Gentrication

and small businesses.[1][2] This is a common and controversial topic in urban planning.[3] Gentrication may be
viewed as correction of blockbusting and urban ight[4]
as many gentried neighborhoods of the present were
once auent neighborhoods of the past.[5]
Gentrication is typically the result of increased interest
in a certain environment. Early gentriers may belong
to low-income artists or boheme communities, which increase the attractiveness and air of a certain quarter.
Further steps are increased investments in a community
and the related infrastructure by real estate development
businesses, local government, or community activists and
resulting economic development, increased attraction of
business and lower crime rates. In addition to these potential benets, gentrication can lead to population migration.

Buildings on Mainzer Strae in Berlin.

In a community undergoing gentrication, the average income increases. Poorer pre-gentrication residents who
are unable to pay increased rents or property taxes may
nd it necessary to relocate.[6][7][8]

1 Origin and etymology

Early XX Century damaged buildings next to a new loft tower in

Mexico City's Colonia Roma

Symbolic gentrication in Prenzlauer Berg, Berlin

Gentrication in Warsaw.

The term gentrication has come to refer to a multifaceted phenomenon that can be dened in dierent
ways.[9]

Gentrication is a process of renovation and revival of

deteriorated urban neighborhoods by means of inux of
more auent residents, which results in increased property values and the displacing of lower-income families

Historians say that gentrication took place in ancient

Rome and in Roman Britain, where large villas were replacing small shops by the 3rd century, AD.[10] The word
gentrication derives from gentrywhich comes from the
Old French word genterise, of gentle birth (14th cen1

tury) and people of gentle birth (16th century). In England, Landed gentry denoted the social class, consisting
of gentlemen.[11][12] British sociologist Ruth Glass coined
the term gentrication in 1964 to describe the inux of
middle-class people displacing lower-class worker residents in urban neighborhoods; her example was London,
and its working-class districts such as Islington:[13][14]
One by one, many of the working class
neighbourhoods of London have been invaded by the middle-classesupper and lower.
Shabby, modest mews and cottagestwo
rooms up and two downhave been taken
over, when their leases have expired, and have
become elegant, expensive residences ... Once
this process of 'gentrication' starts in a district it goes on rapidly, until all or most of the
original working-class occupiers are displaced
and the whole social character of the district is
changed.

CAUSES

sible for the process in their youth. When former students and bohemians started raising families and earning
money in better paid jobs, they become the yuppies they
claim to dislike.[17] Especially Berlin is a showcase of intense debates about symbols of gentrication, while the
actual processes are much slower than in other cities.[18]
The citys Prenzlauer Berg district is, however, a poster
child of the capitals gentrication, as this area in particular has experienced a rapid transformation over the last
two decades. This leads to mixed feelings amidst the local population.[19] The neologism Bionade-Biedermeier
was coined about Prenzlauer Berg. It describes the postgentrifed milieu of the former quartier of the alternative scene, where alleged leftist alternative accessoires
went into the mainstream.[20] The 2013 Schwabenhass
controversy in Berlin put the blame of gentrication in
Prenzlauer Berg on well-to-do southern German immigrants and allowed for inner German ethnic slurs, which
in case of foreign immigration would have been totally
unacceptable.[21]

In the US, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention report Health Eects of Gentrication denes the real
estate concept of gentrication as the transformation of
neighborhoods from low value to high value. This change
has the potential to cause displacement of long-time residents and businesses ... when long-time or original neighborhood residents move from a gentried area because
of higher rents, mortgages, and property taxes. Gentrication is a housing, economic, and health issue that affects a communitys history and culture and reduces social
capital. It often shifts a neighborhoods characteristics,
e.g., racial-ethnic composition and household income, by
adding new stores and resources in previously run-down
neighborhoods.[6]

2 Causes

In the Brookings Institution report Dealing with Neighborhood Change: A Primer on Gentrication and Policy Choices (2001), Maureen Kennedy and Paul Leonard
say that the term 'gentrication' is both imprecise and
quite politically charged, suggesting its redenition as
the process by which higher income households displace
lower income residents of a neighborhood, changing the
essential character and avour of that neighborhood,
so distinguishing it from the dierent socio-economic
process of neighborhood (or urban) revitalization, although the terms are sometimes used interchangeably.[15]

The rst theory, demographic-ecological, attempts to explain gentrication through the analysis of demographics: population, social organization, environment, and
technology. This theory frequently refers to the growing
number of people between the ages of 25 and 35 in the
1970s, or the baby boom generation. Because the number of people that sought housing increased, the demand
for housing increased also. The supply could not keep
up with the demand; therefore cities were recycled to
meet such demands (London and Palen, 1984). The baby
boomers in pursuit of housing were very dierent, demographically, from their house-hunting predecessors. They
married at an older age and had fewer children. Their
children were born later. Women, both single and married, were entering the labor force at higher rates which
led to an increase of dual wage-earner households. These
households were typically composed of young, more afuent couples without children. Because these couples
were child-free and were not concerned with the conditions of schools and playgrounds, they elected to live in
the inner city in close proximity to their jobs. These more
auent people usually had white-collar, not blue-collar

German geographers have a more distanced view on gentrication. Actual gentrication is seen as a mere symbolic issue happening in a low amount of places and
blocks, the symbolic value and visibility in public discourse being higher than actual migration trends. E.g.
Gerhard Hard assumes that urban ight is still more
important than inner city gentrication.[16] Volkskunde
scholar Barbara Lang introduced the term 'symbolic
gentrication' with regard to the Mythos Kreuzberg in
Berlin.[17] Lang assumes that complaints about gentrication often come from those who have been respon-

2.1 London and Palen

There are several approaches that attempt to explain the
roots and the reasons behind the spread of gentrication.
Bruce London and J. John Palen (1984) compiled a list
of ve explanations: (1) demographic-ecological, (2) sociocultural, (3) political-economical, (4) community networks, and (5) social movements.
2.1.1 Demographic-ecological

2.2

As an economic process

jobs. Since these white-collar workers wanted to live

closer to work, a neighborhood with more white-collar
jobs was more likely to be invaded; the relationship between administrative activity and invasion was positively
correlated (London and Palen, 1984).
2.1.2

Sociocultural

The second theory proposed by London and Palen is

based on a sociocultural explanation of gentrication.
This theory argues that values, sentiments, attitudes,
ideas, beliefs, and choices should be used to explain and
predict human behavior, not demographics, or structural units of analysis (i.e., characteristics of populations) (London and Palen, 1984). This analysis focuses
on the changing attitudes, lifestyles, and values of the
middle- and upper-middle-class of the 1970s. They were
becoming more pro-urban than before, opting not to live
in rural or even suburban areas anymore. These new prourban values were becoming more salient, and more and
more people began moving into the cities. London and
Palen refer to the rst people to invade the cities as urban pioneers. These urban pioneers demonstrated that
the inner-city was an appropriate and viable place to
live, resulting in what is called inner city chic (London
and Palen, 1984). The opposing side of this argument
is that dominant, or recurring, American values determine where people decide to live, not the changing values
previously cited. This means that people choose to live
in a gentried area to restore it, not to alter it, because
restoration is a new way to realize old values (London
and Palen, 1984).

3
2.1.4 Community networks
The community-network approach is the fourth proposed
by London and Palen. This views the community as an
interactive social group. Two perspectives are noted:
community lost and community saved. The community lost perspective argues that the role of the neighborhood is becoming more limited due to technological
advances in transportation and communication. This
means that the small-scale, local community is being replaced with more large-scale, political and social organizations (Greer, 1962). The opposing side, the community saved side, argues that community activity increases
when neighborhoods are gentried because these neighborhoods are being revitalized.

2.1.5 Social movements

The fth and nal approach is social movements. This

theoretical approach is focused on the analysis of ideologically based movements, usually in terms of leaderfollower relationships. Those who support gentrication
are encouraged by leaders (successful urban pioneers,
political-economic elites, land developers, lending institutions, and even the Federal government in some instances) to revive the inner-city. Those who are in opposition are the people who currently reside in the deteriorated areas. They develop countermovements in order
to gain the power necessary to defend themselves against
the movements of the elite. An excellent example was
the turned around gang in Chicago who fought for years
against the Richard J. Daley machine: the Young Lords
led by Jose Cha Cha Jimenez. They occupied neighborhood institutions and led massive demonstration to make
2.1.3 Political-economic
people aware. These countermovements can be unsuccessful, though. The people who support reviving neighThe third theoretical explanation of gentrication is
borhoods are also members, and their voices are the ones
political-economic and is divided into two approaches:
that the gentriers tend to hear (London and Palen, 1984).
traditional and Marxist. The traditional approach argues
that economic and political factors have led to the invasion of the inner-city, hence the name political-economic.
2.2 As an economic process
The changing political and legal climate of the 1950s and
1960s (new civil rights legislation, anti-discrimination
laws in housing and employment, and desegregation) had Two discrete, sociological theories explain and jusan unanticipated role in the gentrication of neighbor- tify gentrication as an economic process (productionhoods. A decrease in prejudice led to more blacks moving side theory) and as a social process (consumption-side
to the suburbs and whites no longer rejected the idea of theory) that occurs when the suburban gentry tire of
moving to the city. The decreasing availability of sub- the automobile-dependent urban sprawl style of life;
urban land and ination in suburban housing costs also thus, professionals, empty nest aged parents, and reinspired the invasion of the cities. The Marxist approach cent university graduates perceive the attractiveness of
denies the notion that the political and economic inu- the city centerearlier abandoned during white ight
ences on gentrication are invisible, but are intentional. especially if the poor community possesses a transport
This theory claims that powerful interest groups follow a hub and its architecture sustains the pedestrian trac that
proper human relations impeded by (sub)urban
policy of neglect of the inner city until such time as they allows the
[22]
sprawl.
become aware that policy changes could yield tremendous
prots (London and Palen, 1984). Once the inner city Professor Smith and Marxist sociologists explain genbecomes a source of revenue, the powerless residents are trication as a structural economic process; Ley explains gentrication as a natural outgrowth of increased
displaced with little or no regard from the powerful.

professional employment in the central business district

(CBD), and the creative sub-classs predilection for city
living. Liberal Ideology and the Post-Industrial City
(1980) describes and deconstructs the TEAM committees eort to rendering Vancouver, BC, Canada, a livable city. The investigators Rose, Beauregard, Mullins,
Moore et al., who base themselves upon Leys ideas, posit
that gentriers and their social and cultural characteristics [are] of crucial importance for an understanding
of gentricationtheoretical work Chris Hamnett criticized as insuciently comprehensive, for not incorporating the supply of dwellings and the role of developers
[and] speculators in the process.[23]
2.2.1

Production-side theory

The production-side theory of urban gentrication derives

from the work of human geographer Neil Smith, explaining gentrication as an economic process consequent to
the uctuating relationships among capital investments
and the production of urban space. He asserts that restructuring of urban space is the visual component of a
larger social, economic, and spatial restructuring of the
contemporary capitalist economy.[24] Smith summarizes
the causes of gentrication into ve main processes: suburbanization and the emergence of rent gap, deindustrialization, spatial centralization and decentralization of capital, falling prot and cyclical movement of capital, and
changes in demographics and consumption patterns.[24]
Suburbanization and rent gap Suburban development derives from outward expansion of cities, often
driven by sought prot and the availability of cheap land.
This change in consumption causes a fall in inner city land
prices, often resulting in poor upkeep and a neglect of repair for these properties by owners and landlords. The
depressed land is then devalued, causing rent to be signicantly cheaper than the potential rent that could be
derived from the best use of the land while taking advantage of its central location.[24] From this derives the
Rent-gap Theory describing the disparity between the
actual capitalized ground rent (land price) of a plot of
land given its present use, and the potential ground rent
that might be gleaned under a 'higher and better' use.[25]

CAUSES

middle-wage jobs with the opportunity for advancement,

creating lost investment capital needed to physically
maintain the houses and buildings of the city. Abandoned
industrial areas create availability for land for the rent gap
process.
Spatial centralization and decentralization of capital
De-industrialization is often integral to the growth of a
divided white collar employment, providing professional
and management jobs that follow the spatial decentralization of the expanding world economy. However, somewhat counter-intuitively, globalization also is accompanied by spatial centralization of urban centers, mainly
from the growth of the inner city as a base for headquarter
and executive decision-making centers. This concentration can be attributed to the need for rapid decisions and
information ow, which makes it favorable to have executive centers in close proximity to each other. Thus, the
expanding eect of suburbanization as well as agglomeration to city centers can coexist. These simultaneous processes can translate to gentrication activities when professionals have a high demand to live near their executive
workplaces in order to reduce decision-making time.[24]
Falling prot and the cyclical movement of capital
This section of Smiths theory attempts to describe the
timing of the process of gentrication. At the end of a
period of expansion for the economy, such as a boom in
postwar suburbs, accumulation of capital leads to a falling
rate of prot. It is then favorable to seek investment outside the industrial sphere to hold o onset of an economic
crisis. By this time, the period of expansion has inevitably
led to the creation of rent gap, providing opportunity for
capital reinvestment in this surrounding environment.[24]

Changes in demographic and consumption patterns Smith emphasizes that demographic and lifestyle changes are more of an exhibition of the form of
gentrication, rather than real factors behind gentrication. The aging baby-boomer population, greater participation of women in the workforce, and the changes
in marriage and childrearing norms explain the appearance that gentrication takes, or as Smith says, why
we have proliferating quiche bars rather than Howard
The rent gap is fundamental to explaining gentrication Johnsons.[24]
as an economic process. When the gap is suciently
wide, real estate developers, landlords, and other people with vested interests in the development of land per- 2.2.2 Consumption-side theory
ceive the potential prot to be derived from re-investing
in inner-city properties and redeveloping them for new In contrast to the production-side argument, the
tenants. Thus, the development of a rent gap creates the consumption-side theory of urban gentrication posits
opportunity for urban restructuring and gentrication.[24] that the socio-cultural characteristics and motives of
the gentriers are most important to understanding the
gentrication of the post-industrial city.[29] The changes
De-industrialization The de-industrialization of cities in the structure of advanced capitalist cities with the
in developed nations reduces the number of blue-collar shift from industrial to service-based economy were
jobs available to the urban working class as well as coupled with the expanding of a new middle classone

2.3

Economic globalization

5
means of opposing the deception of the suburbanite.[32]
This new middle class was characterized by professionals
with life pursuits expanded from traditional economistic
focus.[2] Gentrication provided a means for the 'stylization of life' and an expression of realized prot and social
rank. Similarly, Michael Jager contended that the consumption pattern of the new middle class explains gentrication because of the new appeal of embracing the historical past as well as urban lifestyle and culture.[30] The
need of the middle class to express individualism from
both the upper and lower classes was expressed through
consumption, and specically through the consumption
of a house as an aesthetic object.

Gentrication in the US: The North Loop neighborhood, Minneapolis, Minn., is the Warehouse District of condominia for
artists and entrepreneurs.[26][27][28]

This permanent tension on two fronts is evident in the

architecture of gentrication: in the external restorations
of the Victoriana, the middle classes express their candidature for the dominant classes; in its internal renovation
work this class signies its distance from the lower orders. p. 154[30]
Gentrication, according to consumption theory, fullls
the desire for a space with social meaning for the middle class as well as the belief that it can only be found in
older places because of a dissatisfaction with contemporary urbanism.[30]

2.3 Economic globalization

Gentrication is integral to the new economy of centralized, high-level services workthe new urban economic
core of banking and service activities that come to replace
the older, typically manufacturing-oriented, core[33] that
displaces middle-class retail businesses so they might be
Ornate Edwardian architecture (seen here in Sutton, United replaced by upmarket boutiques and restaurants caterKingdom).
ing to new high-income urban lites.[34] In the context
of globalization, the citys importance is determined by
its ability to function as a discrete socio-economic entity,
with a larger purchasing power than ever before.[30] As given the lesser import of national borders, resulting in
such, human geographer David Ley posits a rehabilitated de-industrialized global cities and economic restructurpost-industrial city inuenced by a this new middle ing.
class.[31] The consumption theory contends that it is the To wit, the American urban theorist John Friedman's
demographics and consumption patterns of this new seven-part theory posits a bifurcated service industry in
middle class that is responsible for gentrication.
world cities, composed of a high percentage of profesThe economic and cultural changes of the world in
the 1960s have been attributed to these consumption
changes. The antiauthoritarian protest movements of
the young in the U.S., especially on college campuses,
brought a new disdain for the standardization of lookalike suburbs,[32] as well as fueled a movement toward
empowering freedom and establishing authenticity. In
the postindustrial economy, the expansion of middle class
jobs in inner cities came at the same time as many of the
ideals of this movement. The process of gentrication
stemmed as the new middle class, often with politically
progressive ideals, was employed in the city and recognized not only the convenient commute of a city residence, but also the appeal towards the urban lifestyle as a

sionals specialized in control functions and ... a vast army

of low-skilled workers engaged in ... personal services ...
[that] cater to the privileged classes, for whose sake the
world city primarily exists.[35] The nal three hypotheses
detail (i) the increased immigration of low-skill laborers
needed to support the privileged classes, (ii) the class and
caste conict consequent to the citys inability to support
the poor people who are the service class,[36] and (iii) the
world city as a function of social class strugglematters
expanded by Saskia Sassen et al. The world citys inherent
socio-economic inequality illustrates the causes of gentrication, reported in Where Did They Go? The Decline of Middle-Income Neighborhoods in Metropolitan
America (2006) demonstrating geographical segregation

EFFECTS

by income in US cities, wherein middle-income (middle 3.1 Displacement

class) neighborhoods decline, while poor neighborhoods
Displacement in the context of gentrication is dened in
and rich neighborhoods remain stable.[37]
The Gentrication Reader as forced disenfranchisement
of poor and working class people from the spaces and
places in which they have legitimate social and historical
claims.[30] It is one of the most studied negative aspects
of gentrication, yet its nature has provided researchers
3 Eects
with many prohibitive barriers to obtaining accurate and
reliable data, much of which is more focused on the genAs rent-gap theory would predict, one of the most visible triers than those who are displaced by the process.
changes the gentrication process brings is to the infrastructure of a neighborhood. Typically, areas to be gentried are deteriorated and old, though structurally sound,
and often have some obscure amenity such as a historical
signicance that attracts the potential gentriers.[24] Gentry purchase and restore these houses, mostly for singlefamily homes. Another phenomenon is loft conversion,
which rehabilitates mixed-use areas, often abandoned industrial buildings or run-down apartment buildings to
housing for the incoming gentriers.[24] While this upgrade of housing value is the supercial keynote to the
gentrication process, there is a greater number of lessvisible shifts the gentry bring with them into their new
neighborhoods in the community.
Gentrication has been substantially advocated by local
governments, often in the form of 'urban restructuring'
policies. Goals of these policies include dispersing lowincome residents out of the inner city and into the suburbs as well as redeveloping the city to foster mobility
between both the central city and suburbia as residential
options.[30] The strain on public resources that often accompanies concentrated poverty is relaxed by the gentrication process, a benet of changed social makeup that
is favorable for the local state. Rehabilitation movements
have been largely successful at restoring the plentiful supply of old and deteriorated housing that is readily available in inner cities. This rehabilitation can be seen as a superior alternative to expansion, for the location of the central city oers an intact infrastructure that should be taken
advantage of: streets, public transportation, and other urban facilities.[30] Furthermore, the changed perception of
the central city that is encouraged by gentrication can
be healthy for resource-deprived communities who have
previously been largely ignored.[30]

What is generally agreed upon, however, is that those

displaced are primarily minority, elderly, and transient
groups, and they are nearly always driven out in areas
where gentrication occurs. Studies have also shown that
there seem to be two waves of displacement of these
original residents. In the early stages, renters are largely
driven out because of the changing incentives of landlords. With the rising interest in a particular neighborhood, they have no motive to retain their current tenants over the new, more auent rent seekers.[30] As the
process continues, owners of single residential units are
strained with the surge in property values that translates
to increased tax assessments. Often their incomes cannot continue to cover these increased living costs. Those
who are 'gentried' not only lack the economic resources
to compete with these changes, but stereotypically lack
political power, are easily exploited by landlords and developers, and eventually are simply forced to leave due to
these inabilities to resist the gentrication process.[24]

3.2 Social changes

Many of the social eects of gentrication have been

based on extensive theories about how socioeconomic
status of an individuals neighborhood will shape ones
behavior and future. These studies have prompted social mix policies to be widely adopted by governments
to promote the process and its positive eects, such as
lessening the strain on public resources, that are associated with de-concentrating poverty. However, more specic research has shown that gentrication does not necessarily correlate with social mixing, and that the effects of the new composition of a gentried neighborhood can both weaken as well as strengthen community
A change of residence that is forced upon people who lack cohesion.[38]
resources to cope has social costs.[30] Measures protect- Housing confers social status, and the changing norms
ing these marginal groups from gentrication may reduce that accompany gentrication translate to a changing sothose.
cial hierarchy.[24] The process of gentrication mixes
There is also the argument that gentrication reduces
the social capital of the area it aects. Communities
have strong ties to the history and culture of their neighborhood, and causing its dispersal can have detrimental
costs.[6] The Center for Disease Control and Prevention
has a webpage discussing adverse eects gentrication
has on health, and provides a list of policies that would
inhibit gentrication in order to prevent these impacts.[6]

people of dierent socioeconomic strata, thereby congregating a variety of expectations and social norms. The
change gentrication brings in class distinction also has
been shown to contribute to residential polarization by
income, education, household composition, and race.[24]
It conveys a social rise that brings new standards in consumption, particularly in the form of excess and superuity, to the area that were not held by the pre-

7
existing residents.[24] These diering norms can lead
to conict, which potentially serves to divide changing
communities.[38] Often this comes at a larger social cost
to the original residents of the gentried area whose displacement is met with little concern from the gentry or
the government. Clashes that result in increased police
surveillance, for example, would more adversely aect
young minorities who are also more likely to be the original residents of the area.[38]
There is also evidence to support that gentrication can
strengthen and stabilize when there is a consensus about
a communitys objectives. Gentriers with an organized
presence in deteriorated neighborhoods can demand and
receive better resources.[38] A characteristic example is a
combined community eort to win historic district designation for the neighborhood, a phenomenon that is often linked to gentrication activity.[30] Gentry can exert a
peer inuence on neighbors to take action against crime,
which can lead to even more price increases in changing
neighborhoods when crime rates drop and optimism for
the areas future climbs.[30]

4 Measurement
Whether gentrication has occurred in a census tract in an
urban area in the United States during a particular 10-year
period between censuses can be determined by a method
used in a study by Governing:[40] If the census tract in
a central city had 500 or more residents and at the time
of the baseline census had median household income and
median home value in the bottom 40th percentile and at
the time of the next 10-year census the tracts educational
attainment (percentage of residents over age 25 with a
bachelors degree) was in the top 33rd percentile; the median home value, adjusted for ination, had increased;
and the percentage of increase in home values in the tract
was in the top 33rd percentile when compared to the increase in other census tracts in the urban area then it was
considered to have been gentried. The method measures
the rate of gentrication, not the degree of gentrication;
thus, San Francisco, which has a history of gentrication
dating to the 1970s, show a decreasing rate between 1990
and 2010.[41]

5 Gentrier types

3.3

Economic shifts

The economic changes that occur as a community goes

through gentrication are often favorable for local governments. Auent gentriers expand the local tax base
as well as support local shops and businesses, a large part
of why the process is frequently alluded to in urban policies. The decrease in vacancy rates and increase in property value that accompany the process can work to stabilize a previously struggling community, restoring interest in inner-city life as a residential option alongside the
suburbs.[30] These changes can create positive feedback
as well, encouraging other forms of development of the San Francisco
area that promote general economic growth.
Just as critical to the gentrication process as creating a
Home ownership is a signicant variable when it comes favorable environment is the availability of the 'gentry,' or
to economic impacts of gentrication. People who own those who will be rst-stage gentriers. The typical gentheir homes are much more able to gain nancial benets triers are auent and have professional-level, service inof gentrication than those who rent their houses and can dustry jobs, many of which involve self-employment.[42]
Therefore, they are willing and able to take the investbe displaced without much compensation.[39]
Economic pressure and market price changes relate to the ment risk in the housing market. Often they are single
without children who lack despeed of gentrication. English-speaking countries have people or young couples
[24]
mand
for
good
schools.
Gentriers are likely searching
a higher amount of property owners and a higher mobilfor
inexpensive
housing
close
to the workplace and often
ity. German speaking countries provide a higher share
already
reside
in
the
inner
city,
sometimes for educational
of rented property and have a much stronger role of mureasons,
and
do
not
want
to
make
the move to suburbia.
nicipalities, cooperatives, guilds and unions oering lowThus,
gentrication
is
not
so
much
the result of a return
price-housing. The eect is a lower speed of gentricato
the
inner
city
but
is
more
of
a
positive
action to remain
tion and a broader social mix. Gerhard Hard sees gen[42]
there.
trication as a typical 1970s term with more visibility in
public discourse than actual migration.[16]

The stereotypical gentriers also have shared consumer

5 GENTRIFIER TYPES

5.2 Artists

19th century Victorian terrace houses in East Melbourne, Australia.

preferences and favor a largely consumerist culture.

This fuels the rapid expansion of trendy restaurant,
shopping, and entertainment spheres that often accompany the gentrication process.[24] Holcomb and Beauregard described these groups as those who are attracted by low prices and toleration of an unconventional
lifestyle.[42][43]

Gentried: Artists and bohemians are gentrifying BedfordStuyvesant, New York City, traditionally the largest black community in the US.

An interesting nd from research on those who participate and initiate the gentrication process, the marginal
gentriers as referred to by Tim Butler, is that they become marginalized by the expansion of the process.[42]
Research has also shown subgroups of gentriers that fall
outside of these stereotypes. Two important ones are
women, typically single mothers, as well as gay people
who are typically men.

5.1

Women

Women increasingly obtaining higher education as well

as higher paying jobs has increased their participation in
the labor force, translating to an expansion of women with
opportunities to invest. Smith suggests this group represents a reservoir of potential gentriers.[42] The increasing number of highly educated women play into this theory, given that residence in the inner city can give women
access to the well-paying jobs and networking, something
that is becoming increasingly common.[44]

Gentried: Both wealthy bohemians and homosexual individuals created apartments situated within the Glockenbach district
of Ludwigsvorstadt-Isarvorstadt in Munich, Germany

Phillip Clays two-stage model of gentrication places

artists as prototypical stage one or marginal gentriers.
The National Endowment for the Arts did a study that
linked the proportion of employed artists to the rate of
inner city gentrication across a number of U.S. cities.[32]
Artists will typically accept the risks of rehabilitating deteriorated property, as well as have the time, skill, and
ability to carry out these extensive renovations.[30] Ley
states that the artists critique of everyday life and search
There are also theories that suggest the inner-city lifestyle for meaning and renewal are what make them early reis important for women with children where the father cruits for gentrication.
does not care equally for the child, because of the prox- The identity residence in the inner city provides is imimity to professional childcare.[42] This attracts single portant for the gentrier, and this is particularly so in the
parents, specically single mothers, to the inner-city as artists case. Their cultural emancipation from the bouropposed to suburban areas. This is often deemed as geois makes the central city an appealing alternative to
marginal gentrication, for the city can oer an eas- distance themselves from the conformity and mundaneier solution to combining paid and unpaid labor. Inner ness attributed to suburban life. They are quintessential
city concentration increases the eciency of commodi- city people, and the city is often a functional choice as
ties parents need by minimizing time constraints among well, for city life has advantages that include connections
multiple jobs, childcare, and markets.[2]
to customers and a closer proximity to a downtown art

6.1

Other methods

scene, all of which are more likely to be limited in a suburban setting. Leys research cites a quote from a Vancouver printmaker talking about the importance of inner
city life to an artist, that it has, energy, intensity, hard to
specify but hard to do without (1996).

9
in the English literature. The basis of inclusionary zoning is partial replacement as opposed to displacement of
the embedded communities.[55] In Los Angeles, California, inclusionary zoning apparently accelerated gentrication, as older, unprotable buildings were razed and
replaced with mostly high-rent housing, and a small percentage of aordable housing; the net result was less affordable housing.[56] German (speaking) municipalities
have a strong legal role in zoning and on the real estate
market in general and a long tradition of integrating social aspects in planning schemes and building regulations.
The German approach uses en (milieu conservation municipal law), e.g. in Munichs Lehel district in use since
the 1960s. The concepts of socially aware renovation and
zoning of Bologna's old city in 1974 was used as role
model in the Charta of Bologna, and recognized by the
Council of Europe.[57]

Ironically, these attributes that make artists characteristic

marginal gentriers form the same foundations for their
isolation as the gentrication process matures. The later
stages of the process generate an inux of more auent, "yuppie" residents. As the bohemian character of
the community grows, it appeals not only to committed participants, but also to sporadic consumers,[45] and
the rising property values that accompany this migration
often lead to the eventual pushing out of the artists that
began the movement in the rst place.[2] Sharon Zukins
study of SoHo in Manhattan, NYC was one of the most
famous cases of this phenomenon. Throughout the 1960s
and 1970s, Manhattan lofts in SoHo were converted en
masse into housing for artists and hippies, and then their
6.1
sub-cultures followers.[46]

Other methods

6.1.1 Direct action and sabotage

5.3

Gay community

Manuel Castells has researched the role of gay communities, especially in San Francisco, as early gentriers.[47]
Hawley-Green a community in Syracuse has also under
gone gentrication due to the work of people in LGBT
community.[48] The lm Quinceaera depicts a similar situation in Los Angeles. Flag Wars (Linda Goode
Bryant)[49] shows tensions as of 2003 between LGBTnewcomers and a black middle-class neighborhood in
Columbus, Ohio.[50]
Berlins gay community is predominantly in Schneberg.
Conicts arise due to anti-gay tendencies among Muslim
Germans.[51] Koray Ylmaz-Gnay, a Rosa-LuxemburgStiftung coworker,[52] claims a correlation of gentri- Coee shop attacked with paint in alleged anti-gentrication atcation and Islamo-phobic tendencies. Gay people tack in the St-Henri neighborhood of Montreal, January 2012.
would have gained acceptance by adopting anti-Islamic
positions.[53]
When wealthy people move into low-income workingclass neighborhoods, the resulting class conict sometimes involves vandalism and arson targeting the property of the gentriers. During the dot-com boom of
6 Control
the late 1990s, the gentrication of San Franciscos preTo counter the gentrication of their mixed-populace dominantly working class Mission District led some longcommunities, residents formally organized themselves to term neighborhood residents to create what they called
develop the necessary socio-political strategies required the Mission Yuppie Eradication Project.(image)" This
to retain local aordable housing. The gentrication of group allegedly destroyed property and called for propa mixed-income community raises housing aordability erty destruction as part of a strategy to oppose gentrito the fore of the communitys politics.[54] Cities, munic- cation. Their activities drew hostile responses from the
ipalities, and counties have countered gentrication with San Francisco Police Department, real estate interests,
[58]
inclusionary zoning (inclusionary housing) ordinances re- and work-within-the-system housing activists.
quiring the apportionment of some new housing for the
communitys original low- and moderate-income residents. Inclusionary zoning is a new social concept in English speaking countries, there are few reports qualifying its eective or ineective limitation of gentrication

Meibion Glyndr (Welsh: Sons of Glyndr), also known

as the Valley Commandos, was a Welsh nationalist movement violently opposed to the loss of Welsh culture and
language. They were formed in response to the housing crisis precipitated by large numbers of second homes

10
being bought by the English which had increased house
prices beyond the means of many locals. The group
were responsible for setting re to English-owned holiday
homes in Wales from 1979 to the mid-1990s. In the rst
wave of attacks, eight holiday homes were destroyed in
a month, and in 1980, Welsh Police carried out a series
of raids in Operation Tn. Within the next ten years,
some 220 properties were damaged by the campaign.[59]
Since the mid-1990s the group has been inactive and
Welsh nationalist violence has ceased. Berlin saw the
Schwabenhass and 2013 Sptzlerstreit controversies,[60]
which identied gentrication with newcomers from the
German south.

6 CONTROL
expansion.[62]

6.1.3 Community land trusts

Because land speculation tends to raise property values,
removing real estate (houses, buildings, land) from the
open market stabilizes property values, and thereby prevents the economic eviction of the communitys poorer
residents. The most common, formal legal mechanism
for such stability in English speaking countries is the
community land trust; moreover, many inclusionary zoning ordinances formally place the inclusionary housing
units in a land trust. German municipalities and other
cooperative actors have and maintain strong roles on the
real estate markets in their realm.

6.1.4 Rent control

In jurisdictions where local or national government has
these powers, there may be rent control regulations. Rent
control restricts the rent that can be charged, so that incumbent tenants are not forced out by rising rents. If apCanale delle Moline in Bologna
plicable to private landlords, it is a disincentive to speculating with property values, reduces the incidence of
dwellings left empty, and limits availability of housing for
6.1.2 Zoning ordinances
new residents. If the law does not restrict the rent charged
for dwellings that come onto the rental market (formerly
Zoning ordinances and other urban planning tools can be owner-occupied or new build), rents in an area can still
used to recognize and support local business and indus- increase. The cities of southwestern Santa Monica and
tries. This can include requiring developers to continue eastern West Hollywood in California, United States genwith a current commercial tenant or oering develop- tried despiteor perhaps, because ofrent control.[63]
ment incentives for keeping existing businesses, as well Occasionally, a housing black market develops, wherein
as creating and maintaining industrial zones. Designing landlords withdraw houses and apartments from the marzoning to allow new housing near to a commercial cor- ket, making them available only upon payment of addiridor but not on top of it increases foot trac to local tional key money, fees, or bribesthus undermining the
businesses without redeveloping them. Businesses can rent control law. Many such laws allow vacancy deconbecome more stable by securing long-term commercial trol, releasing a dwelling from rent control upon the tenleases.[61]
ants leavingresulting in steady losses of rent-controlled
Although developers may recognize value in responding
to living patterns, extensive zoning policies often prevent
aordable homes from being constructed within urban
development. Due to urban density restrictions, rezoning
for residential development within urban living areas is
dicult, which forces the builder and the market into urban sprawl and propagates the energy ineciencies that
come with distance from urban centers. In a recent example of restrictive urban zoning requirements, Arcadia
Development Co. was prevented from rezoning a parcel for residential development in an urban setting within
the city of Morgan Hill, California. With limitations established in the interest of public welfare, a density restriction was applied solely to Arcadia Development Co.'s
parcel of development, excluding any planned residential

housing, ultimately rendering rent control laws ineective in communities with a high rate of resident turnover.
In other cases social housing owned by local authorities
may be sold to tenants and then sold on. Vacancy decontrol encourages landlords to nd ways of shortening their
residents tenure, most aggressively through landlord harassment. To strengthen the rent control laws of New
York City, housing advocates active in rent control in
New York are attempting to repeal the vacancy decontrol
clauses of rent control laws. The state of Massachusetts
abolished rent control in 1994; afterwards, rents rose, accelerating the pace of Boston's gentrication; however,
the laws protected few apartments, and confounding factors, such as a strong economy, had already been raising
housing and rental prices.[64]

7.2

United States

Examples

7.1

Inner London, England

Gentrication is not a new phenomenon in Britain; in

ancient Rome the shop-free forum was developed during the Roman Republican period, and in 2nd- and 3rdcentury cities in Roman Britain there is evidence of small
shops being replaced by large villas.[10]
Kings College London academic Loretta Lees reported
that much of inner-city London was undergoing supergentrication, where a new group of super-wealthy professionals, working in the City of London, is slowly imposing its mark on this Inner London housing market, in a
way that dierentiates it, and them, from traditional gentriers, and from the traditional urban upper classes ...
Super-gentrication is quite dierent from the classical
version of gentrication. Its of a higher economic order; you need a much higher salary and bonuses to live in
Barnsbury" (some two miles north of central London).[65]
Barnsbury was built around 1820, as a middle-class suburb, but after the Second World War (19391945), people moved to the suburbs. The upper and middle classes
were eeing from the working class residents of London;
the modern railway allowed it. At the wars end, the great
housing demand rendered Barnsbury the place of cheap
housing, where most people shared accommodation. In
the late 1950s and early 1960s, people moving into
the area had to nance house renovations with their
money, because banks rarely nanced loans for Barnsbury. Moreover, the rehabilitating spark was The 1959
Housing Purchase and Housing Act, investing 100 million to rehabilitating old properties and infrastructure. As
a result, the principal population inux occurred between
1961 and 1975; the UK Census reports that between
the years of 1961 and 1981, owner-occupation increased
from 7 to 19 per cent, furnished rentals declined from 14
to 7 per cent, and unfurnished rentals declined from 61 to
6 per cent";[66] another example of urban gentrication is
the super-gentrication, in the 1990s, of the neighboring
working-class London Borough of Islington, where Prime
minister Tony Blair moved upon his election in 1997.[65]

11
However, the market forces that are dictated by an excess
supply cannot fully explain the geographical specicity of
gentrication in the U.S., for there are many large cities
that meet this requirement and have not exhibited gentrication. The missing link is another factor that can
be explained by particular, necessary demand forces. In
U.S. cities in the time period from 1970 to 1978, growth
of the central business district at around 20% did not dictate conditions for gentrication, while growth at or above
33% yielded appreciably larger gentrication activity.[30]
Succinctly, central business district growth will activate
gentrication in the presence of a surplus in the inner city
housing market.
In the U.S., these conditions were generated by the economic transition from manufacturing to post-industrial
service economies. The post-World War II economy
experienced a service revolution, which created whitecollar jobs and larger opportunities for women in the
work force, as well as an expansion in the importance of
centralized administrative and cooperate activities. This
increased the demand for inner city residences, which
were readily available cheaply after much of the movement towards central city abandonment of the 1950s.
The coupling of these movements is what became the
trigger for the expansive gentrication of U.S. cities, including Atlanta, Boston, Philadelphia, St. Louis, and
Washington, D.C. [30]
Measurement of the rate of gentrication during the period from 1990 to 2010 in 50 U.S. cities showed an increase in the rate of gentrication from 9% in the decade
of the 1990s to 20% in the decade from 2000 to 2010
with 8% of the urban neighborhoods in the 50 cities being aected.
Cities with a rate of gentrication of 40% or more in
the decade from 2000 to 2010 included:[67]
Portland, Oregon 58.1%
Washington, DC 51.9%
Minneapolis, Minnesota 50.6%
Seattle 50%
Atlanta 46.2%

7.2

United States

Virginia Beach 46.2%

From a market standpoint, there are two main require Denver 42.1%
ments that are met by the U.S. cities that undergo substan Austin 39.7%
tial eects of gentrication. These are: an excess supply
of deteriorated housing in central areas, as well as a considerable growth in the availability of professional jobs lo- Cities with a rate of less than 10% in the decade from
cated in central business districts. These conditions have 2000 to 2010 included:[67]
been met in the U.S. largely as a result of suburbanization
and other postindustrial phenomena.
Memphis 8.8%
Starting in the 1960s and 1970s, U.S. industry has created
a surplus of housing units as construction of new homes
has far surpassed the rate of national household growth.

Tucson 8.3%
Tulsa 7%

12

7 EXAMPLES

Cleveland 6.7%

7.2.2 Boston

Detroit 2.8%

Bungalows in Atlanta's Inman Park neighborhood, United States.

The city of Boston, Massachusetts, has seen several

neighborhoods undergo signicant periods of urban renewal, specically during the 1960s to the 1980s. Called
turbo-gentrication by sociologist Alan Wolfe, particular areas of study of the process have been done in South
End, Bay Village, and West Cambridge. In Bostons
North End, the destruction of the noisy Central Artery
elevated highway attracted younger, more auent new
residents, in place of the traditional Italian immigrant
culture.[72] The gentrication of the Beacon Hill area was
also the object of focus of the New York Times in 1999;
Carey Goldberg wrote, from shabby gentility to $3 million price tags on town houses without garages that allow
passers-by on snowy days the unusual sight of a billionaire or two clearing o their cars. Houses in the area
were being sold for $100,000 in 1970, and rst entered
the 1 million range in 1984. Other neighborhoods of the
Boston area show similar statistics on the inux of auent residents to previously deteriorated housing areas, as
well as the spike in property values and political and social activity for new residents that are often distinctive of
the gentrication process.[73]

Main article: Gentrication in Atlanta

South End

Gentrication in Atlanta has been taking place in its

inner-city neighborhoods since the 1970s. Many of Atlantas neighborhoods experienced the urban ight that
aected other major American cities in the 20th century,
causing the decline of once upper and upper-middle-class
east side neighborhoods. In the 1970s, after neighborhood opposition blocked two freeways from being built
through the east side, its neighborhoods such as Inman
Park and Virginia-Highland became the starting point
for the citys gentrication wave, rst becoming aordable neighborhoods attracting young people, and by 2000
having become relatively auent areas attracting people from across Metro Atlanta to their upscale shops and
restaurants.[68] In the 1990s and 2000s, gentrication expanded into other parts of Atlanta, spreading throughout the historic streetcar suburbs east of Downtown and
Midtown, mostly areas that had long had black majorities
such as the Old Fourth Ward, Kirkwood, Reynoldstown
and Edgewood. On the western side of the city, onceindustrial West Midtown became a vibrant neighborhood
full of residential lofts and a nexus of the arts, restaurants,
and home furnishings. Gentrication by young African
Americans was also taking place in the 1990s in southwest Atlanta neighborhoods, .[69] The BeltLine trail construction is expected to bring further gentrication in the
neighborhoods alongside which it runs. Concerns about
displacement of existing working-class black residents by
increasing numbers of more auent whites moving in are
expressed by author Nathan McCall in his novel Them,[70]
in The Atlanta Progressive News,[71] and in the documentary The Atlanta Way.

In the early 1960s, Bostons South End had a great many

characteristics of a neighborhood that is prime for gentrication. The available housing was architecturally sound
and unique row houses in a location with high accessibility to urban transport services, while surrounded by small
squares and parks. A majority of the area had also been
designated a National Historic District.

Las Vegas, Nevada 2%

El Paso 0%
Arlington, Texas 0%
7.2.1

Atlanta

South End became deteriorated by the 1960s. Many of

the row houses had been converted to cheap apartments,
and the neighborhood was plagued by dominant, visible
poverty. The majority of the residents were workingclass individuals and families with a signicant need for
public housing and other social services. The situation
was recognized by local governments as unfavorable, and
in 1960 became the target of an urban renewal eort of
the city.
The construction of the Prudential Tower complex that
was nished in 1964 along the northwest border of South
End was a spark for this urban-renewal eort and the gentrication process for the area that surrounded it. The
complex increased job availability in the area, and the
cheap housing stock of South End began to attract a new
wave of residents. The next 15 years saw an inux of predominantly auent, young professionals who purchased
and renovated houses in South End. Unfortunately, tension characterized the relationship between these new residents and the previous residents of the neighborhood.
Clashes in the vision for the areas future was the main
source of conict. The previous, poorer residents, contended that renewal should focus on bettering the plight

7.2

United States

of South Ends poor, while new, middle-class residents

heavily favored private market investment opportunities
and shunned eorts such as subsidized housing with the
belief that they would ood the market and raise personal
security concerns.[74]
Bay Village
The late 1940s was a transition for the area from primarily
families with children as residents to a population dominated by both retired residents and transient renters. The
23 story brick row houses were largely converted to lowcost lodging houses, and the neighborhood came to be
described as blighted and down at heel. This deterioration was largely blamed on the transient population.
The year 1957 began the upgrading of what was to become Bay Village, and these changes were mainly attributed to new artists and gay men moving to the area.
These marginal gentriers made signicant eorts towards supercial beautication as well as rehabilitation of
their new homes, setting the stage for realtors to promote
the rising value of the area.
Of the homebuyers in Bay Village from 1957 to 1975,
92% had careers as white-collar professionals. 42% of
these homebuyers were 2534 years old. The majority of
them were highly educated and moving from a previous
residence in the city, suggesting ties to an urban-based educational institution. The reasons new homebuyers gave
for their choice of residence in Bay Village was largely attributed to its proximity to downtown, as well as an appreciation for city life over that of suburbia (Pattison 1977).
West Cambridge

13
The Peabody Schools also served as an enticing factor
for the new gentriers for both stages of new homebuyers. Stage two of the process brought more architects
to the area as well as non-architect professionals, often
employed at a university institution. The buyers in stage
two cited Peabody schools and the socioeconomic mix of
the neighborhood as primary reasons for their residential
choice, as well as a desire to avoid job commutes and a
disenchantment with the suburban life.[75]
7.2.3 Philadelphia: Darien Street
Gentrication Amid Urban Decline: Strategies for Americas Older Cities, by Michael Lang,[76] reports the process
and impact (social, economic, cultural) of gentrication.
In particular, it focuses on the section of Darien Street
(a north-south street running intermittently from South
to North Philadelphia) which is essentially an alley in the
populous Bella Vista neighborhood. That part of Darien
Street was a back street, because it does not connect to
any of the citys main arteries and was unpaved for most
of its existence.
In its early days, this area of Darien Street housed only
Italian families, however, after the Second World War
(19391945), when the municipal government spoke of
building a cross-town highway, the families moved out.
Most of the houses date from 1885 (built for the artisans
and craftsmen who worked and lived in the area), but,
when the Italian Americans moved out, the communitys
low-rent houses went to poor African American families.
Moreover, by the early 1970s, blighted Darien Street was
at its lowest point as a community, because the houses
held little property value, many were abandoned, having
broken heaters and collapsed roofs, et cetera.[77] Furthermore, the houses were very small approximately 15
feet (4.6 m) wide and 15 feet (4.6 m) deep, each had three
one-room stories (locally known, and still currently advertised as a Trinity style house) and the largest yard was
8 feet (2.4 m) deep. Despite the decay, Darien Street remained charmed with European echoes, each house was
architecturally dierent, contributing to the streets community character; children were safe, there was no car
trac. The closeness of the houses generated a closely
knit community located just to the south of Center City,
an inexpensive residential neighborhood a short distance
from the city-life amenities of Philadelphia; the city government did not hesitate to rehabilitate it.

The development and gentrication of West Cambridge

began in 1960 as the resident population began to shift
away from the traditional majority of working class Irish
immigrants. The period of 19601975 had large shifts
in homebuyer demographics comparable to that experienced by Bay Village. Professional occupations were
overrepresented in homebuyers during this 15-year period, as well as the age group of 2534 years old. Residents reported a visible lack of social ties between new
homebuyers and the original residents. However, displacement was not cited as a problem because the primary reason of housing sale remained the death of the
sole-surviving member of the household or the death of The gentrication began in 1977; the rst house rea spouse.
habilitated was a corner property that a school teacher
Researcher Timothy Pattison divided the gentrication re-modeled and occupied. The next years featured
process of West Cambridge into two main stages. Stage (mostly) white middle-class men moving into the abanone began with various architects and architectural stu- doned houses; the rst displacement of original Darien
dents who were attracted to the aordability of the neigh- Street residents occurred in 1979. Two years later, ve
borhood. The renovations eorts these marginal gen- of seven families had been economically evicted with intriers undertook seemed to spark a new interest in the ated housing prices; the two remaining families were
area, perhaps as word of the cheap land spread to the renters, expecting eventual displacement. In ve years,
from 1977 to 1982, the gentrication of Darien Street
wider student community.

14

7 EXAMPLES

reduced the original population from seven black households and one white household, to two black households and eleven white households. The average rent
increased 488 per cent from $85 to $500 a month;
by 1981, a house bought for $5,000 sold for $35,000.
Of the ve black households displaced, three found better houses within two blocks of their original residence,
one family left Pennsylvania, and one family moved into
a public housing apartment building ve blocks from
Darien Street.[78] The benets of the Darien Street gentrication included increased property tax revenues and
better-quality housing. The principal detriment was residential displacement via higher priced housing.[79]

Many of the citys poorer residents were pushed out to

Charles County, Maryland and Prince Georges County,
Maryland. Prince Georges County saw a huge spark of
violent crimes in 2008 and 2009, but the rate has decreased since then.

7.2.4

7.3 Canada

Washington, DC

Gentrication in Washington, D.C. is one of the most

studied examples of the process, as well as one of the
most extreme. The process in the U Street Corridor and
other downtown areas has recently become a major issue,
and the resulting changes have led to African-Americans
dropping from a majority to a minority of the population,
as they move out and middle-class whites and Asians have
moved in.[80]
D.C. is one of the top three cities with the most pronounced capital ow into its core neighborhoods, a
measurement that has been used to detect areas experiencing gentrication. Researcher Franklin James found
that, of these core areas, Capitol Hill was signicantly revitalized during the decade of 19601970, and by the end
of the decade this revitalization had extended outward
in a ring around this core area.[30] Dennis Gale studied
these 'Revitalization Areas,' which include Dupont Circle, Adams Morgan, and Capitol Hill neighborhoods, and
as compared to the rest of the district found that these areas were experiencing a faster rate of depopulation in the
1970s than the surrounding areas. U.S. census data show
that in the Revitalization Areas, the percent of population
with four or more years of college education rose from
24% in 1970 to 47% in 1980, as opposed to an increase
of 21% to 24% for the remaining areas of D.C. Additionally, Gales data show in 1970 that 73% of the residents
living in the Revitalization Areas had been residents since
1965, as opposed to only 66% of the residents living there
in 1975 had been residents of the area in 1970 as well.[30]
The gentrication during this time period resulted in
a signicant problem of displacement for marginalized
D.C. residents in the 1970s.[30] A decrease in the stock
of aordable housing for needy households as well as
nonsubsidized housing for low-income workers has had
a burdensome eect on individuals and families.[81]
As a result of gentrication, however, Washington, D.C.'s
safety has improved drastically. In the early 1990s, the
city had an average of 500 homicides a year; by 2012,
the rate had dropped by more than 80% to about 100[82]
before again seeing a 54% spike in 2015 over 2014.[83]

7.2.5 San Francisco

The technology industry has been identied as a driver
of gentrication in Silicon Valley cities such as San Francisco. Private shuttle buses operated by companies such
as Google have driven up rents in areas near their stops,
leading to some protests.[84]

As of 2011, gentrication in Canada has proceeded

quickly in older and denser cities such as Montreal,
Toronto, Ottawa and Vancouver, but has barely begun in
places such as Calgary, Edmonton, or Winnipeg, where
suburban expansion is still the primary type of growth.
Since Canada did not experience the same degree of
white ight as in the U.S. during the 1960s and 70s, the
term gentrication in Canada is not synonymous with
predominantly-white people moving into the neighborhoods of people of color, as it is in the United States. In
fact in Toronto and Vancouver recent Asian immigrants
and foreign buyers are also major purchasers of downtown housing, contributing to a major housing price spike
in those cities in 2011.[85]
See: Gentrication of Vancouver

7.4 France
In Paris, most poor neighborhoods in the east have seen
rising prices and the arrival of many wealthy residents.
However, the process is mitigated by social housing and
most cities tend to favor a social mix"; that is, having
both low and high-income residents in the same neighborhoods. But in practice, social housing does not cater
to the poorest segment of the population; most residents
of social dwellings are from the low-end of the middle
class. As a result, a lot of poor people have been forced
to go rst to the close suburbs (1970 to 2000) and then
more and more to remote periurban areas where public transport is almost nonexistent. The close suburbs
(Saint-Ouen, Saint Denis, Aubervilliers, ...) are now in
the early stages of gentrication although still poor. A
lot of high-prole companies oering well-paid jobs have
moved near Saint-Denis and new real-estate programs are
underway to provide living areas close to the new jobs.
On the other side, the eviction of the poorest people
to periurban areas since 2000 has been analyzed as the
main cause for the rising political far-right national front.
When the poor lived in the close suburbs, their prob-

7.6

Italy

15

lems were very visible to the wealthy population. But the 7.6 Italy
periurban population and its problem is mainly invisible from recent presidential campaign promises. These
people have labelled themselves les invisibles. Many
of them ed both rising costs in Paris and nearby suburbs with an insecure and ugly environment to live in
small houses in the countryside but close to the city. But
they did not factor in the huge nancial and human cost
of having up to four hours of transportation every day.
Since then, a lot has been invested in the close suburbs
(with new public transports set to open and urban renewal programs) they ed, but almost nobody cares of
these invisible plots of land. Since the close suburbs are
now mostly inhabited by immigrants, these people have
a strong resentment against immigration: They feel everything is done for new immigrants but nothing for the
native French population.
Design street in Milans Zona Tortona.
This has been rst documented in the book Plaidoyer
pour une gauche populaire by think-tank Terra-Nova
which had a major inuence on all contestants in the
presidential election (and at least, Sarkozy, Franois Hollande, and Marine Le Pen). This electorate voted overwhelmingly in favor of Marine Le Pen and Sarkozy while
the city centers and close suburbs voted overwhelmingly
for Franois Hollande.
Most major metropolises in France follow the same pattern with a belt of periurban development about 30 to
80 kilometers of the center where a lot of poor people
moved in and are now trapped by rising fuel costs. These
communities have been disrupted by the arrival of new
people and already suered of high unemployment due
to the dwindling numbers of industrial jobs.
In smaller cities, the suburbs are still the principal place
where people live and the center is more and more akin to
a commercial estate where a lot of commercial activities
take place but where few people live.

7.5

Cape Town, South Africa

The Bo-Kaap pocket of Cape Town nestles against the

slopes of Signal Hill. It has traditionally been occupied
by members of South Africas minority, mainly Muslim,
Cape Malay community. These descendants of artisans
and political captives, brought to the Cape as early as
the 18th century as slaves and indentured workers, were
housed in small barrack-like abodes on what used to be
the outskirts of town. As the city limits increased, property in the Bo-Kaap became very sought after, not only
for its location but also for its picturesque cobble-streets
and narrow avenues. Increasingly, this close-knit community is facing a slow dissolution of its distinctive character as wealthy outsiders move into the suburb to snap
up homes in the City Bowl at cut-rate prices.[86] Intercommunity conict has also arisen as some residents object to the sale of buildings and the resultant eviction of
long-term residents.

In Italy, similarly to other countries around the world, the

phenomenon of gentrication is proceeding in the largest
cities, such as Milan, Turin, Genoa and Rome.[87][88]
In Milan, gentrication is changing the look of some
semi-central neighborhoods, just outside the inner ring
road (called Cerchia dei Bastioni), particularly of former
working class and industrial areas. One of the most well
known cases is the neighborhood of Isola. Despite its position, this area has been for a long time considered as a
suburb since it has been an isolated part of the city, due to
the physical barriers such as the railways and the Naviglio
Martesana. In the 1950s, a new business district was built
not far from this area, but Isola remained a distant and
low-class area. In the 2000s vigorous eorts to make
Isola as a symbolic place of the Milan of the future were
carried out and, with this aim, the Porta Garibaldi-Isola
districts became attractors for stylists and artists.[88][89]
Moreover, in the second half of the same decade, a massive urban rebranding project, known as Progetto Porta
Nuova, started and the neighborhood of Isola, despite the
compliances residents have had,[90] has been one of the
regenerated areas, with the Bosco Verticale and the new
Giardini di Porta Nuova.
Another semi-central district that has undergone this phenomenon in Milan is Zona Tortona. Former industrial area situated behind Porta Genova station, Zona
Tortona is nowadays the mecca of Italian design and
annually hosts some of the most important events of
the Fuorisalone during which more than 150 expositors,
such as Superstudio, take part.[91][92] In Zona Tortona,
some of important landmarks, related to culture, design
and arts, are located such as Fondazione Pomodoro, the
Armani/Silos, Spazio A and MUDEC.
Going towards the outskirts of the city, other gentried areas of Milan are Lambrate-Ventura (where others
events of the Fuorisalone are hosted),[93][94] Bicocca and
Bovisa (in which universities have contributed to the gentrication of the areas), Sesto San Giovanni, Via Sammartini, and the so-called NoLo district (which means

16

9 NOTES

Nord di Loreto).[95]

See also
Ghost town
Deindustrialization
Modern ruins
Rural ight
Urban exploration
Urban decay, the reverse process
Urban Renewal
White ight

General:
Urban economics
Urban planning
Urban theory

Notes

[1] Gentrication. Dictionary.com.

[2] Lees, Loretta, Tom Slater, and Elvin K. Wyly. Gentrication. New York: Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group,
2008. Print. Denes gentrication as the transformation
of a working-class or vacant area of the central city to a
middle class residential and/or commercial use.
[3] Chris Hamnett: The blind men and the elephant: the explanation of gentrication. Transactions of the Institute
of British Geographers 1991, v. 16, p. 173189., (French
Les aveugles et l'lphant: l'explication de la gentrication.
In: Strates. Nr.9, 1996-97, Crises et mutations des territoires)
[4] G, Mr (10 July 2012). The Word From G: Gentrication
and Blockbusting.

[9] Freeman, There Goes the 'Hood (2006), p. 3. The signicant gaps in our understanding of gentrication persists despite a voluminous literature developed over several decades that perhaps reects chaotic nature of gentrication as a concept (Beauregard 1986). As such it means
dierent things, under dierent circumstances, to dierent people. This chaos results from the dierent manifestations of gentrication and its diering ways of impacting people in its wake.
[10] [Trade, traders, and the ancient city, ed. Helen Parkins
and Christopher John Smith, Routledge, 1998, p197]
[11] The Oxford Dictionary of Etymology (1966) C. T. Onions,
G. W. S. Friedrichsen, R. W. Burcheld, eds.p.394
[12] Douglas Harper (2001). Online Etymology Dictionary.
Retrieved 2008-01-02.
[13] Rowland Atkinson, Gary Bridge (2005). Gentrication in
a Global Context. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-32951-4.
[14] Ruth Glass (1964). London: aspects of change. London:
MacGibbon & Kee.
[15] Maureen Kennedy, Paul Leonard (April 2001). Dealing
with Neighborhood Change: A Primer on Gentrication
and Policy Choices. The Brookings Institution Center on
Urban and Metropolitan Policy and PolicyLink.
[16] Gerhard Hard: Dimensionen geographischen Denkens. In:
Osnabrcker Studien zur Geographie. V&R unipress,
2003, ISBN 3-89971-105-X. (Band 2 der Aufstze zur
Theorie der Geographie)
[17] Barbara Lang: Mythos Kreuzberg: Ethnographie eines
Stadtteils (19611995). Campus Verlag, 1998, ISBN 3593-36106-X.
[18] Pter Niedermller: Soziale Brennpunkte sehen? In:
Berliner Bltter. Ausgabe 32, LIT Verlag, Mnster 2004,
ISBN 3-8258-6996-2.
[19] "http://wonego.de/articles/
living-in-berlin-citys-ongoing-gentrification/".
ternal link in |title= (help)

Ex-

[20] Brenda Strohmaier (in German), [books.google.com Wie

man lernt, Berliner zu sein: Die deutsche Hauptstadt
als konjunktiver Erfahrungsraum Campus Verlag 2014,
p.166, footnote 150], Campus Verlag, ISBN 978-3-59350184-0, books.google.com. Retrieved 2015-09-27

[5] Communications, Emmis (1 October 2005). Atlanta

Magazine. Emmis Communications via Google Books.

[21] http://www.spiegel.de/politik/deutschland/
die-schwabenveraechter-von-heute-sind-oft-die-schwaben-von-gestern-a-87
html

[6] Health Eects of Gentrication. Centers for Disease

Control. Centers for Disease Control. March 24, 2015.
Retrieved March 24, 2015.

[22] Florida, Richard. The Rise of the Creative Class. ISBN

0-465-02477-7.

[7] Lesley Williams Reid and Robert M. Adelman, Georgia

State University (April 2003). The Double-edged Sword
of Gentrication in Atlanta. American Sociological Association.
[8] Benjamin Grant (June 17, 2003). PBS Documentaries
with a point of view: What is Gentrication?". Public
Broadcasting Service.

[23] Hamnett 1991, 186, 187.

[24] Smith, Neil, and Peter Williams. Gentrication of the
City. Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1986. Print.
[25] Smith, 1987b, p. 462.
[26] Chris Roberts (December 6, 2002). Getting a handle on
gentrication in Nordeast. Minnesota Public Radio.

17

[27] Adam Stone (August 13, 2004). Home at loft, The Warehouse District is attracting many new condo and apartment
dwellers. Minneapolis / St. Paul Business Journal.
[28] NE Mpls Arts District. Northeast Minneapolis Arts Association. February 3, 2008.
[29] Hamnett, 2000.
[30] Lees, Loretta, Tom Slater, and Elvin K. Wyly. The Gentrication Reader, London: Routledge (April 15, 2010),
trade paperback, ISBN 0415548403
[31] Ley 1994, p. 56.
[32] Ley, David. The New Middle Class and the Remaking of
the Central City. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1996. Print.
[33] Sassen 1995, p. 65.
[34] Sassen 1995, p. 66.
[35] Friedman 1986, p. 322.
[36] Friedman 1986, pp. 323-28.
[37] Booza et al. 2006.

[53] Ist Krieg oder was? Queer Nation Building in BerlinSchneberg. In: Koray Ylmaz-Gnay (Hrsg.): Karriere
eines konstruierten Gegensatzes: zehn Jahre Muslime versus Schwule Sexualpolitiken seit dem 11. September
2001. Berlin 2011, p. 1524.
[54] Gebhardt, Sara (November 12, 2005). Living With the
Tensions of Gentrication. The Washington Post. Retrieved May 3, 2010.
[55] Clark, Eric (2005). The order and simplicity of gentrication - a political challenge. Gentrication in a Global
Context: 256264.
[56] "http://www.laweekly.com/news/news/
city-halls-density-hawks-are-changing-las-dna/18410".
External link in |title= (help)
[57] 1974 Europarat-Symposium Nr. 2 Schlussresolution:
Die sozialen Aspekte der Erhaltung historischer Ortskerne.
(PDF; 62 kB) Europarat (Bologna, 22. bis 26. Oktober
1974)
[58] Van Derbeken, Jaxon (June 7, 1999). Battle Over Gentrication Gets Ugly in S.F.'s Mission / Anarchist arrested,
charged with making threats. The San Francisco Chronicle.

[38] Freeman, Lance. There Goes the 'hood: Views of Gentrication from the Ground up. Philadelphia, PA: Temple
UP, 2006. Print.

[59] MPs theory over cottage burnings, BBC News, 10 December 2004. Accessed 9 February 2007.

[39] Freeman, There Goes the 'Hood (2006), p. 9394.

[60] Kulish, Nicholas (2013-01-17). Swabian Separatists

Fling Sptzle to Make a Point. The New York Times.
ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2015-12-04.

[40] Gentrication Report Methodology. governing.com.

Governing Magazine. Retrieved February 26, 2015.
[41] San Francisco Gentrication Map: 2000 Census Present. Governing. Retrieved February 28, 2015.
[42] Butler, Tim. Gentrication and the Middle Classes.
Aldershot, Hants, England: Ashgate Pub., 1997. Print.
[43] Holcomb, H.B., Beauregard, R.A. (1981): Revitalizing
Cities. Washington DC, Association of American Geographers, Resource Publications in Geography.
[44] Lees, Loretta, Tom Slater, and Elvin K. Wyly. Gentrication. New York: Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group,
2008. Print.

[61] bayareavision.org - This website is for sale! - bayareavision Resources and Information..
[62] Balash, Mary (February 10, 2012). Multi-generational
housing is a temporary x for economic woes. rst tuesday. Retrieved May 22, 2012.
[63] Ned Levine (2000). Evaluation of Rent Control in California. Retrieved 2009-02-04.
[64] Peter Dreier (1997). Rent Deregulation in California and
Massachusetts: Politics, Policy, and Impacts Part II.
Retrieved 2009-02-04.
[65] Login.

[45] Lloyd, p. 104.

[66] (Slater, Lees, Wyly 13).

[46] Zukin, pp. 121-23.

[67] Where Gentrication Is Occurring. www.governing.

com. Governing. February 2015. Retrieved February 28,
2015.

[47] Castells, 1983

[48] Template:Allison Munzt, The Other.
[49] POV. Flag Wars - POV - PBS.

[68] Emily Kleine (January 27, 2001). Virginia-Highland:

Classic homes and convivial atmosphere reel 'em in. Creative Loang.

[50] In Shaw, Pews vs. Bar Stools. The Washington Post.

Retrieved 2014-02-17.

[69] Adair Park: Newcomers rediscover the charms of this

southwest hood, Creative Loang, October 7, 2000

[51] Berlin-Schneberg Angst im schwulen Kiez, Tagesspiegel

26.1.2009 Tanja Buntrock

[70] McCall, Nathan (6 November 2007). Them: A Novel.

Atria via Amazon.

[52] taz, 7. Juni 2012, abgerufen am 5. August 2012.

[71] Page not found - Atlanta Progressive News.

18

[72] Hampson, Rick (April 20, 2005). Studies: Gentrication

a boon. USA Today.
[73] Goldberg, Carey (18 February 1999). Behind the Curtains of Bostons Best Neighborhood, a New Elite. New
York Times. pp. n. pag. Print.
[74] Auger, Deborah (1979). The Politics of Revitalization in
Gentrifying Neighborhoods The Case of Bostons South
End. Journal of the American Planning Association. 45
(4): 515522. doi:10.1080/01944367908976999.
[75] Pattison, Timothy James (1977). The Process of Neighborhood Upgrading and Gentrication an Examination of
Two Neighborhoods in the Boston Metropolitan Area.
Thesis. Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
[76] ISBN 978-0884106975
[77] Lang p. 17.
[78] Lang pp. 178.
[79] Lang pp. 189.
[80] Franke-Ruta, Garance (August 10, 2012). Facts and Fictions of D.C.'s Gentrication. The Atlantic.
[81] Gale, Dennis E. Washington, D.C.: Inner-city Revitalization and Minority Suburbanization. Philadelphia: Temple
UP, 1987. Print.
[82] Fisher, Daniel (August 19, 2012). How Washington D.C.
Got O The Most Dangerous Cities List. Forbes.

10

REFERENCES

[91] Dispenza, Andrea. Zona Tortona: il quartiere di Milano

che dalla fabbrica passa a moda e design. mentelocale.it.
Retrieved 20 March 2016.
[92] Tortona Design Week (in Italian).
[93] Giorgi, Anna (7 February 2016). Lambrate sa di Londra,
il quartiere torna a vivere con East Market. Il Giorno (in
Italian).
[94] Signorelli, Andrea. Lambrate Ventura: il quartiere cool
del momento. 02blog (in Italian). Retrieved 21 March
2016.
[95] Arsu, Roberto. Milano Loreto Benvenuti a NoLo.
blog.urbanle.org (in Italian). Retrieved 21 March 2016.

10 References
Booza, Jason, Cutsinger, Jackie, and Galster,
George. "Where Did They Go? The Decline
of Middle-Income Neighborhoods in Metropolitan
America. Brookings Institution, July 28, 2006.
Castells, Manuel (1983). Cultural identity, sexual
liberation and urban structure: the gay community
in San Francisco. The City and the Grassroots: A
Cross-Cultural Theory of Urban Social Movements.
London: Edward Arnold. pp. 13870. ISBN 9780-520-05617-6.

[83] McDermott, Ryan (December 30, 2015). D.C. sees 54%

increase in homicides. Washington Time.

Freeman, Lance. There Goes the 'Hood:Views of

Gentrication from the Ground Up. Temple University: 2006. ISBN 978-1-59213-437-3.

[84] de Koning, Rosanne. Google Bus and Spatial Justice:

A Call for Greater Social Responsibility in Urban Governance. Digital Academic Repository of the University
of Amsterdam. University of Amsterdam. Retrieved 4
March 2015.

Friedman, John. The world-city hypothesis. From

World Cities in a World-System, Paul L. Knox and
Peter J. Taylor (eds), Cambridge UP, 1995, pp.
317331. (originally published 1986).

[85] Vancouver housing market surges thanks to Chinese buyers. nancialpost.com. Retrieved 2014-01-25.
[86] Bo-Kaap gentrication sees residents evicted, Voice of the
Cape,
https://web.archive.org/web/20110723235708/
http://www.vocfm.co.za/index.php?&section=news&
category=&vocnews=&article=12096. Archived from
the original on July 23, 2011. Retrieved July 13, 2010.
Missing or empty |title= (help)
[87] Balocco, Fabio (28 October 2015). Gentrication, il
fenomeno che cambia l'aspetto delle nostre citt". Il fatto
quotidiano (in Italian).
[88] Diappi, Lidia (2009). Rigenerazione urbana e ricambio
sociale. Gentrication in atto nei quartieri storici italiani
(in Italian). Milan: Franco Angeli. p. 192. ISBN
9788856802665.
[89] Brizioli, Antonio. Storia dell'Isola, il quartiere storico
che vogliono cancellare. globalist.it (in Italian).
[90] (Italian) Puntata del 18/11/2007: CARA MADUNINA

Hamnett, Chris (1991). The Blind Men and

the Elephant: The Explanation of Gentrication.
Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers.
16 (2): 17389. doi:10.2307/622612. JSTOR
622612.
Hamnett, Chris (1992). Gentriers or Lemmings?
A Response to Neil Smith. Transactions of the
Institute of British Geographers. 17 (1): 1169.
doi:10.2307/622642. JSTOR 622642.
Lang, Michael. Gentrication Amid Urban Decline. Massachusetts: Ballinger Publishing Company, 1982.
Lees, Loretta, et al. eds. The Gentrication Reader
(2010), classic articles
Ley, David (1994). Gentrication and the politics of the new middle class. Environment and
Planning D: Society and Space. 12: 5374.
doi:10.1068/d120053.

19
Lloyd, Richard. Neo-Bohemia. Routledge, 2006.
ISBN 0-415-95182-8.

Mele, Christopher (2000). Selling the Lower East

Side. Univ of Minnesota. ISBN 0-8166-3182-4.

Palen, J. John;
London, Bruce (1984).
Gentrication, Displacement, and Neighborhood
Revitalization. SUNY Press. ISBN 978-0-87395784-7.

Moore, Keith. From redline to renaissance.

Salon.com, August 2, 1999.

Sassen, Saskia (1995). On concentration and centrality in the global city. In Knox, Paul L.; Taylor,
Peter J. World Cities in a World-System. Cambridge
UP. pp. 6375. ISBN 978-0-521-48470-1.
Smith, Neil (1987). Gentrication and the Rent
Gap. Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 77 (3): 4625. doi:10.1111/j.14678306.1987.tb00171.x. JSTOR 2563279.
Smith, N. (1996) The New Urban Frontier: Gentrication and the Revanchist City. (Routledge, London).
Zukin, Sharon. Loft Living. Rutgers UP, 1989.
ISBN 0-8135-1389-8 (originally published 1982).

11

Further reading

Papayis, Marilyn Adler (2000). Sex and the revanchist city: zoning out pornography in New York.
Environment and Planning D: Society and Space. 18
(3): 341353. doi:10.1068/d10s.
Pasquinelli, Matteo (2008). Creative Sabotage in
the Factory of Culture: Art, Gentrication and the
Metropolis. Animal Spirits: A Bestiary of the Commons. Rotterdam: NAi Publishers. ISBN 978-905662-663-1.
Pasquinelli, Matteo (2009). The Sabotage of Rent.
Jenseits der Ruinen der Creative City (PDF). In
Becker, Konrad; Wassermair, Martin. Phantom
Kulturstadt: Texte zur Zukunft der Kulturpolitik. II.
Vienna: Lcker Verlag.
Rose, Demaris (1984). Rethinking gentrication:
beyond the uneven development of marxist theory.
Environment and Planning D: Society and Space. 2
(1): 4774. doi:10.1068/d020047.

Brooklyn Heights 1958 "Community Conservation

and Improvement Council"

Narefsky, Karen. Trickle-down Gentrication.

The Jacobin Magazine.

Brown-Saracino, Japnica. A Neighborhood That

Never Changes: Gentrication, Social Preservation,
and the Search for Authenticity (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 2010) 334 pages; Sociological study of newcomers attitudes toward preserving community character based on eldwork in the
Chicago neighborhoods of Andersonville and Argyle as well as in Dresden, Me., and Provincetown,
Mass.

Gentrication in America Report, Governing February, 2015

Cash, Stephanie. Landlords put the squeeze on

Brooklyn artists. Art in America. 89 (3): 3940.
Knox, Paul L. (1991). The Restless Urban Landscape: Economic and Sociocultural Change and
the Transformation of Metropolitan Washington,
DC. Annals of the Association of American Geographers. 81 (2): 181. doi:10.1111/j.14678306.1991.tb01686.x.
Ley, David. Alternative explanations for inner-city
gentrication: a Canadian assessment. Annals of
the Association of American Geographers 1986, v.
76, pp. 521535.
Ley, David. Reply: the rent-gap revisited. Annals of the Association of the American Geographers 1987, v. 77, pp. 465468.
Maag, Christopher (25 November 2006). In
Cincinnati, Life Breaths Anew in Riot-Scarred
Area. New York Times.

12 External links

20

13

13
13.1

TEXT AND IMAGE SOURCES, CONTRIBUTORS, AND LICENSES

Text and image sources, contributors, and licenses

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Kilopi, Wingman4l7, Erianna, Sascha Vlieter, BlandBaroque, Donner60, KilliansKings, Zimbazumba, Rangoon11, Insommia, Will Beback
Auto, ClueBot NG, Jillylovesdurham, Kamoon8805, Ba2013, 12free4, Djodjo666, Kevin Gorman, Widr, Groupuscule, Freedomofthespeech., Helpful Pixie Bot, Andycahill, Pmcollinsnc, BG19bot, Guy Adler, Riverhugger, Lilicneiu, Amp112, Tcg0910, Meclee, Gates of
Ale, TheJooseLoose, BattyBot, David.moreno72, A P Monblat, Noahf59, Cyberbot II, Saejay, Sermadison, Hallhassi, CrunchySkies,
YFdyh-bot, Khazar2, EuroCarGT, Fintty, Hmainsbot1, Maryft, Webclient101, Mogism, Boston9, Lugia2453, Lggernon, Afrosoulch,
Passengerpigeon, BurritoBazooka, Epicgenius, Kawaii-Soft, Jodosma, Qelaur, Flat Out, , DeathShadow24, Polentarion, G195, Pksherpa,
Kind Tennis Fan, JaconaFrere, Tttt, Alvinlei9779, Sendtoanthony, Justgohome330, Sciophobiaranger, Jourdan Sayers, GlennByrnes6,
Magicalbendini, Crispinporter, Mohdhamza110, Matthewdfrater, Bohemian Baltimore, Cynulliad, AlexxAmadeo, Eteethan, Stephang78,
MurderByDeadcopy, Jythg, FowntenPenn, CAPTAIN RAJU, The Quixotic Potato, Sockpuppet.1187, Radrpk, Redzemp, Geogstudent,
KatPizWilliams, GreenC bot and Anonymous: 639

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