made a similar observation, noting the Mayor's "sensitivity to people's needs."
Even those critical of Robredo agree with such remarks, arguing that his ability to deal with all
sorts of people makes him a formidable political force, An estranged city councilor for instance, easily
acknowledges Robredos conversational skills, stating that he is a "smooth-talker and can easily
remember a person's name."
Straight Edge.But while ordinary people see the Mayor as easy to deal with, his supporters see him as a
stickler for processes, somebody unbending in his principles, and an "idealist" who remains "always
above suspicion."
A city councilor who has been known to disagree at times with Robredo's management approach and
decisions sees him as an extraordinary government leader with a clear vision for the City. She admires
the fact that he can think beyond his term.
Some people initially viewed Robredo with suspicion, thinking him a Villafuerte clone and therefore just
another dyed-in-the-wool politico. The urban poor coordinator recalls: "At first, I didn't like him. He was
backed up by Villafuerte. Ateneans hate Villafuerte. I started to like him when he acted independently of
Villafuerte."
It is unclear whether Robredo's break with Villafuerte was premeditated or unintentional - his uncle was
after all the one who convinced him to run for mayor in the first place. But according to one source,
Robredo really "wanted to be on his own" after he got the mayoralty post.
Leni disagrees and states that, while her husband wanted to create an image of his own, a split with the
Villafuertes was a difficult option since "Gov. Villafuerte used to stay in Jess' father's house" and that
"Tsong Peping was Villafuerte's No.1 supporter."
The falling-out took place after the new mayor began efforts to fulfill his campaign promise of ridding the city
of all juetengoperations. Villafuerte, however, wanted Robredo to appoint as Chief of Police a former classmate
who was perceived to be wishy-washy on jueteng. Robredo refused to appointthe Governor's friend, but the
Governor nonetheless got his way after lobbying for support from Malacanang. Robredo refused to back
down and approached the Archbishop of Nueva Caceres, Monsignor Leonardo Z. Legaspi, who in turn
appealed to President Aquino to revoke her decision. Two weeks later, the Chief of Police was transferred
to another post.
The Governor was indignant; from then on, the Villafuertes have been callingRobredo an ingrate. The
estrangement was not easy for Robredo. As the Vice Mayor narrates:
It was a very difficult decision. But if we would just follow the Governor, what would happen to us?
What would happen to our ideals? He would lose the chance to change Naga. He will be nothing.
But It turned out to be a resounding moral victory for the neophyte mayor. Not only did the incident prove that
he was an independent politician, but it also became a clear statement of his intent to change the face of
Naga's politics for the better. Indeed, as one columnist wrote:
Robredo has proven that he was his own man and that he meant to stay that way. But the same
willfulness boosted his stock among his constituents who realized he really meant business.
The Villafuertes, however, with their wide network and resources, were not easily beaten; they served as a
formidable challenge to Robredo and his team in the 1992 elections.
"It was the blackest propaganda in the history of Naga," Vice Mayor IInrdado recalls. "Mayor, out of respect
for the family, did not fight back. Our group was crying for blood. He only allowed passages from the Bible
as a response. When one response directed against his auntie-- Tinimbang Ka Nguunit Kulang-was released, the mayor was so furious. Nobody claimed it."
Despite some reports that massive cheating and vote-buying would be conducted by rival parties
at that time, Robredo refused to take that path. He chose, instead, to take the high moral ground, giving out
cards with the words: Huwag ninyong ipalit sa pansit at sardinas ang boto ninyo. Kunin ninyo ang pera, iboto
ninyo ang nasa konsensya ninyo. (Don't exchange you vote for noodles and sardines. Get the money, but
vote according to your conscience. )
The Villafuertes, in turn, raised Robredo's alleged Chinese citizenship an issue against him. They filed a
case before the Bureau of Immigratiqn and moved for the deportation of the incumbent Mayor. Hecklers
disrupted Robredo's campaign sorties by chanting "Chinese! Chinesel"
Robredo, however, was vindicated in the end, winning over his opponent by a wide margin of 80%. Those
closest to him say that he was so confident that the people knew the truth and would still vote for him.
"Out of respect for his aunt, he did not engage in the propaganda war," they add.
On hindsight, Robredo claims that his resounding second-term victory was, due to the fact that his team
was able to present a clear message to his constituency-defining in unequivocal terms what he wanted to
do for the people of Naga. He says, "voters should not only know whom they are voting for, they should
also know what they are voting for."
In his campaign sorties, he spoke against corruption and revealed how this would be aggravated through
jueteng. And people believed him, not only because he was able to rid Naga City of the illegal game, but
also because ever since his first mayoralty bid he refused to accept money from jueteng lords. This,
Robredo claims, gave him the moral ascendancy to fight gambling in the city.
Robredo is extremely careful with money. He and the rest of the City government strictly adhere
to procedures; there is a receipt for every conceivable financial transaction that they engage in.
"Everything that is work-related that the people ask from us is charged to the office," Robredo explains.
"Everything - medicine, funeral expenses, etc. as long as they can be legally explained. We will not pay for
these expenses [without proper accounting]; because in our line of work, once we paywithout accounting,
we will begin to get money which doesn't belong to us."
The Mayor of Naga does not make donations to the families of the deceased, despite the fact that visiting
wakes is part of his daily routine.
'Yung patay, ang standard niyan, pupunta 'yan sa office, pipirma lang, may P500 sa DSWD. 'Pag pumunta
ako sa patay, oras lang talaga.(When it comes to the deceased, the standard is, a relative comes to
the office, signs a receipt, and gets PSOO from the Department of Sodal Welfare and
Development. When I go to a wake, I only spend time.)
The city administrator narrates a story which, in his view, sums up Mayor Robredo's character as a public
servant:
Minsan nagkasal siya. Binigyan siya ng P200, OOO sa isang envelope. Wala namang nakakaalam n'un.
Pagbalik niya sa City Hall pinaresibuhan niya yung pera. Sabi niya, gagamitin natin para sa pagpapagawa
ng paaralan at ipapakita natin dun sa mag-asawa para makahingi pa tayo ng donation. Bumilib ako.Hindi
niya kinuha kahit wala namang nakakaalam nun.(He officiated at a wedding once. He was then given
P200, OOO in an envelope. Nobody knew about it. When he got back to City Hall, he ordered
that a receipt be prepared. He said that we will use it to construct a school and he will show it to
the couple so that we can ask for more donations. I admired him. He didn't get the money even
though nobody knew about it.)
Transparency has become so ingrained in Robredo' s style ofleadersh ip that despite having no
opposition in the Sangguniang Panlungsod, the Mayo facilitated the establishment of a federation of all
Naga-based non-governmental organizations (NGOs) dubbed as the Naga City People's Council; to act
as a check to the local government. Currently chaired by a priest, the People's Council has repeatedly
been cited as a fine example of participatory governance.
They have also uploaded all their systems, business licensing procedures and other possible
transactions in the City government's official website along with the average time for the processing of
papers, so that resident~ can have a clear idea of what to expect once they transact business in City Hall.
Robredo's practice of minimizing donations or dole-outs and channeling government resources in
a transparent way through formal organizations and agencies helps keep his political machine strong and
shows his great skill as a politician and a public manager. Kawanaka wrote:
Minimizing dole-outs helps to maximize the utilization of limited resources. Here lies an important
reason for Robredo's effective political machine. It has maintained a balance of sound finances in
city government and the continuation of machine management. Usually a political machine leads
to financial breakdown because of the huge amount of financial resources needed to maintain its
power and influence, and the power holder ends up in a very unstable situation once the crisis
becomes unmanageable. However, on this point, Robredo has demonstrated his uniquely
capable administrative abilities. He has been able to manage two seemingly contradictory tasks:
keeping the city government on a sound financial footing and maintaining his strong political
machine.
Thrifty or Stingy.Robredos daily attire of simple, clothes gives the impression that fashion is not among
his priorities.This has prompted the Vice Mayor to exclaim that his superior doesnt know how to dress
properly. Robredo's admirers comes defense by pointing out that what matters most in the mayor is
substance and not "form."
Leni attests to his detachment from material objects and his lack of interest in anything expensive
or luxurious. Once, Leni reminisces, she bought her husband a Lacoste shirt as a present. Knowing
perhaps how much it cost, he never bothered to use it.
But for Robredo's part, he claims that he got his simple taste from his parents. Growing up in a
family that did not put a premium on material goods or riches, he and his siblings were taught by their
parents to refrain from seeking any favor or special privileges, and instead to measure the degree of their
success based on the amount of labor that they have exerted.
This notion of hard work seems to have been inherited by his children, Robredo proudly points
out. One of his children informed him one day that they had a school project which involved collecting and
recycling empty Zesto juice bags.
To make things easy for his child, he suggested that they buy several boxes of Zesto juice drinks
instead; but his child insisted on collecting the empty containers. In the end, his child had his way, and
even his younger sibling assisted in the collection.
But such frugality has led some of Robredo's friends and detractors to label him as either "kuripot"
or "super-kuripot. " He never gives gifts during weddings and baptisms. "Super-tipid siya sa pera ng gobyerno"
(He's super thrifty when it comes to government money), the city administrator adds. "Sa workshops namin,
ni walang snacks. 'Pag may meeting ang lahat ng taga-City Hall, wala ring snacks." (In our workshops, there are
no snacks. I there'sa meeting of an City Hall employees, there are still no snacks.)
"One time," according to the City Project Development Officer, "he (Robredo) reduced the gasoline
allocation in City Hall. He tried a 15% reduction at first. When he was told that the vehicles were still
running, he slashed it to 25%. The vehicles were still running, but sometimes they would just suddenly stop.
Now, the problem of the drivers is to find the proper timing for buying gasoline."
Such belt-tightening measures have had negative consequences. Robredo has often opted to buy cheap
and second hand equipment, which may have turned out to be less sturdy, and in the long run, more
expensive.
The Mayor's thrift, however, has definitely generated savings for the city government. The city
administrator, for example, recalls an incident when they bought a Materials Recovery Facility (MRF) for
P5 million, for which other cities paid PI0 million.
Even in the middle of an election campaign, Robredo remained thrifty, and often to the extreme. One
councilor, for instance, narrates that:
Sa election, 'di binibigyan 'yung mga kandidato ng tulong nafinandal para sa kampanya. Kung mabigyan
ka niya ng P500 masaya ka na. Kung Pl,OOO sobrang swerte ka na.(During elections, candidates are
not given financial assistance. If you receive P500, you should be happy. If he gives you PI,OOO
you're already exceedingly fortunate.)
Robredo's deliberate policy of fiscal discipline has also taken its toU on City IInl! which, despite Naga's
status as a first class urban center, is one of the ~tnallest and most dilapidated government buildings in the
Bicol region. Indeed, as the urban poor coordinator laments:
Maraming nagsasabi na ang pangit ng City Hall. Maglibot kayo sa mga municipality, pinakapangit na ang
City Hall namin. Pero sabi niya, "Bakit aka gagasta ng maraming pera para sa City Hall? Ipapagawa ko na
lang ng kalsada. Anong returns sa pagpapaganda ng City Hall? (A lot of people are saying that the City
Hall is ugly. Go around the municipalities and you'U see that our City HaU is the ugliest. But he
says, "Why should I spend a lot of money for City Hall? I'll just use it to construct a road. What
returns shall we get in remodeling City Hall?")
A councilor shares this observation, and claims that "the CR in the City Ii aU has to be fixed." But she also
says that Robredo may be "kuripot, but rightfully so."
The city administrator further adds that Nagauenos have long accepted their Mayor for what he is, declaring
that, "the people are already accustomed to him that way. They know him as a person who is stingy." Robredo's parsimony has become "legendary" that he is often jokingly referred to asthe president of the Guyom
na Palad (Tight Fist) Foundation.
The opposition, however, contends that, despite his image of thrift, Robredo has enriched himself
during his 15 years in office. One critic, for example, asserts that "among all those who became mayor of
Naga, he was the only one who became rich."
He further claims that Robredo actually owns a lot of dummy corporations and that he was able to buy
certain parcels of land in an urban poor area for a measly sum of P45 per square meter.
Naga's Mayor dismisses these allegations 'as pure harassment. "Parati kaming hina-harass sa pulitika" (We are
always being harassed in politics), Robredo remarks. "Masama yung loob na hindi sila nagtatagumpay kava
namemerwisyo, (They are bitter since they do not win so they resort to mudslinging)," 50 he further
explains.
The vice mayor, for his part, thinks that the Villafuertes have a "group of lawyers who look into our faults."
He, however, is quite thankful because "if it were not for them, we wouldn't learn things about legalities and
technicalities.
So Close, Yet So Far. Interestingly, what makes Robredo's style of leadership unconventional is his
tendency "to prioritize those outside of his circle." This is confirmed by the city administrator who
succinctly remarks: "The closer you are to him, the least you are in his priorities."
"Kahit kaibigan, hindi niya pinagbibigyan" (He doesn'teven give special considerations to his friends), remarked
a city councilor who has kn~wn Robredo since childhood. "Parating interes ng publiko ang sinasabi niya" (He'
would always invoke the interest of the public).
Another councilor, however, considers this as "part of his political strategy" to get more supporters and
further expand his area of power.
The urban poor coordinator concurs with this opinion and sees such a move as part of the "politics
of addition." He, however, believes that, by being part of the Mayor's team, they are obliged to be more
understanding since they (more than anyone else) are better informed of the realities of politics und the
needs of the City.
A councilor adds that Robredo has the ability to make you feel that you are part of a family, and this
somehow prevents their supporters from beIlIg resentful and discourages them from shifting their political
loyalties to someone else.
The city administrator explains that the core members of Robredo's team are willing to make sacrifices
since they see their Chief making sacrifices as well by living a simple life. As the vice mayor ironically
remarks:
The problem with most politicians is they have unexplained wealth. My problem, on the other hand,
is that I have unexplained poverty.
And this paradox holds true for probably all the members of Robredo's inner circle.
Bordado nevertheless admits that that there are still a number of supporters who feel disappointed over
what they believe is the inadequate attention I hat they receive from the Mayor.
In Robredo's case, therefore, we cart say that the closer you are to power, I he less attention you will
receive, and whoever is closest to the Mayor is I he least of his priorities.
In fact, as the vice mayor narrates, this was used by the Villafuertes during the 1992 campaign when
they pointed out that the Mayor _was unable to repair the drainage near his house. Robredo replied: "Tama,
dahil inuunako yung drainage ng iba. (That's true, because I'm fixing other people's drainage first!)
Consulting and Deciding. When confronted with a dilemma, the Mayor seeks the advice of his priest
confessor. In one incident, for instance, the city government bought a piece of land to be handed over to
Naga City's urban poor residents. But after the people were informed that the land was already theirs, a
mall operator came and claimed ownership over the said property.
The Mayor wanted the issue to be settled in court but the man operator offered an out-of-court deal,
promising to allocate a piece of land for the would-be-beneficiaries of City Han for free. The operator
further pledged to assist in providing water for the urban poor residents, if the offer was accepted.
After consulting his priest-confessor, the Mayor opted for what he believed was the best deal and
accepted the offer of the mall operator. Not surprisingly, the people felt betrayed, but the issue was
eventually resolved peacefully.
Despite the resolution of the issue, Robredo and the rest of his team still felt uncomfortable over the deal.
For over and beyond the issue of what was the greater good, they felt that they had broken their word, and
Robredo personally puts a high premium on his word.
Power, Management and Style of Leadership.Power, Andrew Heywood tells us, is "the ability to
achieve a desired outcome." This is very much related to Max Weber's description of power as "the
probability that one actor within a social relationship will be in a position to carry out his own will despite
resistance, regardless of the basis on which this probability rests.
Management, on the other hand, may be defined as "the process by which a cooperative group
directs actions toward common goals, while leadershipis characterized as the "influence exerted over a
larger group or body, or personal qualities that foster willing obedience in others." Heywood further
contends that the latter has the capacity to: (a) mobilize and inspire people who would otherwise be inert
and directionless; (b) promote unity and encourage members of a group to pull the group in the same
direction; (c) strengthen organizations by establishing a hierarchy of responsibilities and roles.
Using these definitions to assess his performance, it appears that Jesse Robredo has been effective in
discharging his role as Mayor and exercising leadership in Naga City.
Utilizing power to gain the mayoralty, post and neutralize all major opposition, he simultaneously
exercised his knowledge of management by turning his team into an organization whose members share a
common objective, narnely, the rapid transformation of Naga from a third class provincial city toa first
class urban community. He was able to do so through his superb leadership, which persuades people
from diverse backgrounds to follow his command.
Under his watch, Naga has become a "rags-to-riches" story in itself, earning more than 140 regional,
national and international awards for governmental efficiency and people's participation. It has since
become a leading center of local governance innovations", both in the Philippines and abroad. As the
vice mayo rjokingly remarks: "Kulang na lang URIAN at FAMAS sa list ng mga awards."
Postcript: Former Naga Mayor Jessie Robredo died in a plane crash on August 2013, in his capacity as
DILG Secretary of the Benigno Aquino Administration (2010-2016)

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Frontline Leadership1

Medel, A., Lopa-Perez, M. & Gonzalez D. (2007).Frontline leadership: Stories of

A Love Affair with the People

They live an extravagant lifestyle.

Samahan natin sa kanyang mithiin,

"solitary figure shoveling the muck of the City.

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