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the development of the anthropology of the African diaspora in Latin America and
the Caribbean have been elided from the core of the discipline as practiced in North
America and Europe. As such, the anthropology of the African diaspora in the
Americas can be traced to the paradigmatic debate on the origins of New World black
cultures between Euro-American anthropologist Melville J. Herskovits and African
American sociologist E. Franklin Frazier. The former argued for the existence of
African cultural continuities, the latter for New World culture creations in the context of
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227
228 YELVINGTON
that relegates the African diaspora in the New World to the statu
selves were of African descent and the minor role they played in anthropological
canon-making (see for example Baker 1998; Drake 1980, 1990; Fluehr-Lobban
2000; Harrison 1992; and the chapters in Harrison & Harrison 1999).
The anthropology of the African diaspora in Latin America and the Caribbean
was born out of the elision of these scholars and their scholarship and continues to
back to the 1930s. In the debate begun then, the opposing sides were exemplified
by the work of Euro-American anthropologist Melville J. Herskovits (1895-1963)
and African-American sociologist E. Franklin Frazier (1894-1962). Their debate
has in many ways continued to define the terms of reference for the production
of anthropological knowledge (Yelvington Forthcoming a). With the publication
of The Myth of the Negro Past (1941), Herskovits is credited with legitimating
the study of black cultures within anthropology. He aimed at exploding racist de-
cf. Jackson 1986). After early physical anthropological work on African Americans, he carried out ethnographic fieldwork on this research problem with his wife
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229
Iznaga 1989; Moore 1994; Morse 1996; Palmie 2001; Peirano 1981; Shann
Simpson 1973; Yelvington Forthcoming b). These pioneers included Art
own (Landes 1947; cf. Cole 1994, 1995, Healey 1998, Landes 1970, Y
Forthcoming b).
Herskovits felt that the disparaging of "the Negro past" and cultura
on the part of the dominant society sustained racism and the oppression o
existing beneath the surface cultural forms blacks had adapted. He believed he
could chart the intensity of Africanisms, and specifically their origin in African
"nations" or ethnicities (Herskovits 1933), versus other cultural legacies in various
institutions and practices across the societies of the Americas (see Table 1).
Frazier (e.g., 1939), the Chicago School sociologist, utilized a more structural
approach and argued that African slaves in the United States were dispossessed of
their cultures in the enslavement process and were best viewed as disadvantaged
Americans. Placing his work in opposition to Herskovits, Frazier maintained that
"as regards the Negro family, there is no reliable evidence that African culture has
had any influence on its development" (1939, p. 12). For him, "probably never
before in history has a people been so nearly completely stripped of its social
heritage as the Negroes who were brought to America." They had, "through force
of circumstances," to "acquire a new language, adopt new habits of labor, and take
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Social Non-kinship
Technology Economics organization institutions Religion Mag
Guiana (bush)2
Guiana
a
a
(Paramaribo)
Haiti (peasant)
Haiti (urban)
Brazil
(Bahia-Redife)
Brazil
(Porto
Brazil
Alegre)
(Maranhao-rural)
Brazil
(Maranhao-urban)
Cuba
Jamaica (general) e
Honduras c
Jamaica (Maroons) c
Jamaica
a
a
(Morant Bay)
(Black Caribs)3
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Trinidad
(Port
Trinidad
Mexico
U.S.
(Toco)
U.S.
'Only
(rural
c
e
c
b
c
c
Islands
North)
greatest
South)
(urban
the
(Choc6)
Islands
(Gullah
U.S.
Spain)
(Guerrero)
Colombia
Virgin
of
degree
d
e
of
e
e
retention
is
Guiana, Brazil (Bahia and southern Brazil), Trinidad, and Haiti; field research and various published work
Brazil (north-urban and rural); unpublished reports of fieldwork by Octavio Eduardo in Maranh5o.
Jamaica; first-hand contact with the Maroons and other Jamaican Negroes, though without opportunity for detailed field
by Martha Beckwith.
Cuba, various works by E Ortiz, particularly his Los negros brujos, and on R. Lachataier6'sManual de santeria.
Virgin Islands, the monograph by A.A. Campbell entitled, "St Thomas Negroes-a study of Personality and Culture"
field materials of J.C. Trevor.
Gullah Islands, field-work by W.R. Bascom, some restults of which have been reported in a paper entitled, "Accultura
1941,pp.
United
3Carib
43-
States,
Indian
Source:
ma
infl
Herskovit
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232 YELVINGTON
the habits and customs as well as the hopes and fears that charac
their forebears in Africa, nothing remains" (1939, pp. 21-22).
The contrasting perspectives of Herskovits and Frazier have in
tated the approaches of subsequent researchers in all fields of th
the African diaspora in the Americas (see the discussions in A
1983, Whitten & Szwed 1970, Yelvington Forthcoming a). Thes
duced more correctly, perhaps, overdrawn idealizations of thei
in the pages of the American Sociological Review over the black
indicates well their different approaches (Frazier 1942, 1943;
But Frazier adhered to a Herskovitsian view of acculturation (
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233
narrow focus in what follows, concentrating on the social and cultural anthr
sense that I refer (albeit too briefly) to work from other disciplines that is ei
Even though Du Bois (e.g., 1939), Drake (e.g., 1982), and others oper
what can be called a diasporic frame of reference, their marginali
that the African diaspora in Latin America and the Caribbean has bee
various theoretical terms and not always explicitly as "diaspora." Mo
decades ago, when commenting on the Herskovits-Frazier debate, t
anthropologist M.G. Smith (1921-1993) called for an approach that
social and cultural perspectives (1957). Perhaps the best exemplific
is the widely cited work of Mintz & Price (1992 [1976]), who, taking
the question of survivals versus cultural creation, argue "it is less
West (and Central) Africa as a broad culture area" than "the levels
would have to seek confirmation of this postulated unity," adding:
cultural heritage, widely shared by the people imported into any new
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234 YELVINGTON
(1992, p. 11).
Drawing on work on the history of the slave trade, Mintz & Price emphasize
the ethnic heterogeneity of New World slave populations, which, perhaps counterintuitively, they see as an invitation to inter-African syncretism and an interactive
creolization process that began in the first moments of the creation of New World
slave societies. They dispute the approach that infers historical connection between a single, specific culture in West Africa and one in the New World based
on putative similarities (such as lexical items), arguing that, besides being at odds
with historical data, such a model is committed to a view of culture as an undifferentiated whole: "Given the social setting of early New World colonies, the
encounters between Africans from a score or more different societies with each
other, and with their European overlords, cannot be interpreted in terms of two
(or even many different) 'bodies' of belief and value, each coherent, functioning, and intact. The Africans who reached the New World did not compose, at
the outset, groups. In fact, in most cases, it might even be more accurate to view
them as crowds, and very heterogeneous crowds at that." The slaves could only
become communities "by processes of cultural change": "What the slaves unde-
niably shared at the outset was their enslavement; all-or nearly all-else had
to be created by them" (1992, p. 18). This being the main thrust of their model,
Mintz & Price are careful to point to differences in slave regimes and relative
concentration or dispersal of slaves belonging to the same ethnic/cultural group
as historical questions; they do not dispute the influence of later-arriving African
ethnic groups on the direction of a particular locale's Afro-American culture. They
point to "immensely important continuities of many kinds with ancestral civilizations; and [they] must add that the history of Afro-America is marked by renewals
of identification on many occasions." They say they "recognize that many aspects
of African-American adaptiveness may themselves be in some important sense
African in origin" (1992, pp. 94, 95).
The influence of the model has been wide, stimulating work in the "culture
of slavery" (e.g., Palmie, 1995a) and on play and popular culture (e.g., Burton
1997). Price & Price, for example, drawing on their extensive work on AfroAmerican arts, followed up this more programmatic statement with a tour de
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235
One of the most terrible implications of the ethnographic approach is the insistence on fixing the object of scrutiny in static time, thereby removing the
planted population, but one which elsewhere becomes another people, allows
us to resist generalization and the limitations it imposes. Relationship (at the
same time link and linked, act and speech) [needs to be] emphasized over
what in appearance could be conceived as a governing principle, the so-called
universal 'controlling force' (1989, p. 14).
On the other hand, Price & Price (1997) show how some intellectuals emphasize
"creolism" (creolite) as part of elite ethnic and class politics.
The Mintz and Price creolization model comes out of and has inspired (both
for and against) work in Afro-Latin American and Caribbean languages. Confronted with extreme, even bewildering, linguistic heterogeneity in the region (see
Table 2), linguists and linguistically oriented anthropologists have poured a significant amount of effort into investigations of creoles, pidgins (Jourdan 1991),
and the development of African-influenced languages in the New World (e.g., Perl
& Schwegler 1998). There is little agreement on the very categories of analysis
(see e.g., Schieffelin & Doucet 1994 on Haitian kreyol). Mintz (1971) warned as
early as a 1968 conference on pidgins and creoles held at the University of the
West Indies in Jamaica that the characteristic shape of a language cannot be seen
outside of its sociological context and the processes of historical change. Still,
investigations are often couched in terms of locating "Africanisms" (Mufwene
1993). The continuity versus creativity debate is alive here too. This body of work
has also imbibed all of the controversies associated with the study of pidgins and
creoles generally, e.g., differentiating between pidgins and creoles themselves,
monogenesis versus polygenesis debates, (African) substrata versus (European)
superstrata versus universalist hypotheses of creole genesis (the latter of which
includes Bickerton's controversial "bioprogram hypothesis," and the applicability of pidginization-creolization-decreolization creole continuum models), and the
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236 YELVINGTON
Bilingual: St. Lucia, Dominica, and Grenada have standard and nons
forms of English and a French-based creole. The Netherlands Antill
Dutch and Papiamentu (with English and Spanish widely used).
Diglossia: In Haiti and the French West Indies, French and a French-b
creole exist but are kept relatively separate.
New or the Old World as the site of creole genesis (Jourdan 1991;
1999, Jalloh & Maizlish 1996, Okpewho et al 1999, but see the ea
Harris 1982 and Crahan & Knight 1979), have surmounted the nece
sufficient procedure of documenting rather mechanically the origi
tions of the slaves and the dispersals of peoples of African descen
that received roughly 90% of all enslaved Africans landed in the
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237
cas. Both Lovejoy and Eltis misrepresent the Mintz & Price model in the process.
Anthropologists accepting colonial data on slave ethnicities as unproblematic do
so by making unwarranted assumptions about the nature of colonial knowledge
(Scott 1999). The most illuminating studies on the Americas in this genre are those
dealing with specific times and contexts, such as Thorton's on African soldiers
and ideologies in the Haitian Revolution (1991, 1993). In contrast, historians of
the Americas such as Berlin (1998), Morgan (1998), and Palmie (1995a) tend to
affirm the model by pointing, depending on the historical and regional context, to
material showing inter-African creolization, resident-forced immigrant creolization, re-Africanization, recreolization, and the invention of tradition at work in
the creation of ethnic/national labels and identities in the Americas. On this last
score they have received backing from Africanist historians (Law 1997). Similar
divisions exist in the archaeology of the African diaspora in the region (see Orser
1998).
Attempts at conceptualizing the diaspora come from many directions these
days. But the work of major cultural studies theorists such as Hall (1990, 1999)
and Gilroy (1993, cf. Helmreich 1993, Scott 1999) not so much obviates as complicates anthropological concerns. They both make important points against the
racial and cultural essentializing of blackness and tout a perspective on cultural
hybridity. The diaspora experience is defined "not by essence or purity, but by the
recognition of a necessary heterogeneity and diversity; by a conception of 'identity' which lives with and through, not despite, difference; by hybridity. Diaspora
identities are those which are constantly producing and reproducing themselves
anew, through transformation and difference ..." (Hall 1990, p. 235). The lack of
politics in the notion of hybridity is never discussed. "Africa," Hall maintains, is
ment. This was-is-the 'Africa' that 'is alive and well in the diaspora"' (1990,
p. 230). Gilroy, too, opposes essentialism but tends to assume the formation of a
black diaspora. The "Black Atlantic" is a singular, albeit "hybrid," cultural form
now "continually crisscrossed by the movements of black people" (1993, p. 16),
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TABLE 3 Estimates of regional distribution of slave exports to America from Africa, 1662-1867
9,695
1671-1680 5,842
1681-1690 10,834
1691-1700 13,376
1700-1709 22,230
1710-1719 36,260
1720-1729 52,530
1730-1739 57,210
1740-1749 35,000
1750-1759 30,100
1760-1769 27,590
1770-1779 24,400
1780-1789 15,240
1790-1799 18,320
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1800-1809 18,000
1811-1815 19,300
1816-1820 48,400
1821-1825 22,700
1826-1830 26,700
1831-1835 27,400
1836-1840 35,300
1841-1845 19,100
1846-1850 14,700
1851-1855 10,300
1856-1860 3,100
1861-1865 2,700
1866-1867 0
Total
599,864
0
0
2,600
400
41,200
3,000
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240 YELVINGTON
New World culture, it is not (and perhaps cannot be) precisely defi
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241
derived religion and identity in Brazil is based on the premise that Africa
cally "coeval" with the cultures of the Americas, rather than representati
past or base line. This implies a central role for African agency: "Bot
agency and African culture have been important in the making of African
culture, but, more surprisingly, the African diaspora has at times playe
role in the making of its own alleged African 'base line' as well" (1999a
the case at hand, he demonstrates the reciprocal influences between nor
"Lagosian renaissance" of the 1890s, itself the result not only of loca
ing "both tradition and change at all times" (Smith 1982, p. 127). It is
amenable overlay to the empirical, historical work on back-and-forth m
between African and New World societies that complement Gilroy's not
Black Atlantic (Sarracino 1988, Turner 1942, Verger 1968), and even an
such activity at a more symbolic level involving the negotiations over "
ideas that constitute what he calls "Creole common sense," neither auto
nor incontrovertibly accepting racialized notions of blackness. Gordon &
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242 YELVINGTON
worked to the point where "cultural identity shifts from blacks and mulatto
nation as a whole," so that "one will find African cultural traits in whites
one establish a science if its very object cannot be clearly defined?" (1974,
What Bastide was lamenting was for Europeans and North Americans a d
and uncertain notion of blackness, not only with regard to what was supp
happening "on the ground" but also within nationalist discourse and its inte
systems and nomenclatures for the "racial" results of such mixing, which, fa
ideas. Black and white "races," however, are thought of as polar opposite
both systems. Mestizaje is a foundational theme in the culture of the Am
coupled with the ideology of blanqueamiento ("whitening"), and has been
used to project different kinds of putative "nonracial" nationalisms that i
eral paradoxically make claims for an all-inclusive "mixed-race" national id
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243
hail the virtues of the miscegenation process, while at the same time en
Stutzman 1981, Torres 1998, Wade 1993, 1997, Yelvington 1997). Black
stigmatized, and a plethora of "racial" terms leads identification away f
performance (Guss 2000, Segal 1993, Williams 1991); here "Africa" oft
in a symbolic system of the requisite distinction.
(Goldstein 1999, Sheriff 2000, Twine 1998; cf. Ferreira da Silva 1998,
Segato 1998). On the other hand, Bourdieu and Wacquant (1999) want to
debunking as a kind of U.S. cultural imperialism, claiming that U.S. sch
simply importing their own concepts of "race," which are ill-fitting in th
context (cf. Fry 2000, Healey 2000, and the numerous reactions in Theor
& Society 17(1) 2000). Blackness is a prominent theme in Latin Ameri
movements (Alvarez et al 1998), and scholars now investigate the grow
black consciousness/social movements in the region and their articulat
globalizing blackness (Gomes da Cunha 1998, Grueso et al 1998, Sanson
cf. Mintz 1984).
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244 YELVINGTON
O ~~~~~~~~~~~i.
6I
=1 -b
a
(d
Figure 1 Drawings used to elicit responses on "race" in Brazil. Source: Harris 1970,
pp. 3-4. Used with permission of the Journal of Anthropological Research.
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culture (Whitten 1996). Bilby (1996) for example uses the concept to
maroons in Jamaica and the Guianas, the cultures seen as "more Afri
others, are the result of a rapid creation of new societies out of multip
ethnic and New World situational) pasts. R. Price's powerful work on
maroon historical consciousness and self-definition (1983, 1990; cf. Sco
Jo
.-
Figur
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246 YELVINGTON
9,477
53,097
5.9
33.0
4,886
Haiti
6,500
Cuba
3,559
7,329
6,900
14.0
94.0
6,510
21.0
100.0
33.9
62.0
1,976
2,376
1,356
Venezuela
Panama
1,935
35
Ecuador
9.7
9.0
10.0
14.0
1,147
387
91.4
6.0
2,150
1,837
573
Nicaragua
76.0
2,192
559
73.5
5.0
10.0
9.0
13.0
Guyana
474
222
474
321
0.5
29.4
0.5
42.6
112
260
Barbados
205
Bahamas
194
Bolivia
158
Paraguay
Suriname
St.
Lucia
Belize
280
260
245
80.0
95.8
72.0
85.0
158
156
121
5.0
1.0
223
146
92
2.0
1.0
2.0
156
151
121
112
2.0
3.5
39.8
90.3
46.9
3.5
41.0
90.3
57.0
72
Rica
Guiana
Bermuda
81
66
37
38
Uruguay
75.0
66
58
39
38
Chile
El
66.0
Total
64,859
=presence
Source:
of
1.2
****
**
124,332
Monge
61.3
1.2
Salvador****
Argentina
2.0
42.4
61.0
38
Guatemala
84.0
2.0
9.0
blacks
17.2
acknowledged
Oviedo
1992:19.
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bu
247
Two decades ago, Fontaine (1980) issued a clarion call for political-ec
one study conducted in Cartagena, Colombia (Solauin et al 1987), 120 adults from
four social classes were asked to identify the "race" of individuals depicted in 22
photographs. This exercise elicited the usual plethora of "racial" identifiers. When
the respondents went on to describe themselves, only among the upper class was
there a majority of self-reported blancos (whites). No blancos were found in the
lower class, nor were negros (blacks) found in the upper class; among this class
darker individuals referred to themselves as morenos (browns), which has dark
and light implications. Hardly any respondents positively identified with blackness used negro when referring to themselves, nor used terms denoting African
ancestry. Indeed, negro is not generally a polite term when used to describe others
in Latin America; as a self-appellation it, as well as designations with "Afro-" as
a prefix, have grown in popularity in black intellectual circles, however. Such is
the situation under blanqueamiento: Fewer and fewer people remain on the side
of the continuum that receives the most discrimination, thus affirming whiteness
as the ideal. Macro work has sought to describe the "position" of blacks within
national structures of racism, documenting the black presence but also "invisibility," discrimination, and human rights violations, as well as the advent of new
Gendered Logics
Anthropology has shown the central place of gendered logics and distinctions in all
document the social and legal conditions for "miscegenation" in relations of power
between white men and black women (Martfnez-Alier 1989). The articulation of
gender ideologies and gendered practices with the central institution of kinship
(and kinship-building) has preoccupied ethnographers seeking to chart diasporal
connections and similarities. Herskovits had, as might be imagined, postulated
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248 YELVINGTON
attention from anthropologists. Substantial agreement exists between the Afrogenetic and creation/creolization theorists in that area of culture demarcated as
"religion" on the existence of "Africanisms," however conceived, as a subject of
inquiry. Herskovits maintained that "it is in that general field of culture we may
denominate as supernatural sanctions that peoples of African descent manifest the
widest range of Africanisms, and the purest" (1948, p. 3). Recall that even Frazier
was willing to admit "Africanisms" in religion (see 1957, p. 279).
General descriptions of Afro-American religious cults (e.g. Murphy 1994,
Simpson 1978, cf. Glazier 2001) as well as case studies emphasize continuities (but cf. Besson & Chevannes 1996, Thoden van Velzen & van Wetering
1988). Some prominent themes include spirit possession (Wafer 1991; cf. Zane
1999), trance and altered states of consciousness (Bourguignon 1973), healing and
medicinal knowledge and practices (Laguerre 1980, Littlewood 1993, Voeks 1997,
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249
Wedenoja 1989), syncretism (de Heusch 1989, Houk 1995), but antisyncr
(Palmie 1995b). Anthropologists have charted the movement of a sing
tion or deity from Africa to the New World (Barnes 1997, Brandon 19
as black interaction with established (and new, evangelical) religions (
1993, 1999) and, in contrast, the "African" influence on the forms of
ings and moorings inherent in these forms of popular public culture are a
1998).
CONCLUSION
That the anthropology of the African diaspora in Latin America and
has been elided from the core of the discipline is somewhat ironic i
of the staple theoretical concepts in cultural anthropology in the
acculturation, assimilation, and syncretism, in part derived from its
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250 YELVINGTON
such as Herskovits and his followers. The result is that "new" per
that emphasize cultural hybridity, vis-a-vis the political effects of this kind of
anthropological discourse on disempowered, subject peoples, is one of the most
contentious and compelling issues at present in the discipline. Portraying "black
culture" not as entailing some stable heritage inherited from the past but as made
and remade under specific historical conditions, or choosing to emphasize choice
and agency, means that there is always the possibility that black claims to cultural
authenticity and distinctiveness might be subverted and with them a whole series of
lost. These issues are rarely explicitly discussed within the anthropology of the
African diaspora in Latin America and the Caribbean, despite some of the major
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251
1989; cf. Hale 1997). Perhaps when the innovative nature and unique opp
presented by Afro-American anthropology are fully realized the deb
moved forward. The picture is extremely complicated, and there is no
believe it will not remain so for some time to come.
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
what I've written here. I thank J. Lorand Matory for his advice and
suggestions on sources and perspective. I also thank Kenneth M. Bilb
French, Isar P. Godreau, and Richard Price, for their comments on an e
of the article, Claire Insel for her editorial prowess and her patienc
Eugen Camp for his technical assistance. And I would like to thank B
Cruz for all of her ayuda y apoyo.
Visit the Annual Reviews home page at www.AnnualReviews.org
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