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Introduction:

Sufism and Neo-Sufism in Indonesia today


Julia Day Howell
Keywords: Sufism, Neo-Sufism, Islam in Indonesia

The articles on Sufism in this issue arise from a conference entitled


Sufism for a New Age: Twenty-First Century Neo-Sufism,
Cosmopolitan Piety and Traditionalist Responses. The conference was
held by the Centre for the Study of Contemporary Muslim Societies
(now the Religion and Society Research Centre) at the University of
Western Sydney on 29 and 30 September 2011. It featured new
research on contemporary forms of Sufism across the globe, not only
in Indonesia but elsewhere. Happily we had sufficient materials on
Indonesia, combined with a later addition, to allow a focus in this issue
on new trends in the study of Indonesian Sufism. Together these
articles help update existing sociological accounts of how Indonesian
Muslims today are making use of their Sufi heritage.
The references to Neo-Sufism in the title of the 2011
conference and in the theme for this special issue on Indonesian
Sufism draw attention to substantial transformations of the Sufi
heritage stretching across the globe. Those references to Neo-Sufism
are also meant to stimulate reflection on the application of the term far
beyond its early usages, and to urge further consideration of just what
is new in contemporary Sufism.
The term Neo-Sufism was coined by the Pakistani historian
Fazlur Rahman (OFahey and Radtke 1993:55) when describing late
eighteenth and nineteenth century Sufi reform movements with a
distinctively new cluster of features. He noted that some older orders
(Arabic plural t uruq; singular t arqa; Indonesian tarekat) were giving new
importance to the teaching of religious law and to the moral education
Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, vol. 46, no. 2 (2012), pp. 124.

Julia Day Howell

of the wider community. A number of new orders formed in that


period, like the Sanusiyya originating in North Africa and the
Muhammadiyya established in India, similarly aimed to displace what
they deemed degenerate folk Sufism with a newly intense insistence on
religious orthodoxy and on the need for reformist outreach to the
wider Muslim community. These new orders, Rahman judged, best
exemplified Neo-Sufism (1968:239).1
Rahmans terminology was subsequently adopted by Nehemia
Levtzion and John O Voll in their accounts of reformist Sufi orders
of the period, and other historians followed suit (Levtzion and Voll
1987; Voll 2008). By the early 1990s OFahey and Radtke (1993)
judged that a kind of consensus had emerged around the use of the
term Neo-Sufism (as applied to pre-modern movements). Its key
features were: a new centrality given to religious law as the foundation
for Sufi disciplines and ritual practices aimed at gnosis; associated with
that, social activism focused on defence against moral corruption and
the erosion of the faith under the impact of colonialism;
organisationally, more tightly knit and hierarchical structures; and
thematically, increased intensity of focus on the Prophet Muhammad
in ritual as well as in study, where Hadith literature became especially
important.2
While certainly in some important respects the Neo-Sufi
orders of the late pre-modern Muslim world were new, placing
significantly different emphases on certain practices and activities, and
expanding their organisational capacities through structural
modifications), they were still built around the basic structural pattern
of older Sufi orders. The key features of that pattern are: the focal
figure of an initiating master (syekh or mursyid); and the brotherhood of
his followers (initiates and other supplicants). While the Neo-Sufi
movement maintained its momentum into the nineteenth century and
beyond, the Neo-Sufi reformers of those early days did not address
themselves to the problems that modern social change has posed to the
faith, as did later Islamic modernists like the Persian reformer Jamal alDin al Afghani (d. 1897) and Egyptian Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905).
Rather, the aims of the eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Neo-Sufi
reform movements were to restore the purity of the Islamic tradition

Introduction

and its social efficacy in shaky old empires and kingdoms that appeared
little altered from the past.
Nonetheless, the term Neo-Sufism has escaped from the
keyboards of historians of the pre-modern world and is now employed
by students of contemporary changes in the religious field. Scholars in
the humanities and social sciences use the term to designate social
arenas in which Sufism is being enacted in unprecedented ways. For
example, historian Mark Sedgwick (2004) has extended the term to
apply to twentieth century self-described Sufi groups formed in the
West and open to non-Muslims without any requirement for
conversion. These include Inayat Khans International Sufi Movement
and the Sufi circles that formed around the European converts Rene
Guenon and Frithjof Schuon. In the eyes of many Muslims who
consider Sufism to be part of Islam, such groups are jarringly novel,
and even heretical.3
Turning from studies of twentieth century Western
appropriations of Sufism to studies of Sufism in contemporary
Muslim-majority societies, we find a range of modest to substantial
changes in the ways the Sufi heritage is now manifest in Islamic
practice. For example, some Sufi orders that have attracted bettereducated followers familiar with modern forms of social organisation
have added a kind of bureaucratic exo-skeleton to the informal bonds
linking the syekh to his initiates and the followers to one another (for
example Gilsenan 1973; Hoffman 1995). Other orders have expanded
and formalised their community involvement by providing dormitory
facilities for urban migrants associated with the order (see, for example,
Chih 2007; Villalon 2007). Yet other orders have eased ritual
requirements for initiation and softened expectations that followers
will involve themselves exclusively with the one master (Howell and
Bruinessen 2007).
In studies of contemporary Sufism in the Muslim world,
however, the term Neo-Sufism is generally reserved for Sufism
cultivated outside a Sufi order. Such Sufi practice without the guidance
of a syekh authorised by his predecessor to initiate seekers has a
problematic status in Muslim communities. Many Muslims disapprove
of it as dangerous. Nonetheless, others approve and even promote it as

Julia Day Howell

preferable to t arqa-based Sufism. Substantial numbers of people in


Muslim-heritage societies are in fact eager to engage with Sufism in this
way, particularly in urban areas (Howell 2010a). And despite latter-day
Salafi condemnation of various Sufi practices, in many places novel
expressions of Sufi spirituality have actually helped enliven the broader
Islamic revival, along with other revivalist activities like Quran
recitation clubs, little [child] preacher (dai cilik) competitions and the
lively promotion of Muslim fashion (busana Muslima), beauty and health
products (Fealy 2008; Gade 2004; Howell 2001).
Promoters of Sufism outside a conventional t arqa, for a
variety of professed reasons, disarticulate elements of the heritage
(intellectual study of Sufi metaphysics; programs of ethical cultivation;
private meditation practice; or musically and emotionally attractive
rituals) and provide forums or study tools for members of the public
who would like to use one or several of those elements Erol Gulay
(2007), for one, finds the term Neo-Sufism a suitable designation for
such a selective appropriation from t arqa Sufism that he identified in
the Fethullah Gulen movement. That movement, originating in Turkey
in the 1960s to provide a balanced religious and secular education to
provincial Muslim youth and now global, puts heavy emphasis on the
cultivation of ethical disciplines. Gulay finds the source of the Gulen
ethical regime in Said Nursis Naqsyabandi Sufism, which had been
influential in Gulens life. Gulay goes on to show, however, that Gulen
was highly selective in what he drew from that tradition, eschewing
both the formal structure of a Sufi order and the mystical practice for
which a Naqsyabandi syekh may provide guidance. Nonetheless, Gulen
insists on the importance of cultivating an inner spiritual life as well as
learning to be properly observant of religious law. He also places
strong emphasis on social service (hizmet), like a number of other
selective Turkish adaptations of Naqsyabandi Sufism that carry the
imprint of earlier Neo-Sufism into modern-day life (see, for example,
Silverstein 2007).
Organisational innovation and creative formatting of Sufiinflected religious predication are much in evidence in Indonesia,
especially since the 1990s (Azra 2012; Aziz 1996; Burhani 2001, 2002;
Darmadi 2001; Effendi 1985; Howell 2001, 2007; Sila 2000; Syafii

Introduction

1996; Syukur 1999). This is so especially in urban areas where


modernising elites are driving cultural change and where everyones life
is shaped by geographic and social mobility and the attenuation of
linkages to provincial places of family origin. Indeed the salience of
Sufi-inspired Islam in major cities like the capital Jakarta is such that
novel ways of engaging with the Sufi heritage are commonly called
Sufisme kota (urban Sufism).4 Even the English phrase urban Sufism is
used in Indonesian speech and writing,5 thereby appropriately evoking
the intense world-wide cultural exchanges two decades of information
revolution have made possible, and the further expansion of
Indonesias multi-lingual middle and upper classes that has created a
market for new understandings of religion and spirituality.
Alongside the terms Sufisme kota and urban Sufism (and even
Sufi urban) presently circulating in Indonesian discourse about
contemporary religious change, we do find that problematic term,
Neo-Sufism. But here it figures most prominently not as a social
science term designating changes actually going on in the world but as
a name for a particular program of contemporary reform of Sufism
advocated by some of Indonesias leading scholars of Islam.6 They use
the term Neo-Sufisme (note Indonesian spelling) as a descriptor for
action hoped for, rather than of action necessarily actually happening
in society. Yet precisely because of that, and because its advocates have
been so prominent, it deserves attention in social science accounts of
Indonesian Islamic life. The key features of this Neo-Sufisme, canvassed
below, also provide a useful foil for characterising the range of new
expressions of Sufism described in the articles in this issue. It will be
evident that by no means all the new enthusiasm for Sufi spirituality is
directed towards the ideal of the Neo-Sufisme envisioned by the
concepts champions.
The leading proponent of Neo-Sufisme as a program for
contemporary Indonesian Islamic revitalisation was the late Nurcholish
Madjid (19392005).7 Madjid, also familiarly called Cak Nur, is best
known for reinvigorating and greatly extending the modern contextual
interpretation of Islams canonical texts (Barton 1991, 1997; Hefner
2000; Kull 2005; Saeed 1997; Woodward 1996). Although educated in
traditional-style Islamic schools (pesantren) as well as in general

Julia Day Howell

curriculum state schools and graduated with his first two tertiary
degrees from a State Islamic Institute (IAIN), he accepted the
designation of his ideas as Neo-Modernist and even promoted that
approach to exegesis.8 Neo-Modernist scholarship, which applies
contextual modes of exegesis for the derivation of Islamic law (fiqh),
mostly concerns what in the Sufi tradition is called the outer
dimension of Islam, that is, the regulation of everyday social life in
accord with the Quran and Hadiths. Even in the 1970s, however, when
Madjids main work was developing a contextual approach to religious
law and working out its implications for religion-state relationships (an
approach which observers have characterised as liberal), he already
sought to balance the narrowly legalistic Islamic renewal gaining
strength in those days with an appreciation for the value of cultivating
an inner sense of Gods presence (Barton 1995: 126ff.; Howell
2001:71112; Kull 2005:14961). In the 1990s his writings and talks
brought this more to the fore. He then began more energetically
popularising the understanding that Neo-Modernisme needs to be
balanced with Neo-Sufisme (see, for example, Madjid 1993; Madjid in
Munawar-Rachman 2012a:2092; 2092b:21889), that is, with new ways
for cultivating Islamic spirituality in accord both with religious law
(sharia and fiqh) and with the challenges of modern living.
Madjid explicitly drew the term Neo-Sufisme from the work of
Fazlur Rahman (Madjid 1993:956; Madjid in Munawar-Rachman
2012b:21889; see also Kuswanto 2007:1768), who directed his
doctoral dissertation on Ibn Taymiyyah at the University of Chicago.
Thus when explaining his own appropriation of the term Neo-Sufisme,
Madjid reminded his readers that Rahman had sought to demonstrate
both the value of Sufi spirituality and the necessity for it to be
corrected and brought back into conformity with sharia. Even though
the Sufi reform that Rahman described occurred mostly before
modern social change impacted on the Muslim world, Madjid
considered that in our changed times just such a balanced program of
renewal, with a few additional features, is what Muslims need now.
Like Rahman, Madjid also harked back to the writings of Ibn
Taymiyyah and his student Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya (Kull 2005:113, 154;
Kuswanto 2007:1725; Madjid 1993; Madjid in Munawar-Rachman

Introduction

2012b:21889). These thirteenth- to fourteenth-century reformists


have been widely cited by latter-day Salafi exclusivists to justify their
wholesale condemnation of Sufi practices and metaphysics. Madjid,
however, following Rahman, pointed out that it was not the tasawuf
(Sufi) tradition as a whole that Ibn Taymiyyah condemned,9 but only
popular Sufism with its heretical brandishing of magical powers and
rejection of the work-a-day world in favour of mystical absorption.
Madjid, like his predecessor, judged that such folk practices can (and
should) be readily excised from Sufism, leaving a rich devotional and
mystical heritage in conformity with the core teachings of Islam. He
also took pains to demonstrate that Ibn Taymiyyah had actually drawn
on the teachings of Syeikh Abdul Qdir Jailani, founder of the t arqa
Qdiriyya, suggesting that this prototype of neo-Salafi rectitude was
himself a Sufi (if not an initiate of a Sufi order) (Madjid 2001 in Kull
2005:154). Moreover, he pointed out that both Ibn Taymiyyah and
Qayyim al-Jawziyya had acknowledged experiencing supra-rational
inspiration of spiritual truths (kasyf) (Madjid 1993:967). In fact,
Madjid followed Rahman in describing Ibn Taymiyyah as a forerunner
of later day Neo-Sufi reform (Madjid 1993:105; Kull 2005:154; Madjid
in Munawar-Rachman 2012b:21889; see also Kuswanto 2007: 173,
229).
Moreover, Madjid was particularly inspired by Ibn Taymiyyahs
treatment of ijtihad (independent judgement) (Madjid 1993:105-110;
Kuswanto 2007:174-175), seeing its relevance not only for the reevaluation of Islamic law in the light of modern changes in social life,
but for a seekers attitude to spiritual guidance for the inner spiritual
journey. Showing a decided leaning to Modernist Islamic thought,
Madjid advocated cultivating closeness to God without recourse to the
Sufi orders, whose syekh prototypically require their initiates to
surrender their critical judgment and obey them in all things.
Accordingly, Madjid criticized of many features of the t uruq,
which had been the carriers of practices based on beliefs in syafaat
(intercession). These included looking to a syekh for well-being here
and in the hereafter and relying on him mystically to aid ones spiritual
unfolding. Madjid made his disapproval of such t arqa practices clear in
the famous address he made in 1992 at Jakartas major art and cultural

Julia Day Howell

centre, the Taman Ismail Marzuki.10 There he affirmed the importance


of spirituality for Muslims today, but cautioned against New Age cults
and fundamentalism which, he averred, rob people of independent
thought. The same kind of problems, he said, pose a danger in some
Sufi orders. In 1993 he re-emphasised the limitations of Sufi orders as
sources of spiritual guidance for modern Muslims in a talk he gave to
the Paramadina Foundations Klub Kajian Agama (KKA, Religion
Study Club). Later published as Sufisme Baru dan Sufisme Lama:
Masalah Kontinuitas dan Perkembangan dalam Esoterisisme Islam
(New Sufism and Old Sufism: The Issue of Continuity and
Development in Esoteric Islam) by the KKA and reprinted in a
collection of articles on Sufism in modern society (Madjid 1993), this
talk is the classic exposition of Madjids Neo-Sufisme.11
In sum, like the pre-modern Neo-Sufism described by
Rahman, Madjids Neo-Sufisme was meant carefully to balance the inner
life with attention to religious law. Like the earlier Neo-Sufi movements
it was also to be socially active, although not simply in moral
improvement initiatives. Modern-day Sufi-inspired Muslims were to be
fully engaged in all aspects of life, and would contribute through all
their talents to the well-being of society. Moreover, Madjid urged
todays Muslims to cultivate their inner life independently of any
binding spiritual direction that would restrain their critical reason.
With that additional emphasis on the seeker as an
autonomous, personally responsible individual, Madjids Neo-Sufisme
was virtually a twin of a concept developed in the 1930s by his famous
precursor Hamka:12 tasawuf moderen (modern Sufism). Madjid readily
acknowledged this in his Sufisme Baru dan Sufisme Lama (see also
Madjid in Munawar-Rachman 2012b:21889; Kull 2005:153 and
Kuswanto 2007:17882).
Hamka (19081981) had been a prominent member of the
Islamic Modernist movement before Independence but was also
revered later in his career for his scholarship in the classical disciplines
of Islamic studies (Riddell 2001:216). Early in his life he made a living
as a popular writer, among other things publishing a series of magazine
articles on how to be truly happy. That is where he developed his
concept of tasawuf moderen. In those articles he set out ways to cultivate

Introduction

an inner sense of Gods presence by using Sufi-inspired practices of


ethical reflection. In 1939 he published the collected articles as a book
under the title Tasauf Moderen. It proved highly popular, even with
subsequent generations, and is still in print today. In Tasauf Moderen he
appeals to the reader as a rational, responsible individual who yet craves
a deeper spiritual life. The reader moves through hypothetical cases of
ethical quandaries, learning to exercise spiritual judgment, which is so
often obscured by base self-interest when choosing how to apply
religious law. Elsewhere, Hamka made clear that there is also an
important place in properly Islamic spiritual life for taking time in
meditative stillness.13 But this he recommended only for short periods
of withdrawal from everyday life for spiritual refreshment. Otherwise,
he judged, providing for oneself and ones family and contribute to the
welfare of the community at large are the activities through which the
balanced, Islamicly correct spiritual life is to be led.14
Hamka thus set forth a the classic Indonesian exposition of
Sufi spirituality for the modern, personally-responsible individual
untrammelled by the directions of a Sufi master, and free of the error
of appealing to saints, ancestors and spiritual guides for intercession
and miraculous assistance. This is summed up in his famous formula:
tasawuf tanpa tarekat ([make use of] the Sufi tradition without recourse
to the Sufi orders). Madjids Neo-Sufisme has these same features,
affirming the need for an inner spiritual life, but one that is properly
balanced with respect for the sharia; pursued in the course of life in
society, to which one seeks to contribute; and reliant ultimately on ones
own spiritual discernment, eschewing any kind of spiritual dependence
or intercession.15
Madjids Neo-Sufisme has had its greatest impact (as has
Hamkas tasawuf moderen) among well-educated people who are
comfortable exercising high degrees of autonomy in their intellectual
and daily life. Madjid was a most engaging public speaker, and also a
prolific writer, but in a decidedly high-brow register which somewhat
limited the reach of his ideas on spirituality. Nonetheless, he had the
vision to use as locales for his Islamic predication (including teaching
on tasawuf) the kinds of social environments frequented by financially
comfortable upper-middle and upper-class Muslims. He was a pioneer

10

Julia Day Howell

of university-classroom-style adult Islamic education delivered in the


exclusive Pondok Indah region of Jakarta through his Paramadina
Foundation. He also famously (but not without criticism) conducted
his aforementioned Klub Kajian Agama (Religion Study Club) in the
five-star Regent Hotel (now the Four Seasons Hotel) at the junction of
Jakartas financial and embassy districts (Howell 2001; Kull 2005:74ff.).
Nurcholish Madjid is the best known proponent of
contemporary Indonesian Neo-Sufisme, but he carried this banner
along with many other Muslim intellectuals. All have been active in a
network of new-style Islamic predication institutions, most notably in
the Paramadina Foundation (founded by Nurcholish Madjid); IIMaN
(established by Haidar Bagir and reoriented by him, together with
manager Ahmad Najib Burhani, in the late 1990s to serve as a vehicle
for upmarket Sufism studies);16 ICNIS (the Intensive Course and
Networking for Islamic Sciences, founded by Nasaruddin Umar);17 the
Pusat Pengembangan Tasawuf Positif dan Klinik Spiritualitas Islam
(Centre for the Development of Positive Sufism and Clinic for Islamic
Spirituality); and ICAS (Islamic College for Advanced Studies,
Jakarta,18 also founded by Bagir and in which he continues to play a
prominent role as a professor) (Howell 2001:7201; 2007; Kull 8892).
Each of these organisations has delivered up-market, university-style
commercial courses in Islam, including tasawuf studies.
A 2002 compilation of articles on Neo-Sufisme drawn together
by Ahmad Najib Burhani, under the direction of Haidar Bagir, will
illustrate the spectrum and intellectual fire-power of Indonesian
Islamicists who have worked across the several organisations
mentioned above to propagate a vision of selectively Sufi-infused
Islamic religiosity closely akin, and avowedly linked, to Nurcholish
Madjids Neo-Sufisme. This is Manusia Modern Mendamba Allah: Renungan
Tasawuf Positif (Modern Humanity Longs for God: Reflections on
Positive Sufism). The title names the new Sufism Tasawuf Positif.
Tasawuf Positif is the most popular variation on Neo-Sufisme.
Haidar Bagir has been a central figure in the establishment of
institutional bases for promoting the concept of Tasawuf Positif. This is
evident in his roles as founder of the Jakarta affiliate of the Londonbased ICAS and as collaborator with Burhani in reforming IIMaN to

Introduction

11

teach about Sufism from a reformist perspective. These initiatives


flowed from his broader intellectual and business activities going back
to the 1990s. Bagir is the founding director of one of Indonesias
leading publishing houses, Mizan. He is also a philanthropist and a
well-published scholar whose particular interests are Islamic
philosophy and mysticism.
While many of the contributors to Manusia Modern Mendamba
Allah favoured the term Tasawuf Positif, not all the many distinguished
contributors to the volume Manusia Modern Mendamba Allah were
wedded to that designation. This was so even though they shared very
much the same agenda for Islamic renewal infused with a suitably
modern Sufi spirituality. For example, Nurcholish Madjid himself was
a contributor to that volume and provided the back cover
endorsement, speaking there of tasawuf baru (new Sufism). We can
recognise tasawuf baru as a slight variation on the two terms he
customarily used, namely Sufisme baru (new Sufism, as in his title
Sufisme Baru dan Sufisme Lama [New Sufism and Old Sufism]) and,
more often, Neo-Sufisme.
The other contributors came from diverse backgrounds: both
traditionalist, with family or direct connections to the Nahdlatul
Ulama, like Nasaruddin Umar and Said Agil Siradj (now General
Chairman of the NUs central board); and modernists like Bagir,
associated directly or indirectly with Muhammadiyah.19 A number (like
Nurcholish Madjid) had been associated with the Himpunan
Mahasiswa Indonesia (HMI, Islamic Students Association) in crucial
periods of that organisations political involvement in the 1970s or
later, or in the 1990s with the Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia
(ICMI, the Indonesian Association of Muslim Intellectuals), like
Madjid and Bagir. The contributors even include aficionados of Shia
scholarship (Jalaluddin Rakhmat and, again, Bagir). Yet all could be said
to be close to, if not prominent in, the Neo-Modernist movement, and
all have espoused essentially the same program of Islamic renewal
rebalanced with Sufi spirituality.
We can now ask, how much impact have these calls for Islamic
revitalisation infused with a new kind of Sufi spirituality had in
Indonesian Muslim society? What is the actual scope of change in the

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Julia Day Howell

way Indonesian Muslims draw on the Sufi heritage today? These


questions are too broad to allow a satisfactory summation here. The
articles contained in this issue, however, help build a more
comprehensive account of contemporary Indonesian Sufism than we
have had to date.
Much of the story as told so far by social scientists concerns
the activities of well-educated Jakartans close to, or part of, the
overlapping networks of Paramadina, IIMaN and ICAS, in other
words, among just those people most likely to have been exposed to
notions like Neo-Sufisme and Tasawuf Positif. But what about less
privileged urban dwellers? What about people in provincial towns? And
what about rural dwellers whose lives have also undergone massive
changes since Independence, especially since the period of New Order
economic development (that is, since the 1970s), which impacted
heavily on the formerly peasant agricultural sector? Is the Sufi heritage,
with its additional devotional and mystical practices, its praise songs, its
particular forms of ethical cultivation and its metaphysics, popular in
those other settings? If so, is the Sufism we find in those settings
anything like the Neo-Sufisme urged by urban intellectual elites?
In Arif Zamhari and Julia Howells article, Taking Sufism to
the Streets, we find that less privileged Muslims in Indonesias capital
Jakarta and other major cities are turning out literally in their thousands
for Sufi rituals, called salawat and zikir, held in open-air venues and
large mosques. The authors focus on two promoters of these rituals,
Al-Habib Hasan Bin Jafar Assegaf (Habib Hasan) and Habib Munzir
Al-Musawa (Habib Munzir), who began incorporating longer and more
elaborate versions of the rituals into their previously more fiqh-oriented
teaching programs in order to keep the interest the ordinary people.
Their more elaborate, devotionally rich programs have grown up
around loose, participant-driven Islamic study groups called majelis
taklim, now popular all across Indonesia. Associations like Habib
Hasans and Habib Munzirs, in which Sufi devotional rituals are the
core elements, are called majelis salawat and majelis zikir. Zamhari and
Howell document the highly fluid structure of these majelis, which
otherwise resemble Sufi orders insofar as the habib (plural, habaib), as
the Prophets descendant, is looked to as a conduit of Gods blessings.

Introduction

13

Some majelis participants also take their habib as a spiritual director,


although unlike the syekh (master) of a t arqa these majelis leaders do not
give initiations or require obedience. Clearly this is Sufism that reaches
the denizens of modern cities where they live (in that sense it is activist
and far from otherworldly), but the central importance of the habib as
a link to the Prophet and channel of blessings from God hardly
represents the kind of spiritual autonomy and responsibility Madjids
Neo-Sufisme envisions for the modern Muslim.
Mark Woodward and his co-authors describe a similar majelis
salawat. Its central figure, Habib Syech bin Abdulkadir Assegaf (Habib
Syech) is based in the provincial city of Surakarta, the centre of a
former Javanese principality. Habib Syech responds to demand for
orthodox Sufi spirituality richly inflected with Javanese religious
culture. The authors show how Habib Syech attracts the devotion of
his regional audiences by deploying two forms of what they call
(referencing Bourdieu) religious capital: that which he holds as a habib
belonging to the highly regarded Hadhrami Arab community, and also
that deriving from his intimate knowledge of the Javanese pesantren
world. We see that Habib Syechs talents for rendering traditional rituals
as elements in highly staged mass events (much like those organised by
Jakartans Habib Hasan and Habib Munzir) and his skill in penning and
performing free-form popular religious songs, have launched him into
star status. His Syech-mania web site draws fans young and old.
Woodward and co-authors also show the vast gap that can
emerge in the way Sufi-oriented Muslims interpret their religious duty
to society. The authors contrast the social and political values of Habib
Syech, who fits the image many Westerners have of Sufism as a
religion (sic) of peace, with the values of another prominent habib, Al
Habib Muhammad Rizieq bin Hussein Syihab (Habib Rizieq). Habib
Rizieq is the co-founder of the Front Pembela Islam (Islamic
Defenders Front). Like Habib Syech, Habib Hasan and Habib Munzir,
Habib Rizieq features tuneful and touching salawat prayers in the
gatherings (pengajian) where he teaches Islam. But unlike those other
habaib, Habib Rizieq and his followers violently enforce their narrow
constructions of religious law. The Islamic Defenders Front is
notorious not only for setting upon frequenters of nightclubs in the

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Julia Day Howell

fasting month, but for physically attacking and inflicting serious injury
on members of minority religious groups and supporters of minority
rights. This militant Sufism is hardly anomalous. Many of the
nineteenth-century Neo-Sufi orders mobilised armed resistance against
colonial powers. But here violence is turned against the enemy within:
lax and wrong-headed fellow Muslims soft on deviants and religious
minorities.
In Ahmad Zainal Arifins article we again encounter habib-led
Sufi renewal, but this habib has risen from within the very
organisational heart of traditionalist Indonesian Islam, the Nahdlatul
Ulama. Arifin provides us with a portrait of Habib Muhammad Luthfi
bin Yahya (Habib Luthfi) and examines his model of Sufi renewal
based in the Sufi orders and aimed at preserving them.
Habib Luthfis is a tolerant Sufism, expressing themes
dominant in the Sufi tradition of Gods nearness, mercy, benevolence
and love. And importantly for our task of extending the scope of
studies of Sufi renewal in Indonesia, Habib Luthfi has taken on the
task of revitalising t arqa-based Sufism. He especially devotes himself
to winning back young people, within and outside the pesantren, to
sharia-based Sufi spirituality as taught and practised within pesantren and
their Sufi orders. Indeed his work can be seen as the pre-eminent
example of that, insofar as he is not only vastly popular with the public,
but also heads the association of recognised tarekat (tarekat
muktabarah), the Jamiyyah Ahlith Thoriqoh Al-Mutabarah AnNahdliyyah (JATMAN)20 within the Nahdlatul Ulama. Not coincidentally he also holds authorisations to give initiations in all of
Indonesias major Sufi orders, in addition to being the syekh of a branch
of the Syadziliyah order. Habib Luthfi vigorously affirms the necessity
for the spiritual seeker to have the guidance of a properly authorised
syekh (Sufi master), to take initiation (baiat) from him, and to practise
within a recognised t arqa. Habib Luthfi has also noticed, however, that
Sufism is being delivered outside the t arqa in ways that seem to be
easier and more culturally hip. Accordingly, Arifin shows us, Habib
Luthfi has made a point of simplifying the language he uses in teaching
about Sufism. He also addresses social issues like the tensions between
Islam and nationalism, and plays musical instruments such as the organ

Introduction

15

to reclaim them as the voices of a universal spirituality appealing to


young people.
The significance of so many habaib, both Hadhrami Arab and
indigenous, among the most popular propagators of Sufi-inflected
Islamic renewal is a subject that invites further examination elsewhere.
Indeed the collection of articles in the previous issue of this journal
which deal with everyday practices of Islamic piety will help provide
materials for such a project.21 It is appropriate here, however, to note
the continuing appeal of both t arqa and more open, but nonetheless
t arqa-like, institutions in the spectrum of contemporary Sufi renewal.
We can see in both the t arqa and in the majelis salawat and zikir
described in the following articles the ongoing importance to modernday Muslims of a charismatic figure. Nor is the charisma active in these
cases only an ordinary (if particularly attractive) personal charm such
as displayed by popular Sufistic televangelist Abdullah Gymnastiar (see
Hoesterey 2008; Howell 2008). Rather the habaib described in articles
in this issue are valued by many also for the gifts of grace they are seen
to embody or to be able to transmit. Each example shows that the ideal
of Hamka, Madjid, Bagir, Umar and others of a self-reliant Sufi
spirituality (their Tasawuf Moderen, Neo-Sufisme or Tasawuf Positif) has
captured only a part of the Indonesian Muslim market for a modern
Sufism. Nonetheless, their aspirations for a more thoroughly shariabased and socially-engaged Islamic spirituality inspired by tasawuf
ethics and enlivened through Sufi rituals do appear to be embraced by
many. We can also see in these cases the importance of another (less
remarked) feature of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Neo-Sufi
movements, the use of vernacular languages and literary genres to
power outreach to wider audiences not literate in Arabic.
Finally Ahmad Muttaqins article on spiritualised personal
development businesses in Yogyakarta shows how Sufi concepts and
practices have been partly disengaged from Islamic piety promotion
and redirected toward what he calls spiritual efficacy. Here, frankly
worldly benefits of Sufi disciplines physical vigour, success in
business, romantic charm, and the like displace salvation as the
principle focus, and Sufi ritual practices like zikir and even occult
energies are packaged as consumables. Using purportedly scientific as

16

Julia Day Howell

well as religious justifications to avoid associations with the


superstitions of pre-modern times and to capitalise on the popularity
of both modern technology and religious revival, the Sufi businesses
are doing well. The sharia compliance of their products may be
disputed by some, but by many satisfied customers it is well enough
accepted.
Julia Day Howell is Professor of the Sociology of Religion at the Religion and
Society Research Centre at the University of Western Sydney. She has studied
religious reform movements in Indonesia since the 1970s. Her recent work on Islam
among Indonesias cosmopolitan urbanities focuses on Sufi expressions of Islam and
contributes to the comparative sociology of Islam in contemporary societies. It also
addresses issues of Islam and religious pluralism in democratic states, and examines
new forms of piety in modern, media-saturated social settings. Her publications
include articles in leading area studies journals and those dealing with her primary
disciplinary specialties. She can be contacted at j.howell@uws.edu.au
Acknowledgements

As guest editor, the author wishes to acknowledge the generous


support of the Centre for the Study of Contemporary Muslim
Societies (now the Religion and Society Research Centre) at the
University of Western Sydney for the conference from which the
majority of papers in this issue have been drawn. Special appreciation
is due to the Centres Co-Director, Associate Professor Adam
Possamai for his inspiration and personal efforts to make the event a
richly rewarding experience. The author also wishes to acknowledge
the support of the Centre for her own recent research that has
contributed to this article and also the financial contribution made by
the Australian Research Council to earlier periods of her research upon
which the article draws. Finally, special thanks to the reviewers for their
comments on this article, and to Ahmad Najib Burhani for his valuable
feedback.

Introduction

Notes

17

1. Note that the novel cast of certain Sufi orders of this period had already
been remarked upon by J Spencer Trimingham in his work on Africa (1959,
1962) and by HAR Gibb (1953) commenting on movements in Central
Asia, India and lands to the east at that time, but Rahman was the first to
use the term Neo-Sufism to characterise those movements (Voll 2008:317).
Trimingham also surveyed the distinctive features of nineteenth century
Sufi movements across the world in his widely-read Sufi Orders in Islam
(1998 [1971]).
2. Exactly how the Prophet Muhammad was to be approached by aspiring
mystics of these Neo-Sufi orders became a subject of considerable debate,
sparked by OFahey and Radtke in their 1993 article. See Voll (2008) for a
recent summary of those debates and overall reassessment of the value of
Neo-Sufism as a category in the study of reform movements of the late
pre-modern period.
3. For a broad-ranging examination of contemporary Sufism in the Western
world see Raudvere and Stenberg (2008).
4. So, for example, the cover story in 6 October 2008 of Tempo (one of
Indonesias leading news magazines) was entitled Sufi Kota Mencari Tuhan
(City Sufis Seek God). The cover graphic humorously portrayed a cluster of
clean-shaven young men and jilbab-covered women consulting a turbanned
associate while doing searches on their Blackberries and portable computers.
5. For example, on 21 and 22 January 2009 Paramadina University held a two
day conference entitled Urban Sufism Days. The first day was given over
to scholarly papers. The second, programmed for community engagement,
had a more popular tone. It featured a series of informal talks by spiritual
groups, a reading of Sufi poems by the esteemed historian and writer Abdul
Hadi, sentimental religious songs and a Sufi whirling dance.
6. Note, however, Abdul Munir Mulkhans analytical use of the term NeoSufisme in his book Neo-Sufisme dan Pudarnya Fundamentalisme di Pedesaan
(2000).
7. See biographies and analyses of Nurcholish Madjids thought by, for
example, Barton 1995; Fatimah 1999; and Kull 2005. A major compendium
of his writings has also been compiled by Budhy Munawar-Rahman (2006).
8. The designation Neo-Modernist might suggest that his family background
and early education connected him to Islamic modernist organisations such
as the Muhammadiyah, which was not the case. His early religious education
was in pesantren (traditionalist Islamic boarding schools), which he attended
while he also went to general curriculum state schools. For his senior

18

Julia Day Howell

pesantren studies, however, he attended the unusually progressive Pesantren


Gontor. Also, his father seems to have combined traditionalist Islamic
learning with loyalty to Masyumi, from which many traditionalists distanced
themselves in the later 1950s. At university, Madjid was active in the
Himpunan Mahasiswa Indonesia (HMI) and later, in the 1970s, briefly
supported the political party Parmusi, the successor to the banned Masyumi
(Barton 1995:62ff; Kull 2005:4953). He also became an admirer of Harun
Nasution, a bold rationalist and humanist, who became Rector of the IAIN
Jakarta in 1969. In any case, Madjid himself promoted the concept NeoModernism, as in his essay Modernisme Islam di Indonesia. There he
made clear that Neo-Modernisme represents an appropriate reconciliation of
valid tradition with modern life.
9. Tasawuf is in fact one of the classic disciplines of Islamic study, in many
traditional Islamic schools taught alongside Quranic Arabic, exegesis,
jurisprudence and the history of Islam. In such contexts tasawuf study treats
the metaphysics of mystical experience. Those Muslims who aspire to
experience mystical awareness of Gods presence themselves may use the
extra (non-obligatory) prayers (salat sunnat) carried by the tasawuf tradition,
such as the zikir litanies, and Sufi practices of ethical cultivation to seek such
mystical states. Even Muslims who do not aspire to mystical inspiration,
however, commonly use tasawuf, that is Sufi, practices to enhance their
religious devotions. So tasawuf (Sufism) can be said to be both Islams
mystical and devotional tradition.
10. This was his speech entitled, Kehidupan Keagamaan di Indonesia untuk
Generasi Mendatang (Religious Life in Indonesia for the Coming
Generation). The speech is analysed by Kull (2005:14952).
11. Madjids 1993 KKA talk on New Sufism and Old Sufism and its
publication that year, first in the KKA leaflet series and then in other
compendia, seem to mark the time from which Madjid consistently (but not
exclusively) used the term Neo-Sufisme to encapsulate his idea of a
particular kind of reformed Sufism suitable for modern Muslims. This
contrasts with his earlier use of the term Neo-Sufism to characterise premodern movements of reformed Sufism or agendas for reformed Sufism,
such as that of Ibn Taymiyyah, discussed in his doctoral dissertation.
12. Hamka is actually an acronym for Haji Abdul Malik Karim Amrullah.,
Early on, the popular writer, preacher and scholar became commonly
known by the acronym.
13. See his Perkembangan Tasauf dari Abad ke Abad (The Development of
Sufism from Age to Age, [1952] 1962), and Mengembalikan Tasauf
Kepangkalnja (Restoring Sufism to its Original Condition, 1972).

Introduction

19

14. See Howell 2010b for a fuller explication of Hamkas representation of


tasawuf, and the kinds of Sufi practices he recommended as religiously
acceptable means to lift the veils of spiritual perception, or discouraged as
unorthodox and dangerous innovations (bidah).
15. Madjid, however, was somewhat more accepting than Hamka of the Sufi
ritual use of zikir (repetition of short litanies). Hamka never mentioned
these among the meditative practices he approved (Howell 2010b). Madjid
did accept the value and correctness of zikir, not only in its most general
sense of constant remembrance of God in all things (hardly an
unobjectionable form of piety for anyone), but also of the repetitive zikir
litanies, with the proviso that multiple-word Quranic phrases such as the
tahlil (La ilah-a illa l-Lah, There is no God but God) be used, not just the
one word Allah, or Hu (He) (Madjid 1993:11013; Kuswanto
2007:1826). While he follows Ibn Taymiyyah in this (Kull 2005:154) and
adds the justification that the longer Quranic passages inculcate correct
understanding of the faith, it is worth noting that the short phrases (a single
word) repeated many times facilitate the disapproved ecstatic states more
readily than repetitions of the somewhat longer phrases.
16. IIMaN , which originally stood for the Indonesian Islamic Media Network,
was established by Haidar Bagir at the behest of ICMI (the Indonesian
Association of Muslim Intellectuals) to promote the use of new
technologies and media in the Muslim community. Finding that the
organisation was proving relatively ineffective for that purpose, Burhani
worked with Bagir to give it a new focus: the provision of courses on Sufism
to more affluent urbanities. The courses were built on the model of
commercial university-style adult education classes pioneered by the
Paramadina Foundation, and were developed in concert with Paramadina.
17. IIMaN no longer offers courses; it functions solely as a publishing house.
ICNIS is no longer operating.
18. ICAS Jakarta is actually an affiliate of Paramadina University, Jakarta, as
well as of its parent organisation, ICAS London. See http://icasjakarta.
wordpress.com/about/
19. The full list of contributors in addition to Ir. Haidar Bagir, MA, in order
shown in the book front matter and with the titles as shown there, is: Prof.
Dr. Nurcholish Madjid, Dr KH Jalaluddin Rakhmat, Dr Zainun Kamal
Faqih, MA, Prof. Dr. Moh. Ardhani, Dr. Abdul Hadi W.M., Prof. Dr. KH.
Said Agil Siradj, Dr Mulyadhi Kartanegara, Dr Kautsar Azhari Noer, Prof.
Dr. Azyumardi Azra, KH. Drs. Arman Arroisi, Dr Nurshomad Kamba,
Widigdo Sukarman, MBA, POA, Budhy Munawar Rachman, Dr.
Komaruddin Hidayat, Prof. Dr. Said Agil Husein Al-Munawwar, Husein

20

Julia Day Howell

Shahab, MA, Dr. Alwi Shihab, Prof. KH. Ali Yafie, and KH. Didin
Hafiduddin, MSc. (Note that Haidar Bagir now holds a PhD from the
University of Indonesia.)
20. Jamiyyah Ahli Thoriqoh Mutabarah Nahdiyyin is the new name adopted
in 1979, by the organisation originally founded in 1957 as the Pucuk
Pemimpin Jamiyyah Ahli Thoriqoh Mutabarah. See Dhofier 1980:70;
Howell 2001:709 and Arifin, in this issue, for further clarification.
21. The collection is called Islamic propagation and practices in contemporary
Indonesia in Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, 46(1), 2012.
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