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ROGERSANJEK1
Departmentof Anthropology
Queens College CUNY
Flushing, NY
I
The United States is in the midst of a great transition. In
less than one hundred years, Americans of African, Asian,
and Latin American ancestry will outnumber those of
European origin. According to one demographic projection, by 2080 the proportion of whites will fall from its
present 74% to 50%, and the rest of the U.S. population
will be 23% Latin American, 15% black, and 12% Asian
(Bouvier and Gardner 1986:27).2 The great transition
among America's children will arrive even sooner. By the
year 2035, only 49% of children under age 18 will be white
(O'Hare 1992:18).
The pace of multiracial change is faster on the nation's
coasts and in its cities than in its heartland and suburbs
(Frey 1995). New York City crossed the "majority minority" threshold in the early 1980s (Falc6n 1985), and by
1990 the city's white population stood at 43%, down from
52% in 1980. It is in New York's diverse, changing neighborhoods like Elmhurst-Corona in northwest Queens, the
subject of this paper, that clues about the future of us all
may first be glimpsed.
Elmhurst-Corona underwent its "majority minority"
transition in the 1970s. The neighborhood's white population fell from 98% in 1960 to 67% in 1970, 34% in 1980,
and 18% in 1990. Over these same decades, immigrant and
African American newcomers arrived in substantial
number, and by 1990 Elmhurst-Corona was 45% Latin
American, 26% Asian, and 10% black. Established residents of German, Irish, Polish, Italian, Jewish, and other
SANJEK
Jacobsenvisageddistrict-levelpoliticalpoweremerging
from "churches,PTA's, business associations,political
clubs, civic groups, [and] block ... associations." For a
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* DECEMBER2000
soughtout Lefrak'sroomyapartments.By 1975, the complex was two-thirdsblack, and Elmhurst-Corona'ssurroundingwhiteresidentshadnotedthe change.
When some whites saw black faces, however, they
made uninformedassumptions.In January1975, a rumor
thatLefrakCity "is being loaded with welfarecases"was
reportedat CommunityBoard4 whereno LefrakCity tenant, white or black, had yet been appointed.One CB4
leaderaverred,"Peoplehave moved out [of LefrakCity]
becauseof the badconditionsthere,due to welfaretenants.
As soon as landlordsbegin to rent to them, the buildings
deteriorateandwe will have anotherSouthBronx."
Representativesfrom the still mainlywhite LefrakCity
TenantsAssociationwere invited to CB4, wherethey insisted the problemwas not "welfarecases" (it turnedout
thatthe tinypercentageof these was smallerthanthefigure
for Queensoverall)but rathercuts in maintenanceandsecurity by Lefrak Management.The complex had been
overbuiltin relationto the rentalmarket,and Lefrakhad
hundredsof vacantapartments,a situationthathadpersisted ever sincethe complexopenedin 1962.
whitesbeganto meetblack
Slowly, as Elmhurst-Corona
Lefrak leaders, they also began to understandthat their
own neighborhood'sfate was inextricablylinkedto thatof
Lefrak City. By 1979, white Corona civic groups were
supportingthe now black-ledLefrakCity TenantAssociation in a rent strike, and CommunityBoard 4 and the
LCTAjoined forces againstQueenspoliticiansmaneuvering to move 2,600 Social Security Administrationjobs
fromLefrakCityto anotherQueensneighborhood.
In economic terms, Lefrak City's black populationin
1979 had a highermeanfamily income thanits whiteCorona neighbors.This would continue.In 1990, ElmhurstCorona'saveragehouseholdincomes by race were closer
to each otherthananywhereelse in Queens.Blacks stood
at slightlyover $35,000 and whites slightlyunderthatfigure; Asian incomes were $36,000 and Latin American
ones $33,000.
IV
Muchas whiteElmhurst-Corona
leadershadmisdefined
LefrakCity's growingblackpopulationas "welfarecases,"
they also misdefinedElmhurst-Corona's
immigrantnewcomersas "illegalaliens."Both misdefinitionsmaskedreal
issues-Lefrak' s overbuildingandmaintenancereductions
in the first instance,and a populationimplosionandovercrowdedschools andhousingin the second.In bothcases,
progressin facing these issues was made only aftermisdefinitions were revised, hysteria over newcomers subsided, and leadersbeganto redefineproblemsas ones affecting the "quality of life" of all Elmhurst-Corona
residents,whiteandblack,Americanandimmigrant,alike.
The phrase"illegalaliens"firstappearedin Community
Board4's minutesin 1971in connectionwiththe emerging
V
The prospectfor solutionsto housing and school problems, however,worsenedafterthe city's 1975 fiscal crisis,
which now eclipsed the Elmhurst-Corona
flare-upsover
new black andimmigrantneighbors.In 1975 Manhattan's
majorbankscut off creditto the city, andultimatebudgetaryandpolicy controlpassedfrompublicto privatehands.
Massivecuts in municipalservicesquicklyfollowed.
SANJEK
Our po-
lice aretryingto do theirjob, butdo not have enoughmanpower.... The sanitationpickupshave dwindledto one a
week in some sectionsandoverallourstreetsarefilthy.We
areinformedsome of the classes in ourschoolsareso large
thatteachersarehavingproblemsmaintainingcontrol."
The after-effectsof the 1975 fiscal crisis have defined
the content of neighborhoodpolitics for more than two
decades. These assaults on what Elmhurst-Coronaresidents call "qualityof life" have troubledwhites, blacks,
andimmigrantsalike.
Thephrase"qualityof life"resoundedin the community
board,civic association,and mayoraltown hall meetingsI
attendedduringthe 1980s and 1990s. The most succinct
definition I heard was offered at a 1993 CB4 meeting
wherea memberexplained:"Qualityof life-the problems
thatareimportantto us."Theseproblemsincludedcrowding on Elmhurst-Corona'ssubway lines, competitionfor
streetparkingas populationgrew andcommercialvehicles
were parked illegally, abandonmentof stolen cars on
neighborhoodstreets, increasingnumbersof illegal garment factories, streetside dumping of commercial and
householdgarbage,a noticeablerise in prostitution,and
placement of homeless families in local motels. But the
five "qualityof life" issues that matteredmost and provoked sustained civic action among Elmhurst-Corona
residentswere school crowding, lack of youthrecreation
facilities, housing code violations,drugsales, and dissatisfaction with police response.
VI
A sense of estrangementfrom "the city" and mayoral
civic activpower existed among white Elmhurst-Corona
ists by the 1980s. "We are stepchildren;Manhattanis the
favoredson.""MayorKoch andhis goddamhoodlumsare
againstCorona."These commentsat CommunityBoard4
meetingsreflectednot only continuingassaultson quality
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vast world of immigrantassociationsand houses of worship. Therewere scoresof Colombian,Dominican,Ecuadorian,and otherLatinAmericannationality-basedassociations in Queens, focused largely on home country
politics, sports, and culturalactivities. QueenswideChinese organizationsdrew Elmhurst-Corona
members,but
most of their activitiesoccurredelsewhere.Associational
lines dividedSouthAsian immigrantsby country,region,
language,andreligion,mirroringthe complexitiesof their
homelands;some of thesegroupsmet in Elmhurst-Corona,
but they drew upon a Queensor New York metropolitanarea membershipbase. Immigrantchurches,temples,and
mosqueswere well represented,but only the KoreanCentralPresbyterianChurchmadean impacton Elmhurst-Corona civic life when it began a Sunday afternoonstreet
cleanupin 1991. Echoingviews of many white residents,
one wardensaid of the new houses of worship,"Theyare
in Elmhurst, but not of it."
A few LatinAmericansandAsians didjoin civic associationsheadedby whites, but only in the mid-1980s did
two new organizationsthataddressedissues thatmattered
to immigrantresidentsbeginto stakeout places in the district-levelpoliticalfield.
In 1978 PuertoRico-bor HaydeeZambranamoved to
Elmhurstandsoon met otherLatinAmericanswho shared
her concernsaboutthe lack of social servicesfor Spanishspeakersand the need for a Latin Americanpresencein
Queens politics. In 1980 she formed CiudadanosConscientes de Queens (ConcernedCitizens of Queens), or
CCQ.Froma smallElmhurstoffice, she referredpeopleto
appropriategovernmentagencies, sometimes providing
advocacy and English translationherself. She also processed citizenshipapplicationswhichby 1984 totaled1,000
a year. By 1986 CCQ's volunteerand paid staff provided
counselingon entitlementeligibilityand vocationaltraining programs,held Englishclasses and seminarsfor business proprietors,andrana New YorkState-fundedhotline
to inform undocumentedimmigrantsof their rights. The
following yearCCQreceiveda federalgrantto processlegalizationapplications,and in 1989 it was fundedto run
citizenshipand Englishclasses for newly legalizedimmigrantsnow eligiblefor naturalization.
Zambranawas impatientwith the many nationalitybasedLatinAmericanorganizationsin Queensandfelt little of theirenergieswent to local issues. In 1986 she told
the Mayor'sCommissionon HispanicConcerns,"Mypriorityis to help the Hispaniccommunitybecomepartof the
Americanpoliticalprocess."She went aboutthis by registeringvoters,backingLatinAmericancandidatesfor Elmhurst-Corona'sdistrictschoolboard,andlobbyingthe boroughpresidentto appointmoreLatinAmericansto Queens
communityboards.In 1985 she joined CB4, and its Latin
Americanmembershipthatyeardoubledfromthreeto six.
SANJEK
IX
That same year the Korean AmericanAssociation of
Mid-Queenswas foundedby SungJinChunandSeungHa
Hong.Chun,a chemistandteacherin Korea,hadarrivedin
Elmhurstin 1970 and establisheda real estate business.
Hong immigratedin 1971, workedfor an Americanbaker,
and in 1984 boughta bakeryin Elmhurst.On the day his
bakeryopened,he receiveda $50 sanitationfine. Although
the law only requiredmerchantsto sweep their sidewalk
within one hourof opening,which he did, when he complainedaboutthe fine to a sanitationdepartmentsupervisor
he was told, "Youwantanother?"Hong decidedhe had to
createpersonalrelationshipswith local officials.
The two men beganby visitingKoreanbusinessowners
throughoutElmhurstandlisteningto theirproblems.Many
were alreadymembersof citywide associationsof Korean
greengrocers,dry cleaners,or othertypes of business,but
they understoodthe need for a new local Koreanorganization as well. Chunalso met with Elmhurst-Corona's
police
precinctcommanderafteran incidentof allegedpolicebrutality involving a Koreantaxi driver.This opened a dialogue thatcontinued;when Koreantranslationwas needed
by the police or problemsinvolving Koreansarose, the
commandingofficerwouldcall SeungHa Hong.
Chun and Hong also established personal ties with
whites active in Elmhurstcivic politics,becameElmhurst
Lions, andparticipatedin ChristmastreelightingandMemorialDay rituals.One of their Mid-Queensassociation
members,a Koreanwomanwhose long-practicedEnglish
was betterthanthat of most Koreanimmigrants,was appointedto CommunityBoard 4. Linkageswere also createdwith AfricanAmericanwardensat LefrakCity. Chun
and Hong continued to provide leadershipto the MidQueens Association,which during 1996 registered2,000
Koreanvoters.
X
The arrivalof new LatinAmericanandAsian members
on CommunityBoard4 in the mid-1980scoincidedwith a
shift frommale to female leadership.In 1985 Rose Renda
Rothschild,an Italian American woman long active in
PTA work and a CB4 member since 1977, was elected
chairperson;the following year she became districtmanager. Previouslyshe had headedthe healthcommitteeon
which nearlyall the board'sfemale membersserved.This
position had also introducedher to city agency staff and
programs throughout Elmhurst-Corona,and to many
blacks,LatinAmericans,and Asians who lived or worked
in the neighborhood.
Underthe male chairpersonwho precededRothschild,
relations between CB4 and the community's African
Americanresidentswere minimal.The several thousand
blackvotersin the Lefrakarea,however,wereapproaching
767
Elmhurst-Corona's
declining white electoratein size and
had already formed an importantconstituencyfor Corona's African American state assembly memberHelen
Marshall.In 1987, Marshallput Rothschildon the agenda
of herown LefrakCitytownhall meeting,providingRothschildher firstlargeblackaudience.The two womencontinued to work closely, and when Rothschildreceived a
Democraticclub awardin 1995, it was Marshall,now a
city council member,who introducedher to the several
hundredQueenspartyfaithfulattendingthe event.
In 1985 EdnaBaskin,an AfricanAmericanLefrakCity
residentanda tenantassociationmember,beganattending
CB4 meetings.She was frustratedthatno LCTA channel
to the communityboard existed and reportedwhat she
learnedat CB4 to residentsof her building,includingparents of childrenshe babysatin her home-baseddaycare
business.
Then,in fall 1986,a crisisbeganmountingat the Lefrak
Citybranchlibrary.Manychildrencamethereafterschool,
and as the weathergrew colder their numbersincreased.
The librarianswereunableto providesupervision,anda librarysecurityguardwas dispatchedto assistthem.Earlyin
1987 the libraryannouncedthat the guardwould be discontinued.HelmaGoldmark,a white Lefrakarearesident
and CB4 member,was concernedaboutboth young and
elderlyusersof the libraryandrequestedthatthe guardremain.
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D
XI
Throughout Elmhurst-Corona,whites were forming
personalrelationshipswiththeirnew neighbors.In mostof
the areathese neighborswereLatinAmericanor Asian.A
not untypicalexample of these new ties was one retired
white woman who tutored two Korean and two Argentinian-PuertoRican childrenwho lived on her apartmentbuildingfloor, andtook themto the library,bowling,
and movies. In exchange,her female PuertoRican neighbor often cooked for her, andher Koreanfemale neighbor
did hernails.
Whites also encounteredneighborhoodnewcomers at
seniorcentersandin theirchurches.Two historicallywhite
Protestant churches disbanded as their congregations
shrank,but a dozen otherssurvivedby welcoming Latin
Americans,Asians,andblacks.A Presbyterianchurchpastored by a conservativeGermanAmericanministerwas
the most raciallydiversesettingI encounteredin ElmhurstCorona,with active white American,Indonesian,Filipino,
Cuban,Mexican,African,black American,and Indo- and
members.RomanCatholicchurcheshada
Afro-Caribbean
large infusion of Latin American parishioners,but the
creationof Spanish-languagemasses and other activities
frequentlyprovokedconflict.To overcomethisat St. Leo's
Churchin Corona,a pre-EasterStationsof the Crossprocession throughthe neighborhood,long dormant,was revived in 1986, with readingsand choralresponsealternatively in English,Italian,andSpanish.
Black-whiteinteraction,or black-immigrant
interaction
for that matter,was constrainedby the patternof residential segregation.Many whites, however, did have cordial
workplacerelationshipswith African Americans.Moreover, both the CoronaDemocraticpartyand the growing
numberof black communityboard membersreinforced
ties amongwhite andblackElmhurst-Corona
wardens.By
1993 eight black members comprisednearly a fifth of
CB4's membership,and several of them served on the
board'sexecutivecommittee.
Elmhurst-Corona
whites also foundthatmany of those
their
thwarting
qualityof life were white. These included
Manhattan"permanent
government"realestateandcorporate interests(Newfield and DuBrul 1977) who received
tax abatementsand exemptions,white police who lived
outside the city and expressed contempt for ElmhurstCorona,white businessmenwho ceaselessly encroached
on residentially zoned property, and white southwest
Queensschool boardmembersmoreinterestedin controlling districtoffice jobs and opposing curriculumreform
than in school crowding in Elmhurst-Corona.
The three
schools finally builtin the 1990s came not with help from
At no one's requestand by no one's design, ElmhurstCoronawas transformedfrom a solidly white neighborhood in 1960 to "perhapsthe most ethnicallymixed communityin the world"by the 1990s. The United States is
still at the early stages of a similar "majorityminority"
transition.Its arrivalon a nationalscale in the next century
will not repeat the story I have recounted,nor will the
manylocal transitionsfromnow to thenfollow any single
script.Still, if ourgoal as citizensandneighborsis "anintegratedbody politic in which all perspectivesare represented,andin which all peopleworktogetherto find common ground"(Guinier1994:6),we may ask what lessons
can be drawnfromthe Elmhurst-Corona
experience.Here
I wish to stressthree:listen to women (they listen to each
other),governmentmatters,andbe color-fullbeforecolor
blind.
Earlyin my fieldwork,a white wardencomparedElmhurstduringthe 1930s with his contemporaryneighborhood.
In those days ... only the rich had telephones.We had no
telephone,andyet I couldn'tdo anythingandget home before
my motherknew aboutit, andmet me on the way in the door
with a smack. So my father called it the "mothers' union"-all the motherswere plugged into the clothesline,he
said. Well, the world hasn'tchanged.The school bus for the
primaryschool stops in front of my house. One morning a
yearago, the kids were all lined up, anda motherwas coming
down the block, a new Americanfrom Korea,with a kid late
for the bus.... And a little [Indian]boy on the end of the
line-you could see this little lawyer's mind at work-he
peels off and heads for home becausehe's got a good idea.
His motherwasn't there,she didn't come with him; he's going home. So the Koreanmotherpacksherkid on the bus, and
then she steps over and says to this little boy who's going up
the road,"Whereyou go?"He says, "Home,I'm sick, I've got
a cold."She openshis mouth,looks in, andsays, "No sick. On
bus." He goes on the bus, and I said to myself the mothers'
unionis alive andworking.... The fatherscan bitchandbelly
all they want,butthe mothersaregoing to makesurethatit all
worksout.
In the 1980s women began moving into ElmhurstCorona's district-levelpolitical field and unblockingthe
channelsbetweenwhites,immigrants,andblacks.As Gans
observes, "In communities where similarity of backgrounds ... is scarce, collective action requires a sizeable
amount of interpersonalnegotiationand compromiseand [also] leaderswho can applypersonalskills thatpersuade people to ignore their differences"(1988:111). It
was women more thanmen who suppliedthis leadership,
and we should be preparedfor more female leadership
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transitionuneverywhereas America'smajority-minority
folds.
Why was it women more than men who formeda network of cross-racialties in Elmhurst-Corona?
Chodorow
would
trace
these
to
socialization
thatin(1974)
patterns
into
a
of
world
women
characterized
corporatesdaughters
identificationand"connectionto otherpeoby "relational"
ple," while sons exit this worldto adoptmale rolesemphasizing "positional"identificationand individualachievement. Consequently,as Tannenobserves,women's ways
of talkingare more likely to stress "a communityof connection,"while men's talkoperates"topreservetheirindependencein a hierarchicalworld"(1990:227). Further,as
Kaplan posits, "the gender system of their society ... as-
769
Individualwhites,blacks,andimmigrantsindeedchose to
buttheydid so
stayin, move to, or leaveElmhurst-Corona,
in responseto shiftingjob opportunities,federalhighway
and housing programs,suburbanzoning restrictions,inconsistentfair-housinglaw enforcement,andchangingimmigrationpolicies-all theresultof governmentactions.
As neighborhoodNew Yorkers,they enduredassaults
on qualityof life resultingfromthe 1975 fiscal crisis and
zoncontinuingmayoralbudgetcuts.In Elmhurst-Corona,
and
diminished
enforcement
ing regulations
housing-code
definedneighborhoodrealitiesfor all residentsand set the
stage for strugglesto changethem. Individualsinnovated
new alliances and forms of organization,but this took
place within "citytrenches"(Katznelson1981) shapedby
communityboards,districtcabinets,andschoolboards.
conservativesmaintain
Contemporaryanti-government
thatdecliningqualityof life in neighborhoodNew Yorkis
inevitable.They expectthosewho can to practice"choice"
and move away, and those who cannotto "trustthe market" and "displaya healthy respect for the naturaleconomic developmentof the city" (Salins 1993:168, 171).
Elmhurst-Corona
civic activistshad theirown ideas about
whatwas "natural."
Theydid not acceptthis faithin "market" solutions to inappropriatezoning, unsafe housing,
overcrowdedschools,andunresponsivepolice. Theirlocal
efforts resultedin new schools, downzoning,a returnof
"copson the beat"in the mid-1980s,andrestorationof police numbersto 1975 levels after1990.
Withouta communityboardtherewould have been no
public forumat which white, black,LatinAmerican,and
Asian leadershada placeto interact.Eachracialandethnic
wouldhaveconfrontedmayoral
groupin Elmhurst-Corona
and permanentgovernmentpower directly, without the
power of numbersand lubricatoryexpertise(Leeds 1994;
Sanjek 1998:12-13) that CB4 made possible. The board
was pivotal to the still-ongoingcreationin this diverse
neighborhoodof what Bailey calls a political "community."He explainsthatmembersof a politicalcommunity
create"acommonculture[and]conceive of themselvesas
an entity... rangedagainsta... worldoutside."Thosebeyond the community"arelikely to be judged in an instrumentalfashion,not 'in the round.'They arenot [interacted
withas] humanbeingsto the sameextentas thoseof us who
belongwithinthe community"(Bailey 1971:7, 13-15, 24).
in the 1980s and 1990s was not a poElmhurst-Corona
litical communityin any completesense, but probablyno
urbandistrictever is. For many of its wardens,however,
lines of race and ethnicity had become crossable. CB4
membersknew each otherby name,embracedat meetings,
and were in a position to see beyond stereotypes of
and"outer-borough
whiteethnics."
"blacks,"
"immigrants,"
In Elmhurst-Coronathe intoleranttendencies of the
1970s were reversedas civic politicsacquirednew leaders
and more diverseparticipants.This occurredwithin what
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Notes
Acknowledgments. This paper distills argumentsand ethnographic materialspresented more fully in Sanjek (1998).
Earlierversions were presented at the Russell Sage Foundation; the EasternSociological Society; the University of Arizona; the University of Colorado, Boulder; Queens College,
City University of New York; the State University of New
York, Albany; National Tsing Hua University, Taiwan; the
University of Hawaii, Manoa; the University of California,
Los Angeles; the University of California, San Diego; Bryn
Mawr College; and the University of Massachusetts,Boston.
For comments and discussion I thank,among others,Richard
Alba, Ellen Basso, Charles Briggs, KarenBrodkin,Alessandra Casella, Chen Hsiang-shui, Paule Cruz Takash, Richard
Davis, Nancy Denton, Mimi Doi, Reynolds Farley, Geoffrey
Fox, MarilynFrankenstein,Josh Freeman,Fred Gamst,Alan
Harwood,VictoriaHattam,Helen Henderson,JaneHill, Lane
Hirabayashi,Evelyn Hu-DeHart, Tarri Hum, Yuji Ichioka,
Aurora Jackson, Robert Jarvenpa,Orna and Allen Johnson,
MadhulikaKhandelwal,Peter Kiang, Bill Kornblum,David
Karen,CarolKramer,Paul Kroskrity,SherryLin, JohnLogan,
Nancy Lopez, Peter Manicas, Len Markowitz, Gregory
Maskarinec,Dennis McGilvray, Robert Merton, Ruth Messenger,Eileen Moran,StephenMrozowski,PremillaNadasen,
Don Nakanishi,LisandroPerez, Gene Ogan, Ana Ortiz,Mary
Osirim, George Pahomov, Kyeyoung Park, Jane Rhodes,
RubenRumbaut,Leland Saito, Dean Savage, Don Scott, Paul
Shankman,Tim Sieber, Joan Silk, Charles Smith, Rajini Srikanth, Steven Steinberg, Mariko Tamanoi, Jyotsna Uppal,
Eric Wanner,EdwinaWelch, James Wilkerson,Kit Woolard,
Wu Hong, JudithZeitlin,WalterZenner,and many studentsat
the aforementionedinstitutions.
1. Please address correspondenceto: Roger Sanjek, 320
RiversideDrive#3G, New York,NY 10025-4115,or rsanjek@
earthlink.net.
2. A 1996 Census Bureau study projects that whites will
constitutejust 53% of the U.S. populationin 2050 (New York
TimesMarch 14, 1996). "LatinAmerican,"my translationof
latinoamericano,commonly used in New York's Spanish-language press and othercontexts as an umbrellatermfor all immigrantsor U.S. citizens tracingorigins to Spanish-speaking
Caribbeanand South and CentralAmericancountries,including PuertoRico, is used in this paperas a more neutral,inclusive label than Hispanic or Latino, each of which carriespolitically meaningful connotations I have no need here to
embrace.
3. Anthropologistsenvision any political "field"they study
as a set of linked "arenas"in which ongoing political events
SANJEK /
may be observed;the field also extends beyond these immediate "enclaves of action"to include "encapsulating"structures
of power at larger-scalelevels; see Swartz (1968). As Turner
phrasesit, 'The arenais a scene for the makingof a decision....
The field [is] the totalityof coexisting entities,... channelsof
communication,[and]ideological views aboutthe desirability
or undesirabilityof the extant stratification[of power. Anthropologists] are interested in ... concatenationsof... events,
relationships,[and]groups ... which bringactorsinto field relationships with one another and form nodes of intersection
between [arenasand] fields" (1974:102, 126-41).
4. For overviews of housing discriminationsee Massey and
Denton (1993); Yinger (1995).
5. Some 2.1 million undocumented immigrants nationwide, and 188,000 in New York City, were in fact counted in
the 1980 U.S. Census;careful subsequentestimatesplaced the
total numbersat no greater that 3.5 million and 375,000. In
1974 the INS commissioner pronouncedthat there were 4 to
12 million "illegal immigrants"in the United States, and two
years later PresidentGeraldFord put the figure at 6 to 8 million; moreover, in 1975 New York City Congressmember
Mario Biaggi told CommunityBoard 4 that the INS commissioner's "privateestimate"was 40 million. In 1974 the New
York INS estimated"morethan a million" in the city, and in
1979 the Koch administrationoffered its "conservativeestimate"of 750,000 to a million (Sanjek 1998:74).
6. Bailey locates "parapolitical"activity in the "lesserarenas ... those which are partly regulatedby, and partly independentof, large encapsulatingpolitical structures;and which
... fight battleswith these largerstructuresin a way which ...
seldom ends in victory, rarely in dramaticdefeat, but usually
in a long drawnstalemateand defeat by attrition"(1968:281).
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