Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
how can one expect girls brought up like this to give birth to healthy babies?
Lykourgos considered slave girls quite adequate to produce clothing, and thought that
for free women the most important job was to bear children. in the first place,
therefore, he prescribed physical training for the female sex no less than for the male;
next, just as for men, he arranged competitions of racing and strength for women also,
thinking that if both parents were strong their children would be more robust.
XENOPHON, cited in M. DILLON & L. GARLAND, Ancient Greece, p. 383
The 7th Century BC poet Alkman describes the beautiful purple clothes, a coiled snake bracelet and a
Lydian (therefore probably gold) mitra or headband worn by girls in his chorus. (Brennan)
Photos taken from Brennans Spartan Society
Religious roles
The most famous cult centre in Sparta is that of the goddess Artemis Orthia. This goddess was associated
with childbirth, and large quantities of votive offerings have been found at the sanctuary. These offerings,
it is thought, were brought by women who were barren, pregnant or had survived childbirth. When a
young Spartan woman married, Spartan mothers made sacrifices to the goddess Aphrodite Hera.
At festivals, Spartan women performed special religious dances, sometimes with the men and sometimes
separately. Examples of these are the Hyporchema in honour of Apollo and the Caryatid in honour of
Artemis at Caryae. At the famous Hyakinthia festival in honour of Apollo, women took part, riding on
richly decorated carriages made of wicker work, while others yoked chariots and drove them in a
procession for racing.
Little is known of womens participation in burial customs and of how women themselves were buried.
Lykourgos, like Solon, laid down strict procedures relating to death and burial practices, one of them
being that no inscriptions were to be placed on the tomb of a woman who had died in sacred office (a
priestess). Herodotus describes how, when a king of Sparta died, women walked through the streets
beating cauldrons, perhaps to frighten away evil spirits. A man and a woman from each household were
required to dress in mourning and express their grief.
Given the rigorous nature of their upbringing, it is not surprising that Spartan women gained a reputation
for great daring, valour and patriotism. Such women can be glimpsed in the following documents.
Kyniska, an Olympic heroine
Kyniska won the chariot race at the Olympic Games in 396 and again in 392 BC.
(Kyniska) was extremely ambitious of winning at the Olympic Games and was the
first woman to breed chariot horses and the first to win an Olympic victory. After
Kyniska Olympic victories were gained by other women, particularly from Sparta, but
no one was more distinguished for their victories than she was.
M. DILLON & L. GARLAND, Ancient Greece, p. 384
Document Review
Spartan girls in a chorus
Now this song of mine is of Agido: to my eyes she is like the sun that she invokes to be our witness. But I
must not speak good or ill of her when the chorus star performer stands out like a racehorse among the
herds, a thundering winner, that kind that you see in dreams when you doze in a shady cave. Oh, look
that horse is a Venetian, that combed-out hair of our cousin Hagesichora has the sheen of purest gold, and
that silver face!! How can words convey it? Theres Hagesichora; while Agidos nearest challenger for
looks might be a second-rate horse from Skythia compared to such a thoroughbred Ibenian. The Pleiades
(the doves the star group or maybe a rival choir called the doves?) rise like the star Sirius and fight
against us, while we, through the ambrosial night bear a robe to the goddess of the dawn.
For our excess of purple garments is not what protects us, nor the intricate snake-shaped
bangle all of solid gold, nor the Lydian headband the ornament of soft-eyed girls, nor Nannos
hair, nor the divine Areta, nor Thulakis, nor Klesithera. Nor shall you go to Ainesimbrotas
house and say: If only Astaphis were mine, and may Philylla look upon me and Damareta or charming
Vianthemis, but it is Hagesichora who really affects me.
For is not Hagesichora, with the lovely ankles, present in the dance? Does she not stay near Agido and
commend our ceremony? Come 0 gods, accept their prayers their completion and fulfillment lies with
the gods. Dance-leader, may I say that even though I am myself only a girl who vainly hoots like an owl
in the rafters, still, for my part, I seek to please Aotis, (the Lady of the Dawn) who has been the healer of
our sufferings. Through Hagesichora the girls have ound a charming concord.
Alkman, Parthenelon (Maiden Song) lines 40-91
1. List those things that the poem mentions as items worn by women.
2. What indications can you find in the poem that Spartan women might have sought to be seen as
beautiful?
3. How does Alkman compliment the girls in the chorus?
The following Notes have been scanned from Anton Powell Constructing Greek Political and Social
History from 478BC.
Female citizens
The citizen women of Sparta were believed to lead unusual lives by Greek standards. In trying to
reconstruct certain aspects of their existence we have to beware not only of ancient theorists looking for
an explanation of Spartas rapid decline but also, possibly, of our own enthusiasms over a community of
women with exceptional access to information and influence.
Discrimination against girls and female babies may well have been less at Sparta than in other parts of
Greece. In an incomplete passage of his Constitution of the Spartans, Xenophon implies a contrast:
whereas other states, he observes, feed girls on a meagre diet. He then passes on to a different point of
contrast between the Spartans and other Greeks in respect of the status of females, and fails to make
explicit what he evidently understood: that Spartan girls got more nourishment.
Other Greeks, Xenophon continues, require girls to sit quietly nd work wool, whereas at Sparta physical
training is arranged for females no less than for males; contests of running and of strength exist for each
sex. Elsewhere in Greece the report of such public displays by Spartan girls aroused much disapproving
or prurient interest. We may perhaps think of modern ideals of sexual equality. However, the motive
ascribed by our Greek sources to the physical training of girls is far from feminist. Xenophon suggests
that the exercise was meant to produce strong mothers, with a view to the production of strong offspring.
Kritias writes similarly.
But we have learnt to distinguish in point of reliability between ancient reports of what happened in
antiquity and those stating why things happened. Is it possible that Xenophon and Kritias have
misleadingly assimilated Spartan motives to those of their own society, whether through the common
process of misperceiving as familiar what in reality is different, or as a means of commending to nonSpartans an unsympathetic Spartan practice?
In having citizen girls train and reveal their bodies in view of men, Sparta differed greatly from Athens
and other Greek cities with their ideals of sexual segregation and feminine modesty. Other Spartan
practices, differing even more markedly, are recorded by Xenophon. An elderly husband with a young
wife was encouraged to use another man, whose physique and character he admired, to impregnate his
wife. And a man wishing not to cohabit with a wife, but desiring fine children, could breed with any
distinguished woman with fine offspring ... once he had persuaded her husband. Sparta breached
monogamy, obviously for the sake of producing more and superior children. This gives considerable
support to the claim that a eugenic motive lay also behind the physical training of females. Aristotle
confirms that Sparta took unusual measures to promote childrearing, giving exemption from military
service and taxation respectively to those who fathered three or four sons. In view of Spartas attachment
to the persuasive use of the visual image, we may even take seriously Plutarchs suggestion, that the
processions of the maidens, their removal of clothes and their contests where young men could see were
intended to incite men to marry. Xenophon, in a different Athenian context, describes lightheartedly an erotic tableau involving an athletic slave woman which caused those male onlookers who
had not married to swear that they would.
If the physical training of girls at Sparta had arisen from a belief that they should on principle share in
honoured activity equally with males, we might expect to find some involvement of females in military
drill. But we learn nothing of the kind. The argument from silence here is of unusual force, because there
was at Athens (as elsewhere) almost an obsession among men with the idea of warrior women. Herodotos
records that the Athenians offered a huge reward, of 10,000 drakhmai, for the capture alive of Artemisia, a
captain in Xerxes navy of 480; for they considered it terrible that a woman should be fighting against
Athens. Athenian vase-painters and sculptors made innumerable representations of the legendary female
warriors, the Amazons. The Athenians, who made such play with the partial nudity of Spartan girls at
their exercise, would surely have toyed unforgettably with the idea of female Spartan warriors, had there
been such.
In the aftermath of Leuktra the army of Thebes approached the villages where the Spartans lived; the
behaviour of the Spartan women on this occasion confirms their lack of military training. According to
Xenophon, they could not stand even the sight of the smoke [raised as the Thebans ravaged] because
they had never before seen enemies. Aristotle goes further: they did not make themselves useful, as
women do in other cities [during an invasion], but they created more of a confused din than the enemy.
While there may be some exaggeration here, caused by theorising about the responsibility of women for
Spartas decline, the two passages together do suggest that the military contribution of female Spartiates
on this rare occasion of trial was not praiseworthy. If Sparta had intended its training of girls to produce
warlike women, the eminent local knowledge of military drill would have ensured success. The
hypothesis of training for motherhood seems confirmed. A possibility remains, however, that the
exercising of Spartan women was adopted or retained at least in part because of an eagerness of women
themselves to share, within supposed feminine limits, in the prestige of local athleticism. The political
influence of women within Sparta seems to have been unusually great by Greek standards. Was it that
which produced also the apparent parallelism in Spartan funerary practice, whereby the inscription of a
name on a gravestone was allowed only for a man killed in battle or a woman killed by childbirth? In any
case, this practice is further evidence of the value placed on motherhood.
About the circumstances in which Spartan girls or women were given in marriage we have little
information. There is some suggestion that a female Spartiate married on average a few years later than
her Athenian counterpart. It has been argued that Spartan women owned their own dowries, which again
would involve a difference from Athens. Aristotle, censuring Sparta for her economic arrangements,
states that nearly two-fifths of the whole country belongs to women, because there are many sole
heiresses and also because [Spartans] give large dowries. A sole heiress, as we have seen, may often
have married a man outside her own wider family. She might thus be less constrained by her family from
threatening or going through with divorce, as compared with an Athenian heiress married to one of her
own kin. The threat of divorce, when seen as realistic, gave power to a woman who had brought her
husband great wealth; other things being equal, the greater the wealth, the greater the power would be. It
should be stressed that we do not know whether Spartan women had the power to effect divorce purely
through their own will. But if, like Athenian women, they had, then that fact when combined with the
large number of sole heiresses and of other women with large dowries may be sufficient to explain
Aristotles indignant remark about female ownership of much Spartan land. No formal ownership of great
wealth by women need perhaps be posited.
Aristotle complained about the freedom enjoyed by Spartan women. He reported a saying that Lykourgos
had tried to subject the women to his rules, but had given up on meeting feminine resistance. This, of
course, may tell us more about the classical period than about the mythical lawgiver. Like Plato, Aristotle
considered it a serious fault in Sparta that only the male part of the population had in his opinion
been regulated, and used a word from the root tryph-, connoting luxurious living, to describe the
extravagance and indiscipline of the Spartan wmen. However, it seems that the only satisfying detail
which we possess on this subject is that concerning expenditure by women on horse-racing.
We have already encountered three facts which may have caused Spartan women to be more assertive
outside the home than those of other cities: their financial position, their outdoor training and the absence
abroad of many men in the period of Spartas empire. Among his disapproving comments, Aristotle
writes: during the period of their [the Spartans] empire, many things were administered by the women.
Yet what is the difference between having rulers who are ruled by women and an actual government of
women? The premise that female government would be absurd is considered by Aristotle to be so
obvious and cogent that he does not trouble even to make it explicit; we recall his remark in another
context on the inherent inferiority of womens intelligence. Sadly, this statement about the Spartan empire
also lacks any detailed illustration; we shall probably never know which decisions during Spartas
ascendancy Aristotle would have attributed to gynaikokraria, government by women.