Isis in Rome:

An Examination of the Popularity of the Isiac Cult in the Roman Empire

Petra Creamer
senior student at

The Ohio State University

Permanent Address:
10405 Monclova Road
Monclova, OH 43542

Introduction
Isis in her native land was considered one of the most powerful deities; her
persona as a caring mother, wife, and sister was well-known throughout Egypt. Her
popularity rose as Isiac worship became widespread. It is unknown when exactly the cult
of Isis was introduced specifically to the Roman Empire, but it is not hard to surmise that
the introduction of the Isiac cult to Italy was likely around the same time as when
Alexandria and Rome established relations in 273 BCE.1 The evidence of Isis popularity
beginning in the Republic, however, is undeniable and was spread throughout the Roman
social classes, both upper and lower, and continued to the end of the Empire. Isis is not
an uncommon goddess to see referenced in Roman literary works, frescoes, statues,
public monuments, inscriptions, and many other aspects of daily Roman life that are left
today. The heavy presence of this goddess is interesting to note, and leads to a different
question: why was this cult, out of hundreds of others, one of the most popular cults in
Rome? The cult of Isis experienced immense popularity among the upper class and
lower class of Roman society for many reasons, but among the most prominent is the
sense of community which was especially appealing to those experiencing status
inconsistency, as is obvious when examining the actions of individuals from both the
upper and lower class, literary descriptions of the cult (most notably The Golden Ass by
Apuleius), and the attraction of cult worship in general.

The Popularity of Egyptian Culture in the Roman Empire

The popularity of Egyptian culture in Rome has been addressed by many modern
studies. The term Egypto-mania was coined to describe such a fascination that Romans

seemed to hold and, to some extent, it seems apt. Even such trivial details as Egyptian
books often being displayed in the cult could attract potential initiates.2 Egyptian myths
were retold among the Romans, and the myth of Isis and Osiris, retold and translated into
Latin by Plutarch, was quite popular.3 The most obvious examples of Egyptian influence
on Rome are the huge obelisks brought from Egypt that still stand today in areas such as
the Piazza del Popolo and Piazza Navona. Beyond the basic Egyptian motifs, another
popular image found in Roman artwork is that of the Nile. The Nile to the Egyptians was
symbolic of their livelihood; the Niles annual floods were responsible for the growth of
their food. Considering that Romes main source of grain was Egypt, it is unsurprising
that the Nile would be a common image in their artwork as well. An anthropomorphic
version of the Nile was often represented in statues, showing how important Rome
considered parts of Egypt to be (see Plate 1). In the famous Palestrina mosaic, the Nile is
a central point (see Plate 2). The Nile was so important in Egyptian culture that in the
Isiac cult sacred water rituals were utilized to represent the Nile, which must have
seemed exotic and quite Egyptian to onlookers.4
Among these numerous examples of Egyptian popularity are coins; on the denarii
of Julia Domna, there is an image of Isis suckling the infant Horus (see Plate 3).5 Isiac
symbols such as the lotus flower were even used as control-marks on coins in the Late
Republic.6 In these examples and many more, it is clear that the Egyptian culture held an
attraction to the Roman people, and therefore contributed to the popularity and
acceptance of the Isiac cult into everyday life. The roots of the Isiac cult were Egyptian,
and unlike the cult of the Magna Mater, Isis cult was not Romanized.7 The Egyptian
motifs, practices, and themes stayed in the cult as one of its defining factors, and most

likely one of its biggest attractions. Considering that, as shown in Apuleius The Golden
Ass, processions and celebrations of the goddess could be seen out in the open involving
members dressed in Egyptian garb and practicing Egyptian rituals and rites, the foreign
aspect of the Isiac cult was well-advertised.8 The yearly procession in the port city to
bless sea-faring trade, called the Voyage of Isis or the Navigium (which is discussed in
The Golden Ass) was a celebration involving all Romans, not just those dedicated to Isis,
and served to spark interest in the Roman people who participated and observed.9
A large part of how Roman peoples were able to familiarize themselves with the
idea of Isis and her cult was through identifying her with other similar goddesses.10 As
previously mentioned, Herodotus likened her to the Greek goddess Demeter (see Plate 4).
Other sources equated her with Venus and Ceres, and even Diana. Apuleius says that Isis
is one of infinitely many names.11 In The Golden Ass, Isis herself says to Lucius:
The first-born Phrygians call me Mother of the Gods at Pessinus; the indigenous
Athenians, Minerva, daughter of Cecrops; the wave-washed Cypriots, Venus of
Paphos; the archers of Crete, Dictynna Diana; the trilingual Sicilians, Stygian
Proserpina; the Eleusinians, the most ancient goddess Ceres; different peoples
call me Juno, or Bellona, or Hecate, or Rhamnusia; those warmed by the first
rays of the rising god of the sun, the Ethiopians, Arians, and Egyptians, steeped
in their ancient language, worship me with my own rites and call me by my real
name: Queen Isis.12

This excerpt from one of the only Roman sources which discusses the cult of Isis in any
extensive detail advertises the Isiac cult as worshipping the real name of a popular
goddess. Whether The Golden Ass was written with the intention of promoting the Isaic
cult or poking fun at it is hard to know for sure, but it is undeniably one of the most
important resources for understanding the cult of Isis and their practices in the Roman
Empire.

The Idea of Status Inconsistency

An interest in Egyptian culture and a familiarity with the goddess, however,
would not be enough to draw both the upper and lower classes of the Roman Empire to
the cult of Isis. A term coined by Wayne A. Meeks has the potential to explain the
seemingly random popularity that all cults, not just the cult of Isis, experienced within the
Roman Empire; Meeks claims that the idea of status inconsistency, created originally
by sociologists, influenced the popularity of these cults, and was also a common factor
among many of the initiates. Status inconsistency is the condition of holding a certain
class or position within a society (whether through wealth, rank, sex, age, etc.), but being
treated or perceived by others as holding a different position.13 This applied to both
persons in the upper and lower classes of Rome; for example, a senator who despite his
elite rank was disrespected, or a freedman who was in charge of many important jobs but
was treated poorly because of his echelon. Psychologically this ambiguous position in
society could cause one to feel confusion or discomfort. A separate, smaller group like a
cult, however, could give these individuals a chance to remove themselves from society
and find their place in an enclosed community setting. Often positions in society held
little or no sway within the cult, and therefore it would give these persons a clean slate
in which to find their own niche. In this theory, the discomfort of being an ambiguous
person in society leads to seeking comfort in religion. Meeks argues that by joining a cult
one was seeking camaraderie due to the lack of acceptance outside of the cult.14 Beard et
al. also discuss the community setting which most cults possessed, and which was one of
their most appealing features.15 Once settled in a cult, these originally interstitial
individuals would have a position in a group with which to measure themselves. As

Meeks notes, [m]ost individuals tend to measure themselves by the standards of some
group that is very important to them their reference group, whether or not they belong
to it rather than by the standards of the whole society.16 In this case, the cult of Isis
would become their reference group.
Beard et al., however, warn about historians projecting their personal feelings and
beliefs which seem altogether absent from most areas of Roman religion into their
cultural studies. This false practice is based on the assumption that Roman religion is a
relatively familiar set of institutions, obeying roughly the same rules and fulfilling the
same human needs as our own, which is not necessarily the case.17 Roman religion and
the culture surrounding it could be entirely separate from modern religions, and the
modern needs for personal expression or beliefs could be a set of emic terms imposed
on a culture which no modern scholar has experienced. Scholarship is divided on this
issue. Beard et al. write, we must also resist the assumption that new, foreign cults
were necessarily particularly attractive to those who had little official role in the
traditional Roman civic cults.18 This contrasts with Meyers statement that cults proved
very popular among people seeking new and more satisfying religious experiences,
while Burkert takes a completely different route and emphasizes the need of salvation
which cults fulfilled in their initiates.19 Instead of separating these different suggestions
of the attractions which cult practices held for Romans, perhaps it is better to yoke them
together to conclude that there were many different ways in which cults attracted
members; it should not be assumed that a society experiences one uniform psychology,
and therefore each individual could have extremely different reasoning for their entry into
the mysteries.

The Attraction of Isis

Despite conflicting views on the attraction of cults, it is undeniable that the Isiac
cult and its motifs are found in abundance among the elite of the Roman class as well as
the lower class, and most notably in the lives and depictions of the emperors. The House
of Incarnation at Philae is an excellent example; on the exterior walls of the house,
Emperor Augustus offers a gift of myrrh to an Isiac shrine. Emperor Tiberius presents
various other gifts to Isis in the same depiction.20 The Iseum at Beventum contains an
obelisk on which is written Domitian living forever, possibly due to the fact that
Domitian either founded or restored this particular Iseum in 88 CE. On the same obelisk,
the emperor is depicted in Egyptian garments as pharaoh.21 Domitian was also
responsible for rebuilding the Iseum in the Campus Martius. On the base of a statue at
the Roman port city of Ostia reads, [t]o him Flavius Moschylus of senatorial rank, an
Isiac of this place, remembering his reverence and chastity, ordered in his will the statue
to be put up by his heirs, to an elegant patron who well deserved it.22 This statue and its
inscription contribute to the idea of senators and the aristocracy being involved in support
of the Isiac cult. However, it was quite rare for senators to be involved publicly in any
cult practices; in fact, the only two senators definitely attested to as cult members
between the Republic and fourth century AD in Roman sources were two from Rome and
Ostia, and both were members of the cult of Isis.23 In addition to attracting the attention
of senators, the Isiac cult contributed to the imperial cult of the empire. In The Golden
Ass one of the scribes in the cult of Isis recites prayers for the emperor, senate,
equestrians, and the people of the Roman Empire.24 This religious aspect of respecting

and serving the emperor was common (and often required) throughout the Roman world,
and the Isiac cult was no exception.25 By adding the aspect of emperor worship to the
duties of the Isiac cult it is possible that participation in the cult of Isis could be seen as
more acceptable, especially from the emperors viewpoint. Possibly, this would have
given more leeway to the elite who wished to worship Isis, but still remain in good
standing with their peers and the emperor.
But why would the aristocracy, much less the emperors, be interested in a cult
which was separate from the state Roman religion? An interest in any cult practices wellknown among the Roman people would give an emperor or senator somewhat more
support than he originally possessed. Among the most popular cults was the mysteries of
Isis; erecting statues and inscriptions, appearing in cult depictions, supporting the
construction of Iseums and shrines, and participating in popular (and public) cult
activities would act as propaganda for the person involved. (However, this propaganda
and involvement with the Isiac cult was not always favorable; as shown in several Roman
graffiti26 the Isiac cult could also be commonly associated with sexual deviancy among
other unsavory things.) To be involved in and to be known by the masses is exactly what
one in the upper class of Rome needed to excel in their political career. Alternatively,
connecting the imperial family to the goddess and her kin was also a way to garner
recognition and attention throughout the empire; Caligula is an example of this; by
modeling himself as Osiris and his sister-wife Drusilla as Isis, it is possible that he was
able to partially excuse his incestuous relationship and instead present himself and the
royal family as embodying the power of these two important and well-known deities,
similar to what pharaohs had practiced in Egypt. According to Robert J. Wenke, [t]he

Egyptians may have seen royal incest in terms of a parallel to the incestuous divine
marriages they ascribed to various gods and goddesses; in this instance, this would have
been the marriage between Isis and Osiris.27
Caligula was not the only emperor linked to Isis. Augustus himself is responsible
for erecting the obelisk which stands in Piazza del Popolo today (in 23 CE), while the
other four main obelisks around the modern city of Rome were taken from the Iseum
Campense.28 Earlier, in the year 48 BCE, Augustus (as Octavian) decreed that a new
temple should be built for Sarapis and Isis, possibly as a play for popularity among the
Roman people.29 This could have been a personal preference of Augustus, or it could
have also been an action to try and appease other powerful people who had problems
with this particular cult). As mentioned, Caligula was one of the emperors most
supportive of the Isiac cult; this could have been because he wanted to identify himself
and his actions with the god-king pharaonic tradition of Egyptian rule. Caligula not only
modeled himself as a living god and fostered the cult of the emperor, but also likened his
marriage with his own sister, Drusilla, to that of Osiris marrying his sister, Isis. By
drawing parallels between himself and a well-known deity couple, he could have
appeared to be acting in a god-like manner. Caligula also erected a Palace of Isis on the
Palatine, and was the first to give the Isiac cult state recognition.30 Hadrians Villa is
another of the best examples of Egyptian motif, and contains an abundance of frescoes,
decorations, and even statues of Isis priestesses. Commodus himself took part in many
Isiac processions, and even had himself shaved to model the pastophori.31 Other
emperors such as Vespasian, Trajan, Antoninus Pius, and more can all be linked to Isis in
depictions or their actions for the support of the cult.

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Another great indicator of the cults presence and popularity in the Roman Empire is the
existence of the Iseum in the Campus Martius, or the Iseum Campense (see Plate 5). The
Campus Martius in antiquity was an area of publicly-owned land which was found
outside the pomerium until the Augustan period, when the area became part of the city of
Rome.32 It includes other monuments such as the Pantheon, the Ara Pacis, the Baths of
Agrippa, and the Theater Marcellus. The Campus Martius became a central part of the
Roman city and held essentially some of the most important works of ancient Rome. For
an Iseum to be included among such other Roman buildings is one of the best examples
of the cults popularity and importance to Roman culture. Under Tiberius, this temple
was destroyed due to a scandal involving the cult between a noblewoman and a knight
(named Mundus) who disguised himself as Anubis to sleep with her, as told by Josephus:
[Mundus servant] had an interview with some of the priests and promised them
every assurance, above all, a sum of money accounting to 25,000 drachmai
payable at once and as much more after the success of the plot The eldest of
them hastened to Paulinas house and, on being admitted, requested a private talk
with her. This being accorded, he said that he had been sent to her by the god
Anubis; the god had fallen in love with her and bade her to come to him
Mundus, for he had been concealed there beforehand, was not rebuffed when he
sought intercourse with her. Indeed it was a nightlong service that she performed
for him, assuming that he was the god.33

Eventually, however, under the reign of Caligula, the temple was restored. This Iseum
went through other different phases such as these, but ultimately was present throughout
the history of the Roman Empire. During the reign of Vespasian, the faade of the Iseum
was even present on the reverse side of sesterces (see Plate 6).34 The main access to the
Iseum Campense was through two monumental gates (one east and one west) which
opened onto a courtyard.35 Reliefs of priests and priestesses in a procession adorned the

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columns of the Iseum (see Plate 7). By just entering the temple one could have the
impression of walking into a separate world.36
This idea of a separate world could seem appealing to many Romans, but most likely
none so much as the lower class of Roman slaves and freedmen, who could potentially
use such a religion to escape from their daily lives. While the Roman state religion was
centered in the city of Rome itself, many cults offered an alternative to this culturallynarrowed point of view. The cult of Isis, with its abundance of Egyptian objects and
motifs, obviously used this focus on a land other than Rome as a selling point. As
mentioned before, many Romans were attracted to Egyptian styles and culture this
change in religious ideas of place could have attracted those who were unhappy with their
place in life or uncomfortable with their physical and psychological environment, which
once again leads us back to the idea of status inconsistency as a major influence in the
popularity of all cults, not just Isiac.37 In addition to this, while the spread of the Isiac
cult should not be termed a grassroots movement, the importance of the support of the
lower class is undeniable. While the poorer people of Rome did not have the means to
erect impressive temples or dedicate expensive statues, private Iseums and shrines were a
main part of this cult, and the extensiveness of the support from the lower class is what
allowed this cult to spread and fortify its presence within Rome and its empire.
The Isiac cults first followers came in the form of foreign slaves and residents of
port cities such as Ostia, especially the sailors involved in transporting cargo to and from
Rome. Isis identity as Savior of the Sea-farer or Lady of the Sea and her connection to
grain and harvest (most likely due to her cross-identification with Ceres) gave good
reason for sailors to worship her, as being a sailor was a dangerous profession and many

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probably thought, since they were transporting grain from Egypt to Rome, that Isis might
favor them and their labor.38 Several ships in the Roman fleet were named after Isis; one
in particular found in Ostia has the name Isis of Geminius inscribed on it.39 Geese,
which were a sacred animal to Isis, were sometimes painted onto the prow of ships.40 For
slaves, especially those brought from Egypt and its surrounding areas, the cult was filled
with familiarity to them. By being part of a community and participating in the worship
of a native deity to them, the cult of Isis was able to provide a comfort and security that
they otherwise would not experience among their new place in Rome. Beyond these
specific reasons, there are many general attractions to being in any cult that was present
in Rome.
The persona of Isis held a certain familiarity that appealed to many lower-class
Romans, despite originating in a land which was thought of as foreign and oriental.
Common personas of female deities included the mother-protector, the nurturer, and a
connection with agriculture and fertility. Isis fits into all of these; she was worshipped in
her cult as a protector of sailors, a nurturing mother to Horus and loyal sister-wife to
Osiris, and her connection with agriculture and life stems from her role as a harvest
goddess in the later period of Egyptian religion.41 An inscription at the sanctuary of Isis
at Kyme reads:
I am the wife and sister of King Osiris. I am she who invented crops for humans.
I am the mother of King Horus I invented fishing and seafaring I coupled
woman and man. I arranged that women should bring babies to the light after
nine months I am mistress of the rivers, winds, and sea I am mistress of
seamanship. I make the navigable unnavigable whenever I decide. 42

This aretalogy describes not only her virtues as a mother, lover, and harvest deity, but
also shows an aspect of her not depicted until Roman times as a mistress of the sea and

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sailing. With these in mind, it is not hard to see why Romans equated her with Ceres,
Venus, Minerva, and other widely-worshipped and well-known female deities. As written
by Turcan, Isis, in fact, was the embodiment of various aspects of divine femininity that
were familiar to the Romans in the imagery of their family household shrines (lararia).43
In addition to Isis familiarity, many popular cults in Rome were not seen as being
entirely separate from Roman religion. Cult practices still included worship, ritual (both
public and private), priests, mythology, and a demand for participation of its members.
The main reason cults were tolerated in the Roman Empire was because Roman religion
was polytheistic; in most instances the presence of other deities being worshipped did not
threaten the worship of the Roman pantheon, and vice versa.44 However, there were
significant differences between the state religion and cults which made cultic practices
seem more fulfilling to some. While state religion in Rome addressed the masses, the
smaller following of a cult could appeal to the individual. Cults also represented a
chance to individually appear to deity, rather than to only give worship, praise, and make
requests as part of a group or social unit. An example of this can be seen in The Golden
Ass; Lucius is able to speak directly to Isis herself in his times of need. In fact, the main
initiation rites are dependant upon when Isis contacts the person to be initiated. For [the
priest] explained that not only was the date of each persons initiation determined by the
will of the goddess, but also the priest who was to celebrate the ritual was chosen by her
foresight.45 This personal aspect of cult undoubtedly was a strong pull for many who
felt disconnected from the state religion. Also, by joining a cult, one could feel like they
were taking more control over their lives by establishing an individual religious
connection with a deity; this was appealing to those from the lower class who were often

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found in undesirable circumstances or, as mentioned earlier, experiencing status

inconsistency.46 Meyer argues that much of the attraction of the cults were how those not
represented in Roman religion were able to take an active role in the cult practice and
ritual, including individual initiation rites.47
In the Isiac cult specifically, the notion of death and conditions in the afterlife an
idea central to all parts of Egyptian religion was a strong pull to those outside the cult.
Initiates into mystery cults were often drawn in by the promise of secret knowledge, the
lasting favor of the cults deity (even after death), and other perceived benefits that being
in a cult would bring, such as the promise of an afterlife or even the possibility of sexual
deviancy.48 Beard et al. mention that a strong emphasis is placed on prolonging ones
original life and then finding Isis in the afterlife.49 The idea of orgies or sexual rites was
linked with cult activities in the minds of many Romans; the Bacchanalia cult was
publicly ridiculed and outlawed based on claims of sexual deviancy, among others, and it
was well known that much of Egypts imagery and symbolism was phallic in nature.50
An excerpt from The Golden Ass displays all of the promises Isis gives to Lucius: You
shall live a blessed life, you shall live under my protection a life of glory, and when you
have reached the end of your time and go down to the underworld, there too you will
often worship me (who will be favorable to you).51 Beard et al. also seem to agree with
Burkert and argue that some cults were popular because of the emphasis placed on
written religious texts which official state religion lacked. They cite Apuleius mention of
the Isiac cults sacred books as an example of this: [the priest] produced from the secret
recesses of the shrine certain books written in unknown characters.52 Whatever draw the
cult of Isis exerted on the Romans must have been strong, for the initiation rites into this

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cult were expensive, time-consuming, and required self-control for the initiate. This
along with the ridicule that could be expected from joining a cult53 was a heavy price to
pay.54 While this cost probably discouraged some, it just serves to emphasize how
popular this cult was even though it required such sacrifices. Those who could not afford
initiation were not lost to the goddess, however; Isis still remained in many prayers and
celebrations of the uninitiated, attesting to her popularity throughout Rome as both a cult
figure and a respected foreign deity.
Finally, the Isiac cult attracted many women members and much attention from the
female half of the Roman Empire. While the Isiac cult was still a male-dominated
religious group, it is clear from both depictions and written works that women were
actively involved in the Isiac cult more so than many of the other cults which inhabited
Rome. In a pair of frescoes found at Herculaneum, both women and men are involved in
an Isiac ceremony (see Plate 8). In his Satires, Juvenal goes as far as to mock the women
involved in the Isiac cult, implying that there were huge numbers of female initiates.55 A
woman friend of the poet Tibullus is said to have let her hair down and sung praises to
Isis within the cult.56 For women to have such an active role in religion was strikingly
different from the state religion, where everything outside of the Vestal Virgins (who
were still led by the male Pontifex Maximus) was masculine. Women perhaps were even
more attracted to joining the cult of Isis than men of the lower class were for nearly the
same reasons: to gain control over their lives, to establish a personal connection with the
goddess, to lessen the confusion of status inconsistency, and specifically for women, to
have an active role in their own religion. According to Beard et al., it was possible that
the Vestals sacred status was due in part to the positions ambiguity; they served as

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matrons and virgins, but also had some of the duties and rights of men.57 It is not too
difficult to see the attractions that a positions such as theirs had power, influence,
participation in religion, and respect all to a higher degree than what most Roman women
were used to having. The Isiac cult offered women a comparable opportunity.

Concluding Statements
Isis as a deity was both familiar and separate from Roman cultural ideas; she was
nurturing, motherly, and associated with love and agriculture, while also hailing from the
Egyptian culture which fascinated Romans and representing an individual opportunity to
connect with the gods. It experienced popularity among the rich and the poor, including
women, slaves, freedmen, sailors, senators, and even emperors. As discussed, the
immense popularity that this cult experienced during the reign of the Roman Empire is
due to not only its widespread appeal, but also to those experiencing status inconsistency,
Isis cross-identification with other popular goddesses, the cults presence in everyday
activities and places of the Roman world, and the promise of an individual connection
and some degree of control to those participating in the cult. With the benefits unique to
the Isiac cult such as the popular idea of being favored in the afterlife and the Egyptian
motifs which appealed to nearly all Romans, it is no wonder that the cult of Isis
experienced a great popularity among the empire and a significant place in the lives of all
Romans, whether initiated or not.

17

Plate 158

Plate 360

Plate 663

Plate 2 59

Plate 461

Plate 562

Plate 764

18

Plate 865

1 Reginald E Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971), 70.
2 Walter Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 70.
3 Marvin W. Meyer, The Ancient Mysteries: a Sourcebook (San Francisco, 1987), 160.
4 Robert A. Wild, Water in the Cultic Worship of Isis and Sarapis (Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 1981), 3.
5 Robert Turcan, Les cultes orientaux dans le monde romain. Translated by Nevill Antonia (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1989), 93.
6 Sarolta A. Takcs, Isis and Sarapis in the Roman World (Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 1995), 34.
7 The cult of Magna Mater was quite similar to the Isiac cult in many respects: it centered around a female deity and held its
own festivals and celebrations; some (like the Navigium) were public. However, the greatest difference between the two is
that the cult of Magna Mater was integrated into the official state religion, which the Isiac cult did not experience save for
some of the festivals of Isis (such as the Navigium) which were added to the official Roman calendar. Beard, Mary, North,
John, and Simon Price, Religions of Rome, Vol. I A History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 250.
8 Apuleius. Metamorphoses. (The Golden Ass), XI 8.
9 Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World, 81.
10 The issue of syncretism in Rome has been discussed by many scholars. Beard et al. (Religions of Rome, Vol. I, 317,
339-48) suggest that by merging a foreign god with a Roman one it was more acceptable for a Roman citizen to worship the
deity in question. Syncretism, essentially, is a way in which to Romanize other religions. However, Witt argues that
merging Isis with other goddesses was a gradual process that resulted from a familiarity with these deities and finding
similarities between them and Isis, aided by prior syncretism of Isis into the Greek pantheon from Alexandrian times, (121123).
11 Apuleius, Metamorphoses, XI 5.
12 Apuleius, Metamorphoses, XI 5.
13 Meeks references the familia caesaris as an example of this phenomenon many freedmen working in the imperial
family held important jobs and power which was comparable to that of the elite of Roman society, though their technical
status was very low. Wayne Meeks, The First Urban Christians: The Social World of the Apostle Paul (New Haven: Yale
University Press, 1983), 22.
14 Meeks, The First Urban Christians, 191.
15 Beard et al., Religions of Rome, Vol. I, 287.
16 Meeks, The First Urban Christians, 53.
17 Beard et al., Religions of Rome, Vol. I, 49.
18 Beard et al., Religions of Rome, Vol. I, 247.
19 Meyer, The Ancient Mysteries, 3; Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults, 12.
20 Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World, 63.
21 Beard et al., Religions of Rome, Vol. I, 281.
22 ILS 6149; Vidman, Sylloge no.536. 12.4c in Beard, Mary, North, John, and Simon Price, Religions of Rome, Vol. II A
Sourcebook (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998).
23 Beard et al., Religions of Rome, Vol. I, 291-292.
24 Apuleius, Metamorphoses, XI 17.
25 References to the imperial cult can be found in many sources. Some notable ones can be found in Beard et al.
(Religions of Rome, Vol. II): 10.5a, 10.5b, and 6.7b. 10.5a and b are Roman records of dates of worship, specifically in
reference to the deification of Julius Caesar. 6.7b references the taurobolium (a ritual unique to the cult of Magna Mater)
which was performed on the instruction of the Mother of the Gods, for the well-being of the emperor.
26 I [sic!] Faustus [and] Oppius Rufus. I ask you, bugger me (Source 12.4f, Beard et al. Religions of Rome, Vol. II, 304).
This graffito among others was found in a house on the Aventine Hill in what was possibly a meeting place of an Isiac
confraternity.
27 Robert J Wenke, The Ancient Egyptian State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 273.
28 Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World, 87.
29 However, once in power, Augustus declared in 33 BCE that no Egyptian religious shrines or temples could be present
within the pomerium (Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World, 223).
30 Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World, 224.
31 Turcan, Les cultes orientaux dans le monde romain, 91.
32 Turcan, Les cultes orientaux dans le monde romain, 88.
33 Josephus, Flavius. Jewish Antiquities. Book 18.3.4 (65-80).

34 Turcan, Les cultes orientaux dans le monde romain, 91.

35 Filippo Coarelli, Il monumenti dei culti orientali in Roma, (1980) in Bianchi, Ugo and Maarten J. Vermaseren, La
soteriologia dei culti orientali nellimpero romano (Leiden: Brill Academic Publishers, 1982), 33-67.
36 Turcan, Les cultes orientaux dans le monde romain, 105.
37 Beard et al,. Religions of Rome, Vol. I, 278.
38 Turcan, Les cultes orientaux dans le monde romain, 84.
39 Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World, 71.
40 Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World, 70.
41 Meyer, The Ancient Mysteries, 157.
42 IG xii Supplement 14; Inschr. Kyme no.41 (12.4a in Religions of Rome, Vol. II).
43 Turcan, Les cultes orientaux dans le monde romain, 96.
44 In some cult practices, the deities worshipped and the actions of the cult itself was perceived as threatening to traditional
Roman religion. This is most notable in the Bacchanalia, Christian, and Jewish cults. The Bacchanalia cult attracted even
Romans in the upper class wealthy Romans who were potentially directing their money towards the cult instead of the
state religion. Christianity and Judaism were deemed threatening for a different reason; their practices specifically
condemned the worship of Roman gods. The Isiac cult, however, coexisted with the Roman gods and, while some members
of the cult were wealthy, animosity towards the Isiac cult was limited to deconstructing some temples and temporarily
outlawing the cult for brief periods of time (during which cult practice still continued).
45 Apuleius, The Golden Ass, XI 21.
46 Takcs, Isis and Sarapis in the Roman World, 31.
47 Meyer, The Ancient Mysteries, 3-11.
48 Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults, 75.
49 Beard et al., Religions of Rome, Vol. I, 290.
50 Burkert, Ancient Mystery Cults, 107.
51 Apuleius, The Golden Ass, XI 6.
52 Apuleius, The Golden Ass, XI 22.
53 See Beard et al. (Religions of Rome, Vol. II) sources 12.4d and 2.10b.
54 Superstitio was a Roman term coined to describe religious practices outside of the state religion. This included practices
such as making curse tablets and, as mentioned here, participating in cult practices. It was often used as a term to refer to
improper or non-Roman behavior (Beard et al., Religions of Rome, Vol. I, 217). The existence of this term alone shows
how many Romans negatively perceived anyone or anything that did not adhere to the traditional state religion.
55 Juvenal. Satires. (6.522-41)
56 Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World, 92.
57 Beard et al. Religions of Rome, Vol. I, 52.
58 Plate 1: Roman Statue of the River-god Nile. Musei Capitolini. Rome. From: Reginald E Witt, Isis in the GraecoRoman World (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971).
59 Plate 2: Detail of Palestrina Mosaic. From: British Archaeological Reports, The Dal Pozzo Copies of the Palestrina
Mosaic (Oxford: Oxford Publishing, 1976.)
60 Plate 3: Julia Domna Denarius. Isis, wearing polos on her head, standing right, left foot on prow, holding the infant
Horus. From: Wildwinds Collection and Numismatic Library, http://wildwinds.com/coins/ (accessed April 12, 2013).
61 Plate 4: Statue of Isis portrayed as Demeter, holding a piece of harvest. Second century C.E. Musei Capitolini, Rome.
From: Reginald E Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971).
62 Plate 5: Relief depicting the entrance of the Iseum Campense. From: Reginald E Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World
(Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971).
63 Plate 6: Vespasian AE Sestertius. 71 AD. S-C, tetrastyle temple of Isis with semicircular pediment. From: Reginald E
Witt, Isis in the Graeco-Roman World (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971).
64 Plate 7: Reliefs from Column A. Bosticco, Musei Capitolini. From: Robert Turcan, Les cultes orientaux dans le monde
romain. Translated by Nevill Antonia (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1989).
65 Plate 8: Isiac painting from Herculaneum. Naples, Museo nazionale, inv. No. 8924. From: Beard, Mary, North, John,
and Simon Price. Religions of Rome, Vol. II A Sourcebook. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998.