Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
1442-1526
Author(s): Iqtidar Alam Khan
Source: Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. 24, No. 2 (May,
1981), pp. 146-164
Published by: Brill
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3631993
Accessed: 22-09-2016 21:10 UTC
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Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol. XXIV, Part II
A.D. I442-1526
BY
The surviving evidence on the development of gunpowder technology in India prior to A.D. 15 z6 comprises stray statements in
the sources which can be subjected to divergent, sometimes even
contradictory, interpretations. A major part of this evidence, contained
tion into India of firearms proper, viz., cannon and musket, before
Mdlwa and Kashmir. But since much of the evidence about the use
I) Cf. my article, 'Origin and Development of Gunpowder Technology in India:
A.D. I2z0-I 15oo', The Indian Historical Review, Vol. IV, No. I, July 1977.
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regions nor able to identify the stages through which the tacti
of firearms was evolved in India down to A.D. 15 26 2).
tried to prove that artillery was present in the Delhi Sultanate from
Persian dictionaries compiled in India during the 15th century. However, the interpretations of both these authors often suffer from o
in the 13th and i4th century texts, they have attributed meaning
which were attached to them in the I 5th century. In other word
while interpreting the evidence derived from I3th and I4th century
"The Manufacture and Use of Firearms in India Between A.D. 145o and I85o
and "History of Fireworks in India Between A.D. I400 and I900oo, Studies in Indian
Cultural History, Vol. II, Poona, I960.
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wa'sh-Shujd'at,
Khazd'in
and
Tdrikh-i
Firuz parts.
Shdhi In
are examined
with
particular care.
This ul-Futk.h
discussion is
arranged
in three
the first two parts the notions that artillery was already known in the
Delhi Sultanate at the beginning of i3th century and that it came to be
M. Akram Makhdoomee has identified kashkdanjir, a weapon mentioned in Addb ul-Harb wa'sh Shuja'at (compiled by Fakhr-i Mudabbir
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This view, however, does not appear very convincing for a num
weapons associated with the new technique. For example the mean
time during the i4th and I5th centuries, it came to denote both na
distinct from naphta, came into vogue only during the 16th cent
the period A.D. 1457-64), the meanings of the term shfira (saltpe
are explained as follows:
nama-i Aemad-i Munyari And Its Author Ibrdhim-i Qawam Fdrzqi, Ph.D. Thesis,
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not have used for it a different and an altogether new term. Acco
and by the end of the 7th and beginning of 8th centuries A.H. it
citing of
a passage
from .Z.afar
zl-Wdlih
Bi MuZaffar
wa
history
Gujarat compiled
by 'Abdu'llah
Muhlammad
bin 'Umar
Alih, an Arabic
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Alih by 'Abdu'lldh
13)Cf.Cf.
Kha.zi'inul
Fuutfh,
edited
by Amir
SyedKhusraz7's
MoinulKhazainul
.Haq Aligarh,
14)
TheThe
Campaigns
of 'Ald'u'd-Din
Khili Being
IIagrat
Futfi, translated with notes by Muhammad Habib, Madras, 1936, p. 48.
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effect that they should resort to the use of royal manjaniq and raze the
Shihdb Hakim's evidence also indicates that the term maghribi continued
to be used for some kind of mangonel down to the second half of the
15 th century 15).
III
of the use of artillery in the 14th century A.D." also lacks substance.
As a matter of fact, most of the evidence relied upon by Ab-o Zafar
standing of the term and cannot, moreover, be relied upon for ascertain
ing the nature of the weapon to which it applied during the 14t
century. Possibly, Ydr Muhammad Khdn has been misled into ascribing
this statement to Barani on account of some confusion in his notes.
Ma'dsir-i Mahmfd Shabi, edited by Niru'l .Hasan Ansari, Delhi, 1968, pp. 38,
16) Compare, Islamic Culture, Vol. XII, No. 4, October 1938; Encyclopedia of
Islam, new edition, Vol. I, p. io69; G. N. Pant, Studies in Indian Weapons and Warfare,
I970, p. 5.
17) Cf. William Irvine, The Army of the Indian Mughals, reprint, New Delhi, p. 136.
This statement is cited by Irvine from Archibald Constable's translation of Bernier's
Travels published in A.D. 1891. See also second edition revised and edited by Vincent
Smith, published in A.D. 1916, p. 47 wherein the term Zatmbzrak has been eliminated
from the main body of the text but is mentioned in a footnote.
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the backbone (of the army)". The authority to which Firishta ref
as his source in this context is Mullh D'Nid Bedari who wrote his
sources are any guide, one may safely assume that his paraphras
of information from other books generally remains faithful to
original version in its broad outlines as well as specific details. Ther
is discernible a tendency on his part to occasionally meddle with th
original version only in two respects. Firstly, sometimes he replace
old technical, military and administrative terms by those curre
during his own time. Secondly, he at times adds his own interpretati
the passage mentioned above one should keep in mind these peculiarit
of Firishta's treatment of information borrowed from other works.
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(c) "The kdrkhdna-i dtishbdzi, which before this was not known
(shd'i na bid) among Muslims in Deccan, was made the backbone
one of Sultan Mahmfld Khalji's sons. See also Henry Yule and A. C. Burnell, HobsonJobson, new edition by William Crooke, reprint, Delhi, 1968, pp. 163, 475.
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wing of the army that specialised in the use of some kind of gunpo
kingdom. One might also guess that one of the gunpowder dev
acquired by the Bahmanis at this time could have been the tir-i ha
rather than a park of artillery. This term, which came into vogue o
22) 'Afif, Tarikh-i Firfzi Shabhi, edited by Maulavi Vilyat, Husain, Calcu
A.D. 1890, pp. 365-7.
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There are frequent references to the use of firearms (top -wa tufang)
Tabaqdt-i Akbari (completed in A.D. I594), Burhdn-i Ma'asir (completed in A.D. I594), Tdrikh-i Firisbta (completed in A.D. 1607) and
Mir'dt-i Sikandarz (completed in A.D. I6Ii or 1613). For the first
half of the I 5th century such references are confined to Tdrikh-i Firishta
found in all the four chronicles and relate to the Deccan, Gujardt,
Mdlwa and Kashmir and, what is of greater significance, they occasionally corroborate each other.
the L6di empire, cannon was familiar enough to have been depicted in a
presence of much artillery at Diu. (The Travels of Ludovico Di Varthema, p. 92). The
Portuguese chronicler, Fariay Souza maintains that several kings of the Deccan,
had "much better stored artillery than we that attacked them in A.D. 15o6". (Cited
from R. C. Majumdar's note, "The Use of Guns in Medieval India" in The Delhi
Sultanate, Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, A.D. i960, p. 461). The impression
given by the above two sources is confirmed by Durat Barbosa, who visited western
coast of India in A.D. 1515. (The Book of Duarte Barbosa, The Hakluyt Society,
Vol. 44, PP. 131-32).
26) Cf. Karl Khandalavala and Moti Chandra, An Illustrated Aranyaka Parvan
in the Asiatic Society of Bombay, Bombay, 1976, pp. 36, 49 and Figure o0: The Siege
of Dvdraka "The fort is represented by a simple rectangular structure with a wide
battlemented arch which probably represents the main bastion; on either side of
the arch a cannon is mounted." (I am grateful to my friend Mr Simon Digby, who
drew my attention to this valuable source.)
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in India during the first half of the 15th century, it is possible to cross
check with a contemporary source only in the case of one that pertains
tufak and not tufung. Secondly, it is revealed that the tube or barrel
with the notice in the same lughat on the word ghdyfik (Steingass: a
play-ball; a cannon ball). The texts of these two notices are as follows
tufak
"nay-i tir / nay-i narra khdl1
"They empty the tube of a tree trunk (or a culm of a reed?) and with that
(device) throw ball. It proceeds like an arrow".
Ghaidyfk
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namely Niz.mu'd-Din
Ahmad,
Sikandar
bin Manjhti.
Regarding
Sultan Muhammad
Shah Firishta
Bahmani'sand
campaign
in A.D.
1472-73, Firishta's evidence is confirmed by Burhdn-i Ma'asir (A.D.
1594), which is one of the earliest histories of the Muslim rule in the
Deccan.
28)and
Cf.Tdrikh-i
Niz.amu'd-Din
339-40
Firishta, Vol.Ahmad,
II, p. 25 I.
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The use of the term gola for the projectile thrown by the appliance
identified as ra'd, in order to distinguish it from sang (stone) used in a
manjaniq, is very significant. It tends to suggest that, towards the middle
of I 5th century, the term ra 'dapplied to a weapon qualitatively different
the siege of Machal in A.D. 1470. Mahmaid Gdwdn, who was present
in that expedition, records 30):
"The flood of the blood-shedding arrowheads and the lustre (ejb) of the sword
and roaring ra' d, having the effect of a thunderbolt, were showered (on the fort)
in such a manner that the battlements, niches, windows and porticos of that
lofty fort were razed to the ground"
p. 72.
cAll31)
Yazdi's
testimony
to the presence
of the Delhi
Ma'.sir-i
Mahmfd
Shahi, ofp. ra'ad-andjaan
56. Here itinistheofarmy
interest
to note
Sharfu'd-Din
way of ascertaining whether in A.D. 1398 the term ra'd had the same conn
that it appears to have acquired seventy years later.
3 2) RiyJzu'l-Insha, pp. 72-74.
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