A New Chinatown: Chinese Struggle Against Relocation

After the San Francisco Earthquake of 1906

May 5, 2016
HIST 4839-001

It was April 18 , 1906. That Wednesday night was clear, windless, calm. The city of San
th

Francisco was a glittering beast, wrapped in a deep slumber along the bay. When the 7.8
magnitude earthquake hit at 5:13 a.m., citizens woke to a crumbling, dark morning. Items stored
in higher places crashed to the ground, rooms lurched back and forth. The ground leveled, entire
buildings caved in. Buildings and belongings were damaged or destroyed, but most people
remained unhurt from the initial shocks. Depending on where one was in the city, many went
back to sleep or got up to make breakfast. Earthquakes were not a new phenomenon for most
Californians. Little did they know of the incoming danger. It was not the earthquake of 1906 that
lead into disaster, but the resulting fires. The quake only lasted 48 seconds, yet the unlucky
combination of wind and snapping wood broke out into flame. Fires spread neighborhood to
neighborhood at an alarmingly fast rate. The streets were soon flooded with people, laden down
with all of the valuables that they could carry. Homes and businesses were incinerated. Initially it
was estimated that there was $150,000,000 to $200,000,000 worth of damages, and 500 citizens
lost their lives.1 These numbers have since been disputed. Modern archivists speculate that they
are much higher. Thousands of homeless spilled out of the city and were funneled into refugee
camps. Firefighters, policemen, the Red Cross, and the National Guard stepped in to stop the
fires and provide relief to citizens. A good portion of these citizens were not American-born, and
relief efforts were challenged by language and cultural barriers.
San Francisco was always a city of foreigners. In 1906, three out of four San
Franciscans had parents born outside of the United States, and more than one-third were foreign
born themselves.2 Situated along the coast, across from Angel Island (the west coast's version of

"Earthquake and Fire: San Francisco in Ruins." Oakland Herald, April 19, 1906.
Davies, Andrea Rees. Saving San Francisco: Relief and Recovery after the 1906 Disaster.
(Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2012), 11.
2

Ellis Island), San Francisco was a hub of immigration. There were neighborhoods filled solely by
Italians, Irish, Russians, Germans, Chinese, and Japanese. Despite this diversity, certain groups
of immigrants were discriminated against. The Chinese had a particularly difficult time with
assimilating into the city. This alienation was evident in how the city responded to them during
the earthquake. The government and public works projects had been seeking possession of the
neighborhood for years before 1906. Chinatown was a financially successful chunk of land in
the near middle of the city. City planners lusted over the land. According to the Examiner, They
base[d] their opinion on the fact that the land is sheltered from the winds, is on high land, is
accessible to car lines and in many other ways is most desirable. 3 It was no secret that the city
and other entities resented Chinatown and its people. There had been growing resentment
towards the Chinese from the beginning of their immigration. Waves of laborers came to the
United States to find work and send money back home to their families, and San Francisco was a
thriving hot spot. In response to the influx of Celestials, the Chinese Exclusion Act was signed
by President Chester Arthur in 1882. It placed a ten-year restriction on Chinese laborer
immigration. This almost completely stopped immigration, although a few people still managed
to arrive illegally. 4
The whites viewed the Chinese as filthy, inferior, and prone to crime. Certain events did
not help alleviate these stereotypes, such as the plague outbreak in 1900, or the arrival of the
Tong gangs. There were opium dens and prostitution rings active in the neighborhood, and
surrounding areas wished to keep the criminal activity shut out. The city wanted the Chinese to

Fradkin, Philip L. The Great Earthquake and Firestorms of 1906: How San Francisco Nearly
Destroyed Itself. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 294.
4

U.S. Congress. The Chinese Exclusion Act (1882). Cong. Doc. College Park, MD: National
History Day.
3

remain isolated from the whites, but they still wanted the land that Chinatown was on. The San
Francisco government had considered razing Chinatown on more than one occasion.
With the 1906 earthquake, the San Francisco government saw yet another opportunity to
move Chinatown. In fact, it was believed that not only did the quake evacuate the people, but the
fires purified the land. The fire had vaporized all germs.5 While the Chinese residents and
landowners were displaced, the land was open for the taking. Chinese refugees were grouped
together and assigned to specific locations, so as to make the process of moving them again
easier. According to Abe Ruef, member of the Chinatown relocation committee, these Chinese
encampments were for the purpose of keeping them in one place, so that they might be moved
more advantageously to permanent quarters when secured. 6 The Chinese were outnumbered.
By fellow, mostly white, citizens, and by a white government.
There had been three Chinese newspapers in circulation before the quake, but their
offices were destroyed during it. Only one newspaper continued to publish, Chung Sai Yat Po. It
would seem that the San Franciscan government would have had no problem pushing this
minority to the side. The Chinese lacked a voice, they were herded by the army like cattle. In a
surprising turn of events, the Chinese were allowed to return to the original site of Chinatown,
and rebuild a new enclave. Why did the San Francisco government eventually allow new
Chinatown to be rebuilt in its original location, despite the government's longtime efforts and the
city's history of discriminating against the Chinese? There were several external forces that
placed pressure on the government. The Chinese Empress Dowager Cixi and Chinese
government officials provided relief and donations for their kinsmen. When they heard of the

Fradkin, The Great Earthquake and Firestorms of 1906, 294.

Fradkin, The Great Earthquake and Firestorms of 1906, 291.

4

relocation, Chinese officials from the heartland, Canada, and San Francisco came together to
protest. Chung Sai Yat Po was revived, and it gave citizens instructions in how to take the
neighborhood back. The United States government also became involved in the matter, and
President Roosevelt developed a personal interest in the treatment of the Chinese. In examining
these external pressures, there will be a search for the most influential pressure. A few scholars
have already formulated their own theories on the matter. Based on the available evidence, it
seems to be that the pressure from China and the Chinese officials upon San Francisco
pulled the heaviest weight.
History of the Chinese in San Francisco
In the 1840s and 1850s, China was suffering from war and economic upheaval. The
Opium War of 1840 forced trade with the West, and the 1851 T'ai-p'ing Rebellion claimed
millions of lives. Young men from the south of China began to emigrate, to avoid the destruction
and to seek better economic opportunities. The initial pioneers of these migrations went against
the grain of what was societally and morally accepted at the time.
Such a decision to leave family and motherland violated Confucian precepts. In a society
with strong collectivist values, individual identity was rooted in family, clan, or village.
However, working abroad could be understood as a personal obligation to preserve
family and community. Hoping to be rewarded with social mobility and the mythical
riches of California, the adventurous risked the long voyage across the Pacific.7
Gold was discovered at Sutter's Mill in California in 1848.8 The first Chinese immigrants
were miners, following along with the gold rush. Chinese miners were not initially discriminated
against, but in 1852 the California governor John Bigler delivered a speech that declared the

Risse, Guenter B. Plague, Fear, and Politics in San Francisco's Chinatown. (Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 2012), 20.
8

Dicker, Laverne Mau. The Chinese in San Francisco: A Pictorial History. (New York: Dover
Publications, 1979), 1.
5

Chinese to be a danger to the welfare of the state.9 This brought xenophobic beliefs to the open,
public sector. The brief peace the Chinese experienced was gone too soon. They had quickly
developed a presence in the community, one that the Americans could not ignore. It unleashed a
chain of unfortunate, hateful events. The Shasta Republican reported on December 18, 1856:
Hundreds of Chinamen have been slaughtered in cold blood in the last five years by the
desperados that infest our state. The murder of Chinamen was almost a daily occurrence;
yet in all this time we have heard of but two or three cases where guilty parties were
brought to justice.10
The population of Chinese miners declined, and they moved into the cities for safer jobs.
Prosperous miners, traders, and merchants were among the first to inhabit the area that is now
Chinatown. The community provided strength in numbers against the communities that bordered
it. The original area was a Spanish settlement, and by 1906 the neighborhood stretched to a
length of fifteen blocks. By 1854, the area already earned the name of Little China. Due to
racial tension, the Chinese stayed within their borders, despite the crowds and unkempt premises.
Because of the gold-rush-triggered real estate and building boom in the 1850s and 1860s, most
properties in that area came to be owned by non-Chinese landlords.11 The Chinese were loyal to
their white landlords, although the loyalty was not mutual. By 1878, a new law forbade aliens
excluded from citizenship like the Chinese to acquire title to property in California, effectively
making them perpetual foreigners.12 These movements perpetuated by the non-Chinese
landlords kept the Chinese within a stasis. They were confined to Chinatown.

Dicker, The Chinese in San Francisco, 2.

10

Ibid.

11

Risse, Plague, Fear, and Politics in San Francisco's Chinatown, 22.

12

Ibid.
6

Property leased to Chinamen in San Francisco is among the most productive in the city,
and 30,000 Chinese pay annually one million dollars in rents alone, wrote an observer.13 The
Chinese were the ideal renters. Lacking geographic mobility meant that they were willing to pay
the hefty rent prices. Buildings were shoddily built, unkempt, and packed full with families.
Since buildings were mostly composed of wood and brick, and packed so tightly together, the
1906 earthquake and resulting fires were particularly devastating. The San Francisco government
viewed Chinatown as an unsightly stain on the map, a hazard, perfectly good piece of land gone
to waste. Fortunately, the majority of landowners were prominent, wealthy citizens, and they
prevented San Francisco's officials from razing the entire property.14
The Tong Chinese came soon after Chinatown's establishment. They were mostly
comprised of young, violently inclined men. They were involved in criminal activity, such as
gambling, blackmail, murder, opium den operations, and sex trafficking. These criminal
activities might be attributed to the clash of classes. The two main classes, split between menial
laborers and merchants, had a significant monetary and status gap between them. It did not help
that the two different lifestyles lived in such close quarters. Tongs, who were of a lower class,
often blackmailed the wealthy.15 Although the Tongs did not remotely represent the majority of
Chinatowns population, they perpetuated all sorts of negative stereotypes.
Racist San Franciscans believed that the Chinese were susceptible to disease due to
inferior heritage, weak constitution, and diet.16 The Workingmen's Party was an especially racist,

13

Risse, Plague, Fear, and Politics in San Francisco's Chinatown, 25.

14

Risse, Plague, Fear, and Politics in San Francisco's Chinatown. 26.

15

Risse, Plague, Fear, and Politics in San Francisco's Chinatown, 37.

16

Risse, Plague, Fear, and Politics in San Francisco's Chinatown, 28.

7

anti-Chinese group. They believed the Chinese were responsible for the scarcity of work and
low wages, for it was the Chinese who replaced Caucasian workers in the industrial force..17
The Workingmen's Party and anti-Chinese bias kept them out of the labor market, the unions
kept them out of organized labor, the Alien Land Acts kept them from owning farms, the Foreign
Miner's License tax kept them out of the mines.18 Laundries and restaurants were primary
sources of business, as these barriers prevented them from practicing most professions safely.
Mobs would occasionally come into Chinatown, beating up men in the street and abusing
prostitutes.19 It was dangerous to leave Chinatown, as young thugs on the borders enjoyed
attacking any Chinese who came through.20 The government was not on the Chinamans side
either. Laws were put in place specifically to punish the them, such as The Cubic Air Ordinance
of 1873. It stated that any person found sleeping or lodging in a room or apartment containing
less than 500 cubic feet of air for each person occupying it would be liable to a fine of $10 to $15
or imprisonment. The Chinese, of course, were the only ones who lived in such crowded
conditions.21 Eventually this ordinance was overturned. A court ruling found it to be petty and a
waste of government resources. In response to the governments unreliability, the Chinese Six
Companies were created as a way to settle disputes, administer justice, and provide charity

17

Dicker, The Chinese in San Francisco, 12.

18

Dicker, The Chinese in San Francisco, 5.

19

Ibid.

20

Dicker, The Chinese in San Francisco, 16.

21

Dicker, The Chinese in San Francisco, 13.

8

without the interference of the U.S.22 This organization was where many earthquake refugees
would turn to.
Discrimination During Relief
To encourage 'nature to take its course', the war department and San Francisco
government instructed firefighters to ignite dynamite in strategic places, in hopes that the fire
created by the dynamite would stop the original oncoming fire from reaching downtown. These
efforts were made for the benefit of white residents, not minorities. Firefighters pooled waters
and resources to save the homes of the wealthy and left Chinatown unattended,23 writes author
Andrea Davies. Chinatown firefighting was left in the hands of the civilians. 24 Although they
were mainly responsible for their own relief, the army wasted no time herding the refugees to
wherever was convenient. The majority of Chinese were relocated to Oakland and a few
surrounding locales. Several colonies were set up specifically for Chinese refugees, as people in
white camps objected to their presence.25 Although the General Relief Committee would soon
claim that there was no racial discrimination, it was all too convenient that the Chinese were kept
in homogenous groups away from the rest of the populace.
The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (CCBA) was created as an
independent Chinatown relief committee.26 The Chinese were not about to rely on the U.S.
government for relief, just as they had not relied on it for protection or law enforcement.

22

Dicker, The Chinese in San Francisco, 15.

23

Davies, Saving San Francisco, 12.

24

Davies, Saving San Francisco, 25.

25

Fradkin, The Great Earthquake and Firestorms of 1906, 290.

26

Davies, Saving San Francisco, 69.

9

According to a relief survey, not much information was available on the Chinese. Due to their
mistrust of the government, they rarely asked for help. Very few people voluntarily applied for
relief. Their weariness was founded; the relief efforts did not have their best interests at heart.
China contributed $50,000 to the San Francisco Relief and Red Cross funds, although not even
$10,000 of it was spent on the Chinese.27
Previous Efforts for Relocation
A bubonic plague outbreak was reported in Chinatown in 1900. Policemen and sanitation
workers stormed the area and quarantined several blocks at a time. There had always been this
obsession with the stereotype of un-clean Chinese, and how the whites perceived their
susceptibility to diseases. It is debated whether or not there was plague to begin with. It would
not be unbelievable if the government used sensationalism to further their goals. In late January
of 1902, the San Francisco government called for the removal of people living in dilapidated and
poorly managed buildings that violated current health regulations.28 Of course, the agenda
targeted poorly managed buildings within the confines of Chinatown, and no other enclaves
within the city. This movement piggy-backed off of the earlier plague panic, but the motivations
were disguised under another cause.
The San Francisco Board of Public Works wanted to cut new streets through the heart of
Chinatown, and convert the rest of the neighborhood into a park.29 Laborers from the public
works department attempted to tear down structures considered unsanitary many times.30 More

27

The Russell Sage Foundation. "San Francisco Relief Survey - Aid for the Chinese and Japanese
- 1906." San Francisco Relief Survey - Aid for the Chinese and Japanese - 1906.
28
Risse, Plague, Fear, and Politics in San Francisco's Chinatown, 230.
29

Risse, Plague, Fear, and Politics in San Francisco's Chinatown, 231.

30

Risse, Plague, Fear, and Politics in San Francisco's Chinatown, 232.

10

than one hundred structures were demolished along with wooden decks, platforms, and
balconies.31 Backlash from landlords and tedious legal processes prevented complete razing,
although properties considered too unsafe were destroyed when the opportunity presented itself.
Not even six days after the quake had erupted, a General Relief Committee was
organized. Contrary to the committees name, much of their time was spent on relocation, rather
than relief. Notable members included the San Francisco mayor Eugene Schmitz, ex-mayor
James Phelan, politician Abe Ruef, and Methodist Minister Dr. Thomas Filben. Filben was
chairman, he was appointed to find a permanent location for the Chinese quarter. The committee
was an odd group of fellows, as several of them had been political enemies. The one common
ground that united them was their prejudice towards the Chinese. In being strong willed,
opinionated men, they hotly debated on where the Chinese should be placed. The refugees
hopped from camp to camp, from Van Ness, to Presidio, to Fort Point. The favorite location
proposed by the committee was Hunters Point, but the Chinese officials disliked the idea.
Telegraph Hill was also suggested, but that too was denied. The General Relief Committee was
hell bent on relocating Chinatown. Racial and geographical tension built up to this tipping point.
So what happened? Why did these San Francisco officials fail in relocating Chinatown?
External Forces Pushing Against the Government
A few days after the earthquake President Roosevelt became concerned about the
treatment of the Chinese and dispatched Secretary of Commerce Victor H. Metcalf westward to
report on any discrimination and the overall condition of the city.32 Metcalf declared there was
no discrimination. Perhaps his definition of discrimination was different from Roosevelts

31

Fradkin, The Great Earthquake and Firestorms of 1906, 35.

32

Fradkin, The Great Earthquake and Firestorms of 1906, 289.

11

definition. The refugee camps performed two purposes. Chinese were prohibited from visiting the
city, and were virtually held as prisoners in the camps. On April 23rd, President Roosevelt, with
the help of the Secretary of War, sent a letter to the War Department and General Funston. It
commanded the army to provide the Chinese refugees the same amount of aid they were giving
Caucasian refugees. The recipients were indignant. General Greely wrote back, he insisted that the
Chinese camps were comfortable and sanitary. He found the accusations of discrimination
offensive. San Francisco City Officials also found this telegram offensive, and they too sent a letter
in response to the President. Whatever the military generals or the city officials said, it is highly
unlikely that the Chinese were treated the same as every other refugee. Whilst Chinatown lay
empty, National Guardsman looted the town. They evaded punishment, despite a decree against
looting Mayor Schmitz had declared immediately following city evacuation. On April 27 ,
th

civilians were allowed unrestricted access into the city, and there was a looting frenzy.33 Nothing
was done to prevent these looting mobs.
China's Empress Dowager Cixi supported the CCBA and the Red Cross. China's financial
contributions to San Francisco's official relief fund resulted in new bargaining power.34 Although
the Empress and several other Chinese dignitaries wanted to wire their funds to the San Francisco
government, President Roosevelt refused in a diplomatic fashion. He issued a proclamation that
the Red Cross was to be the only conduit for receiving monetary donations. This was controversial,
as the San Francisco Finance Committee run by Jacob Phelan and company felt this proclamation
was a slight on their character as an organization. This committee would have been the designated
distributor of the funds. Scholar Philip Fradkin believes there are two possible explanations for

33

Fradkin, The Great Earthquake and Firestorms of 1906, 292.

34

Davies, Saving San Francisco, 71.

12

Roosevelt's choice. Firstly, perhaps he did not want the money to find tainted hands. There were
rumors of political bribery and siphoning of relief funds, how was one to know who to trust.
Secondly, it is suspected that he was aware of the treatment of the Chinese, and therefore did not
want the money to come into the possession of the prejudiced locals.35 Jacob Phelan was a
xenophobic himself.
The only Chinese newspaper to resume printing after the quake, Chung Sai Yat Po,
immediately addressed the relocation situation. Editor Ng Poon Chew published three suggestions
to keep the original Chinatown location. The suggestions were: to hire lawyers to protect the
Chinese interests, to begin rebuilding immediately without waiting for city officials, and to sign
new leases with white landlords to assist in rebuilding..36 The Chinese public responded well to
this, and many did exactly what the newspaper said.
The Chinese Consul also swung into action. On May 22nd, Chinese Minister Liang
Cheng arrived in Oakland to lead the relief effort. The delegation from the Chinese Legation
quickly followed. These officials grouped together to appeal to the governor of San Francisco,
George Pardee, and the members of the Relocation Committee. Chinese diplomats intervention
served as a reminder that the removal of Chinatown could become an international incident.
Further, the consulate general building was unmovable because it was the property of the Chinese
government; this made it practically impossible to fully implement the proposed removal.37 If
San Francisco upset China, it would have suffered a huge loss in Oriental trade. The relocation

35

Fradkin, The Great Earthquake and Firestorms of 1906, 202.

36

Chew, Ng Poon. Chung Sai Yat Po (San Francisco), April 29, 1906.

37

Choy, Philip P. San Francisco Chinatown: A Guide to Its History and Architecture. (San
Francisco, CA: City Lights Books, 2012), 166.
13

committee did attempt to appeal to the Chinese officials wishes, but the officials were not satisfied
with any of the suggestions. The government found itself in a frustrating stalemate. If they moved
Chinatown, Chinese merchants would abandon the city, taking the economy with them. They
would incur the wrath of China, whose trade connection was invaluable. It would have been a
costly choice, and the consequences outweighed the benefits. The Chinese refugees were allowed
back to their rightful land. New Chinatown was redesigned with an exotic, distinctly Chinese
aesthetic, and it became a major tourist attraction. The Empress Dowager and the Chinese Consul
are admirable. They cared deeply about their kinsmen, even if they left the motherland behind.
Without the great amount of effort, campaigning, political leverage, and monetary support they
provided, Chinatown would have surely been mowed down.
Historiography
The past thirty years has seen an increase in studies revolving around the earthquake. A
handful of historians have stated their own opinion about the Chinatown relocation matter. One
woman in particular, Gladys Hansen, has done incredible work for the history of the 1906
earthquake. She is an archivist for the San Francisco museum, and she is most noted for her
registry of victims of the quake and fire. She has made it her mission to make sure every victim
is named, and that the total body count is correct. She is still working on this project. Another
one of her interests is the treatment of the Chinese during the event, so she has written many
articles on the subject for the Virtual Museum of the City of San Francisco. In her article
Relocation of Chinatown Following the 1906 San Francisco Earthquake, she argues that the San
Francisco government relented mainly because of the pressures imposed by the Chinese
government. While she accounts for many factors like the succeeding scholars do, she does state
a more specific argument. She argues that San Francisco allowed New Chinatown to happen,

14

because diplomacy and Oriental trade with China would have been severely damaged if it had
not. Not only for the city, but for the entire United States. She argues that stiff resistance from
the government of China, and the fear of losing trade with the Orient, ended [the] relocation
scheme, and the rebuilding of Chinatown soon began.38 Her argument aligns with the thesis of
this paper.39
Another scholar, Erica Y.Z. Pan, wrote an entire book about the Chinese and Chinatown
in context of the 1906 earthquake. The Impact of the 1906 Earthquake on San Franciscos
Chinatown discusses everything that I would want to discuss in my paper, if I had the time or the
available research. The entire book focuses on the relationship between Chinatown and the
aftermath of the earthquake. It is written in a holistic fashion, rather than an argumentative one.
She discusses many factors, big and small, into why the government relented to the demands of
the Chinese.
Under the pressure of the Chinese community, the Chinatown property owners and their
friends, the decrees of Washington, and the competition of other Pacific cities for the
Chinese refugees, the city of San Francisco had to consent to the reconstruction of
Chinatown.40
If she focuses on any particular factor, it would be the influence of the Chinese
community. She is a power to the people sort of person. Individuals matter just as much as any
societal institution. She goes into detail about the Chinese newspapers quite a bit, and argues that
media is powerful. I believe she is one of the first scholars to discuss Chinatown in the context of
the 1906 earthquake, therefore she is an important person on the historiography timeline.

38

Hansen, Gladys. "Relocation of Chinatown Following the 1906 San Francisco Earthquake."
Relocation of Chinatown Following the 1906 San Francisco Earthquake. June 1, 1996.
39
For further reading, Hansen has penned a novel, Denial of Disaster, as a culmination of her
research.
40
Pan, Erica Y. Z. The Impact of the 1906 Earthquake on San Francisco's Chinatown. (New
York: P. Lang, 1995), 135.
15

Philip L. Fradkin weighs in similarly on the matter, although his main argument is that the
committee was pressured by the merchants, landowners, and Oriental trade. The Chinese, it
developed, held all the cards and played them masterfully. The cards were marked with dollar
signs that the whites easily recognized.41 He argues that the Chinese had an economic advantage
over the relocation committee, therefore they were successful. When Fradkin argues this, he is
speaking about the Chinese in general. The wealthy merchants, landowners, and the Chinese
government are all treated equally. My thesis partially agrees with this, since economic pressures
are a reason why the San Franciscans were intimidated by offending the Chinese government.
However, I do not feel that the wealthy merchants or landowners possessed the same economic
advantage as the Chinese government. San Francisco fought against the merchants and landowners
before, but the Chinese government possessed significantly more leverage.
Pan has an extensive section in her book addressing previous writing on the matter. She
says that although scholars have studied the earthquake and Chinatown extensively, she claims
that her book is the first to combine the two. She cites contemporary authors, but not as secondary
sources. She says that her entire book is based on primary sources, as there are no previous
opinions on the matter. When researching content for this paper, I found many books that focused
entirely on the earthquake, or entirely on the Chinese experience. However, I was also able to find
books with both topics. Perhaps she is the first to go into so much depth about the subject, the
impact of the 1906 earthquake on Chinatown, but she is not the first to put the two together.

41

Fradkin, The Great Earthquake and Firestorms of 1906, 296

16

Conclusion
There are many factors to consider when analyzing the reason behind the success of New
Chinatown. It would be unwise to generalize the situation, as nothing this complicated can be
simplified. There is not one particular external pressure that influenced the San Francisco
government. However, there seemed to be a significant shift in the debate once the Chinese
government got involved. This placed pressure and shame upon the United States, and it
triggered President Roosevelts actions. Roosevelts actions were beneficial, but they were
spurred on by the Chinese pressure. Surely the relocation of Chinatown would have been
expensive and economically damaging, but that did not stop the government and other entities
from attempting to raze the town in the past. In an ironic way, it was fortunate that a good
portion of Chinatown landowners were white. They were privileged, stubborn, and provided
leverage in legal proceedings. They made it difficult for the courts to make decisions. That being
said, the pressure of white stake holders is not nearly as intense as the pressure from the national
government. If San Francisco cut off China, they would have harmed American and Chinese
diplomacy, as well as Americas access to the valuable Oriental trade. The success of diplomatic
relations with China ended up being more important than the relocating of Chinatown. Despite
all odds and racial prejudice, Chinatown was able to keep its location.

17

Annotated Bibliography
Primary Sources
Chew, Ng Poon. Chung Sai Yat Po (San Francisco), April 29, 1906.
The Chung Sai Yat Po was the only Chinese newspaper that continued to run after the
earthquake. Editor Ng Poon Chew used the newspaper to rally his kinsmen, and
published a piece suggesting how Chinatown could keep its original location. Media is
influential, and it could be said that this newspaper was one of the factors that helped
preserve original Chinatown.
"Chinese Colony at Foot of Van Ness." San Francisco Chronicle, April 27, 1906.
http://www.sfmuseum.org/chin/4.27.2.html.
The temporary colony established along Van Ness avenue was controversial between
government officials and housing committee members. This colony was among the steps
taken in Chinese relocation.
"The Chinese Crowding into Fashionable Districts." The Oakland Herald, April 27, 1906.
http://www.sfmuseum.net/chin/chioak.html.
Cities that received Chinese refugees had their concerns. It is obvious in this newspaper
from Oakland, that racial discrimination was present in the public sector.
"Chinese Housed at Presidio; Later They Will Go to Hunters Point." San Francisco Examiner,
April 27, 1906.
This was a newspaper article that kept the public up to date on the movements of the
Chinese refugees. This helps provide a timeline.
"Chinese Make Strong Protest." San Francisco Chronicle, April 30, 1906.
This article details an official statement released by Chinese officials, regarding the
relocation of Chinatown.
"Earthquake and Fire: San Francisco in Ruins." Oakland Herald, April 19, 1906.
http://www.sfmuseum.net/1906/callchronex.html.
This was one of the first newspaper articles detailing the damages of the earthquake and
fires. The Virtual Museum of the City of San Francisco claims that it was one of the
most-desired souvenirs of the disaster.
E. E. Schmitz, W. W. Morrow, F. J. Symes, James D. Phelan, Jacob Voorsanger, Katharine C.
Felton, and Fairfax H. Whelan to President Theodore Roosevelt. April 24, 1906.
This was a letter addressed to the President from San Francisco City Officials, in
retaliation to a telegram sent to the War Department claiming that the Chinese were not
taken care of.
General Greely to Military Secretary McGee. April 24, 1906.
www.sfmuseum.net/photos2/greely1.gif

18

This was an untitled telegram sent from General Greely, whom was shocked that the War
Department was asked to take better care of Chinese refugees. He maintained that the
camps were comfortable and sanitary, and that relief efforts have not been racially biased.
McGee to General Funston. April 23, 1906. www.sfmuseum.net/photos2/telegram1.gif
An untitled telegram, that instructed General Funston to care for the Chinese refugees as
they would any other refugees, by request of the president.
Naruta, Anna; Chung Sai Yat Po; Loong, Danny. (2006). Relocation. Earthquake: The
Chinatown Story. Chinese Historical Society of America Museum exhibit.
This article was written and translated for the purpose of being placed in a museum
exhibit. The article is written from the point of view of someone who was present during
the earthquake. This piece discusses relocation in a simple, reader-friendly fashion.
"New Chinatown Near Fort Point." San Francisco Chronicle, April 28, 1906.
This article was an update on the movements of the Chinese refugees. The citizens of
Presidio complained about the possibility of being near the new Chinatown. This forced
the government to move the refugees to Fort Point.
The Russell Sage Foundation. "San Francisco Relief Survey - Aid for the Chinese and Japanese 1906." San Francisco Relief Survey - Aid for the Chinese and Japanese - 1906. Accessed May
04, 2016. http://www.sfmuseum.net/conflag/relief1.html.
This was a relief survey that specifically discussed the two major Asian ethnic groups. It
included how much money was donated to their causes, and whether they received
adequate aid.
U.S. Congress. The Chinese Exclusion Act (1882). Cong. Doc. College Park, MD: National
History Day. https://www.ourdocuments.gov/doc.php?doc=47.
The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 set the tone for anti-Chinese sentiment in this period
of American history. It is an important document.
"Want Chinese On the Front: May Be Sent East of Telegraph Hill." San Francisco Examiner,
May 4, 1906.
In yet another development in the refugee relocation saga, the Chinese officials were not
satisfied with the district of Hunters Point, which was suggested as a new Chinatown
location. At this point in time of the article, Telegraph Hill was recommended also
recommended, and denied by the Chinese.
William P. Humphreys to the Assistant Adjutant General. April 28, 1906.
www.sfmuseum.org/1906.2/ngc.html
This was an untitled official government letter concerning the National Guard looting
Chinatown.
W.W. Rockhill to Elihu, Secretary of State. April 26, 1906.
www.sfmuseum.org/1906/china1.html
This was another untitled official government letter, which concerned the Chinese
Empresss wishes to donate to the Chinese relief.
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Secondary Sources
Choy, Philip P. San Francisco Chinatown: A Guide to Its History and Architecture. San
Francisco, CA: City Lights Books, 2012.
There is a chapter in this book that discusses the aftermath of the earthquake, specifically
China's involvement in relief efforts. Chinas involvement is an important aspect to my
thesis.
Davies, Andrea Rees. Saving San Francisco: Relief and Recovery after the 1906 Disaster.
Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press, 2012.
This book has several sections where it discusses the relocation of the Chinese in detail. It
includes the problem of discrimination, and how Chinatown was rebuilt.
Dicker, Laverne Mau. The Chinese in San Francisco: A Pictorial History. New York: Dover
Publications, 1979.
The beginning of this book is informative about the beginning of Chinatown. There is
also a section that gives a brief time line of where officials wanted to relocate the
Chinese. It also compares Old and New Chinatown.
Fradkin, Philip L. The Great Earthquake and Firestorms of 1906: How San Francisco Nearly
Destroyed Itself. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005.
This book discusses Chinatown in context of the earthquake in general terms, but it also
provides opinion on why President Roosevelt refused donations.
Hansen, Gladys. "Relocation of Chinatown Following the 1906 San Francisco Earthquake."
Relocation of Chinatown Following the 1906 San Francisco Earthquake. June 1, 1996. Accessed
May 04, 2016. http://www.sfmuseum.org/chin/relocate.html
Historian Gladys Hansen states her theory on why Chinatown stayed in its original
location.
Jorae, Wendy Rouse. The Children of Chinatown: Growing up Chinese American in San
Francisco, 1850-1920. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009.
There is a page in this book that briefly discusses how the lure of tourism saved
Chinatown.
Lee, Milly, and Yangsook Choi. Earthquake. New York: Frances Foster Books, 2001.
Although this is a children's book, and it does not necessarily add anything new to the
conversation, it is written from the perspective of the author's mother, who lived during
the earthquake when she was a child. It affects my image of the disaster.
Pan, Erica Y. Z. The Impact of the 1906 Earthquake on San Francisco's Chinatown. New York:
P. Lang, 1995.
This book has the same premise as this paper, but in greater detail and based on years and
years of research. Erica Pan's viewpoint is a part of this paper's historiography.

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Risse, Guenter B. Plague, Fear, and Politics in San Francisco's Chinatown. Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 2012.
Although the time line of this book ends in 1905, it provides an in depth analysis of the
history of Chinatown in relation to health and racial discrimination. It also provides back
story for previous governmental efforts to move Chinatown.
Smith, Dennis. San Francisco Is Burning: The Untold Story of the 1906 Earthquake and Fires.
New York: Viking, 2005.
This book hardly addresses Chinatown, but it does address the political figureheads at the
time. Most sources do not explain how the government at the time worked, but this one
does.

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