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Child Physical Abuse and Self-Perceived Social

Isolation Among Adolescents
Article in Journal of Interpersonal Violence January 2006
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JOURNAL
10.1177/0886260505281439
Elliott
et al.OF
/ CHILD
INTERPERSON
ABUSE AND
AL VIOLENCE
SOCIAL ISOLA
/ December
TION 2005

Child Physical Abuse and

Self-Perceived Social Isolation
Among Adolescents
GREGORY C. ELLIOTT
Brown University

SUSAN M. CUNNINGHAM
College of the Holy Cross

MEADOW LINDER
University of Michigan

MELISSA COLANGELO
MICHELLE GROSS
Brown University

This research examines the connection between physical abuse and social isolation.
Using data from the National Youth Survey, a measure of self-perceived social isolation was constructed indicating the extent to which respondents feel detached from
their friends and from school. Those who had experienced violence were predicted to
be more isolated than those who had not. Results strongly supported the hypothesis,
controlling for theoretically relevant variables. Explanation is provided in terms of
damage to attachment skills, social competence, and self-esteem concomitant to
being a victim of abuse. Males were more socially isolated than females, and Hispanics more than Whites. Children with involved parents were less socially isolated;
those whose parents experienced normlessness were more isolated. Children who
recently experienced a stressful event or were from riskier neighborhoods were more
isolated. The number of children in the family was positively related to isolation.
Social isolation decreases between seventh and eighth grades.
Keywords:

child abuse; social isolation

Authors Note: The authors presented a prior version of this article at the annual meetings of
the American Sociological Association, August 16 to 19, 2002, Chicago, Illinois. Deirdre
Brogan provided invaluable assistance with the literature review. We thank the anonymous
reviewers for their constructive suggestions. Any remaining errors are our responsibility. The
National Youth Survey, through the Interuniversity Consortium for Political and Social Research
(ICPSR), provided data for this analysis. The original collector of the data and ICPSR are not
responsible for the analyses reported herein or the interpretations made of them.
JOURNAL OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE, Vol. 20 No. 12, December 2005 1663-1684
DOI: 10.1177/0886260505281439
2005 Sage Publications

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JOURNAL OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE / December 2005

INTRODUCTION

The voluminous research on child abuse reveals the many and varied consequences of experiencing serious maltreatment for a young person (see
Miller-Perrin & Perrin, 1999, for a comprehensive review of the research).
When the focus is restricted to adolescence, much less is known, although
some have argued that the effects of abuse may be qualitatively different
(Williamson, Borduin, & Howe, 1991). Research has revealed that physical
abuse in adolescence is associated with becoming a victim of dating violence
(Reuterman & Burcky, 1989), enacting delinquent behaviors (Zingraff,
Leiter, Myers, & Johnsen, 1993), and for females, engaging in risky sexual
activity (G. Elliott, Avery, Fishman, & Hoshiko, 2002).
The present analysis focuses on a distinct but related consequence of
physical abuse: social isolation. Extensive research has focused on the significance of peer relationships for adolescent development and behavior, with
an emphasis on problematic aspects. (For reviews of the research on social
isolation in youth, see Hymel, Vaillancourt, & McDougall, 2002;
Kupersmidt, Coie, & Dodge, 1990; and Rubin, Burgess, & Coplan, 2002)
Focusing on long-term consequences, research shows that experiencing difficulties with peers is a consistent risk factor for later adjustment (Rubin,
Bukowski, & Parker, 1998, p. 681). Furthermore, about one third of children
with poor peer relationships go on to experience maladjustment
postadolescence (Parker, Rubin, Price, & DeRosier, 1995). In addition, findings indicate that peer rejection is correlated with externalizing problems for
this age group (Laird, Jordan, Dodge, Pettit, & Bates, 2001).
Prior research has demonstrated that physically maltreated children tend
to exhibit higher rates of withdrawn behavior than those who are not maltreated (Haskett & Kistner, 1991); when other forms of maltreatment (psychological abuse and emotional neglect) are considered as well, the results
are not changed (Aber, Allen, Carlson, & Cichetti, 1989). Other research
indicates that despite the protective role of close friendships, chronic physical abuse diminished childrens capacity to sustain close relationships with
peers (Bolger, Patterson, & Kupersmidt, 1998). However, these studies are
small clinical or community-based samples of preadolescent children. In
contrast, the present analysis uses a national sample of adolescents.
Social Isolation
Conceptually, social isolation refers to the loss of social connection to
other individuals and social institutions. Socially isolated people do not have
friendship networks, nor do they participate in the activities connected with

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1665

social institutions. Many studies of social isolation have defined social isolation in terms of objective patterns of behavior. For example, chronic maltreatment of children is associated with a heightened risk of rejection by peers
(Bolger & Patterson, 2001); the measure of rejection used in this study was a
ranking by peers of least-liked children in the school class. In contrast, the
present analysis examines the adolescents self-perceived social isolation.
The use of self-perceptions is another way in which this study differs from
prior research concerning child physical maltreatment and isolation.
From theory on the development of the self-concept (Rosenberg, 1979), it
is clear that behaviors (whether ones own or anothers) form the basis of selfattributions about the extent to which one is connected to others in meaningful and satisfying ways. Self-perceptions can be even more powerful in their
consequences than objective patterns of behavior. First, self-perceptions,
even if they are distortions of objective reality, are often more real to the person; they are part of the cognitive structure that orients the person to society,
taking to heart W. I. Thomass dictum that if a thing is perceived to be real, it
is real in its consequences. Second, individuals are not always aware of their
objective patterns of behavior (in part because their self-perceptions bias
their social awareness), but they are always cognizant of their perceptions.
Third, self-perceptions are often powerful motivators for human behavior,
irrespective of whether they are grounded in objective reality. To that end, the
self-perception of social isolation is more important in influencing the orientation and behavior of an individual than the objective behavior of self or
other. Indeed, self-perceived social isolation affirms a detachment that may
lead, in its extreme, to the gravest of consequences. Sociologists note that
egoistic suicide, found in societies in which the individual predominates in
the social order, is a product of societys insufficient presence in individuals through a deficiency in truly collective activity (Durkheim, 1951, p.
258). Even if that deficiency is merely perceived and is contradicted by a
more objective analysis of behavior patterns, it is likely to have powerful
consequences for the individual.
Furthermore, it is important to distinguish the social isolation of the family from that of the individual adolescent victims themselves. Researchers
have long known that violent families isolate themselves for fear of their
neighbors finding out, and the neighbors stay away for fear of getting too
involved and running the risk of being hit themselves (Gelles, 1987, p. 109).
Much of the research on this topic investigates the isolation of the parents or
of the entire family unit (Whipple & Webster-Stratton, 1991). In contrast,
this article focuses on the self-perceived isolation of adolescents, in particular, the sense of isolation from friends and school.

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Accounting for the Link Between

Physical Abuse and Isolation
Although the childs perceptions may be, in part, a response to a command
from the abusing parent or parents or a modeling of the parents isolation,
there are also incentives from within to isolate oneself. From the theory and
research on child physical abuse and subsequent development, it is possible
to generate three mechanisms by which the experience of physical abuse
might lead to social isolation in adolescence. Although the data do not allow
an explicit test of the mediating properties of these factors, these arguments
will establish the rationale for examining the proposed link at all.
Damaged attachment. Rooted in the work of Bowlby (1969) and
Ainsworth (1973), attachment theory examines the almost universal tendency for infant attachment to a caregiver. Some argue that attachment difficulties in the parent precipitate abuse of the child (Crittenden & Ainsworth,
1989). In addition, abusing mothers tend to exhibit more negative-type
behaviors (harshness, excessive control) in interactions with their children
(Wasserman, Green, & Rhianon, 1983), supporting the proposition that maltreated children tend to be anxiously attached to parents. Beyond the emotional bond, which Bowlby (1969) argues is the essence of attachment, there
is the concept of attachment security (Ainsworth, Blehar, Waters, & Wall,
1978). Insecurely attached children have difficulty managing their environments. In these cases, the parents presence does not inspire confidence either
that there will be protection or, more simply, that the parent will be available
(Crittenden & Ainsworth, 1989). Consequently, without a secure base in
light of danger, poorly attached children are less likely to explore their environments. In sum, it is reasonable that children with problematic attachment
circumstances will develop repertoires more likely to isolate them in a variety
of ways.
Attachment theory (Bowlby, 1969) also addresses the tendency for children to develop internal representational models of their caretaker and themselves. Such internal working models portray images of the outside world to
the child. Steele (1997) builds on this notion to assert that abused children fail
to learn empathy, which helps one to feel for others and serves as an inhibiting factor for engaging in harmful behaviors toward others. Rather than an
intergenerational transmission of empathy from caregiver to child, abused
children internalize a more hostile view of the world, which has negative
implications for healthy engagement with others. Indeed, an infant who
experiences a secure attachment relationship is thought to internalize a sense

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1667

of others as available and of the self as worthy of attention and care (Mueller
& Silverman, 1989, p. 540). Abused children, lacking such secure attachment, learn the opposite: abandonment and unworthiness. In addition, social
network theory (Lewis & Schaeffer, 1981) proposes that insecure attachments can lead to a generalized fearfulness of others in the child, which consequently can encourage the child to avoid peer relations. Hence, it is
reasonable to expect that this child will be socially isolated.
Damaged social competence. In addition to damaged emotional connections, abused youth may suffer a more pragmatic effect: The child simply
does not learn the mechanics of building and maintaining lasting connections
to others. For example, abused adolescents display more behavior problems
(Cavaiola & Schiff, 1988); similarly, abused adolescents are themselves
more likely to be violent in their dealings with others (Truscott, 1992).
Because not all adolescent physical abuse begins in adolescence, it is worth
noting that Wolfe and Mosk (1983) found a deficit in social competence in
abused children (ages 6 to 16) compared to nonabused children. Furthermore, abused children (ages 6 to 8) were less adept than nonabused children
in comprehending social roles (Barahal, Waterman, & Martin, 1981). This
lack of competence may persevere into adolescence. In short, abused childrens energies are preoccupied with issues that are distractions from the
normal developmental tasks of adolescence.
During the past decade, researchers have investigated the concept of emotional dysregulation and in so doing, have helped to explain the limited competence of maltreated children. Emotional dysregulation refers to interference in the processing of information and events, difficulties with the flexible
integration of emotion with other processes, and poor control over affective
experience and expression (Cole, Michel, & Teti, 1994, p. 77). Hubbard and
Coie (1994) argue for the importance of exploring the connection between
emotional functioning and childrens social competence, especially with
respect to peer relationships. In essence, researchers are finding that children
who fail to regulate emotions, especially negative ones, will be less likely to
achieve normal developmental strides. Hence, there is the resultant lack of
competence for such children.
Additional research indicates that maltreated children are less effective at
regulating emotion appropriately. For example, maltreated children are less
likely to process negative feelings in a constructive fashion, such that they
will have difficulties in shifting attention away from disturbing stimuli, in
suppressing impulsive reactions, and in engaging in planning and problemfocused coping. Such emotion dysregulation serves to inhibit competence

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(Eisenberg & Fabes, 1992). For youth in Grades 7 to 10, deficits in emotion
regulation are associated with ostracism, rejection, and bullying by peers
(Pope & Bierman, 1999). Similarly, in a study of preadolescent children
(ages 8 to 12), attenuated emotion regulation mediates the effects of maltreatment on childrens competence, such that respondents were at risk in peer
relationships, irrespective of the specific behaviors employed (Shields,
Cicchetti, & Ryan, 1994). Finally, internal representations play a role in the
emotion dysregulation. In particular, consistent with attachment theory, maltreated children (ages 8 to 12) display more negative and constricted representations of parents; in turn, such negative images mitigate against emotion
regulation, thereby increasing the likelihood of peer rejection (Shields, Ryan,
& Cicchetti, 2001).
In short, this research demonstrates that physically maltreated children
are inhibited in their development of social skills concerning peer relationships. In addition, maltreated children develop negative representations of
caregivers, and these, in their impact on emotion regulation, can lead to rejection by peers. For example, children may act out aggressively or they may
misinterpret other childrens behaviors, based on the images in their heads.
Regardless of pathway, such children are restricted in their growth and
opportunity to interact in a healthy fashion with peers. All of this suggests
that abused adolescents are less likely to learn the interactive skills necessary
to establish and maintain meaningful connections to other people or to social
institutions. Lacking these skills, they are more likely to find themselves
socially isolated.
Damaged self-concept. There is good evidence that physical child abuse
damages the psychological self of the young person (see Aber & Cicchetti,
1984, for a review). The most prominent harm found in research is to selfesteem and depression (Allen & Tarnowski, 1989). Related to social isolation, children show increased difficulties with both self-esteem and peer relationships as a function of greater severity and chronicity of maltreatment
(Bolger et al., 1998). Furthermore, people with low self-esteem are less likely
to be socially integrated interpersonally, institutionally, or normatively (G.
Elliott & Rosenberg, 1989). Therefore, it is reasonable to conclude that physically abused adolescents perceive themselves as more socially isolated
because the abuse contributes to a feeling of personal worthlessness, and
seriously deficient people cannot afford to be involved with other individuals
or with social institutions because they do not want their inadequacies to
become public knowledge. In this vein, social isolation serves a selfdefensive function.

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1669

Hypothesis
The hypothesis of the present study is that those who experience physical
abuse from a parent are more likely to be socially isolated than those who do
not. Furthermore, the effect remains strong and significant even when controlling for personal and structural factors that also contribute to social
isolation.
Other Predictors of Social Isolation
It is well known that other structural and personal factors contribute to an
adolescents self-perception of social isolation. The analysis includes as
many of these factors as the data set would allow, either directly or in the form
of reasonable proxies.
Gender. Some research has revealed that men are more socially isolated
than women (Vandervoort, 2000). Among college students, males are more
socially alienated than females (Lane & Daugherty, 1999). The present study
provides an opportunity to discover whether this difference obtains for adolescents as well.
Race. The findings regarding race seem less clear. Some studies do report
racial differences in some form of social isolation. For example, among adolescents who experience a move to a new home, Blacks and Caucasians had
significantly lower levels of alienation and isolation than Hispanics and
Cambodians (Calabrese, 1989).
Socioeconomic status (SES). Two studies reported a difference in some
form of isolation across SES lines, although neither involved adolescents.
Among preadolescent Canadian children, those from lower SES homes are
more socially withdrawn than those from higher SES homes (Schneider,
Richard, Younger, & Freeman, 2000). At the other end of the age continuum,
lower SES elderly were lonelier than higher status elderly (Pinquart &
Soerensen, 2001). As with race and gender, this analysis will reveal whether
SES differences generalize to the population of adolescents.
Family structure. Marital disruption has been found to redound to the disadvantage of children. Divorce leads to greater levels of social withdrawal
among adolescent and preadolescent children, although intact families with a
high degree of conflict promote even higher levels (Jekielek, 1998). Because

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no measure of family conflict existed in the data set, one may be skeptical of
the effectiveness of an analysis that merely distinguishes marital status. It
may well be that any differences that might obtain between traditional and
nontraditional families will be erased by the commingling of high and low
conflict levels in traditional and blended families, compared to single-parent
households. Nevertheless, the analysis includes a measure of marital status,
for completeness. In addition, a measure of disruptive events in the home is
available that may serve as a more general proxy for the tension that is likely
to be the cause of social isolation found in high conflict families.
Finally, it may be important to investigate the effect of the number of children in the family on perceived social isolation. If adolescents feel they are
lost in the crowd within their own family, they may find it difficult to feel a
part of the world outside their family.
Characteristics of the parents. It is possible that as part of the socialization
process, children might take their cue regarding involvement with people and
with social institutions from their parents. Psychological well-being is lower
for children of uninvolved parents, compared to those with involved parents
(Simons, Johnson, & Conger, 1994). The present analysis included measures
of parenting style and parental involvement. In addition, the data provide a
measure of parental normlessness (the sense that the social norms regulating individual conduct have broken down or are no longer effective as rules
for behavior; Seeman, 1959, p. 787); parents who experience this form of
alienation could be a further socializing factor that leads to social isolation in
the adolescent.
Neighborhood. The social context of the neighborhood might facilitate or
inhibit social isolation. In particular, dangerous or poverty-stricken neighborhoods might make it difficult for a child to learn how to engage with others or how to participate in social institutions. People from poor neighborhoods participated less in community organizations than those from more
well-to-do neighborhoods (Rankin & Quane, 2000). Greater psychological
distress (depression and anxiety) was found in poor, stable neighborhoods
because of the level of chaos and disorder that residents must endure daily; in
contrast, the effect of stability is positive in more affluent neighborhoods
(Ross, Reynolds, & Geis, 2000). Length of residence may also contribute to
feelings of isolation. This article seeks to discover whether these factors work
for adolescents as well.
Child development. Research in the self-concept has demonstrated that
the period of early adolescence (ages 12 to 14) is one of severe disturbance to

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1671

the self-concept (Rosenberg, 1979). There are biological reasons for this disruption but social and structural ones, as well. One of the latter type concerns
the environment of the childs school. Beginning in middle school, the classroom environment changes; the child is expected to relate to more than one or
two teachers during the entire day. This creates a challenge for a child who, at
this stage of development, is just beginning to form a generalized other
(Mead, 1934) whose role must be taken to build a coherent, integrated sense
of self. It is reasonable to expect that in the period of self-concept disturbance, the child might prefer a greater degree of social isolation or perceive
that others are not appropriately sensitive to the turmoil he or she is enduring.
As the child matures into later adolescence, he or she becomes more practiced at taking the role of the generalized other; the self becomes more stable
and is ready to be presented to others. Accordingly, the grade in school
attended by the respondents in the data served as a proxy for this dramatic
shift in social development.

METHOD

Data
The data were taken from the first wave of the National Youth Survey
(NYS) of 1,725 young people and one of their parents or legal guardians (D.
Elliott, Huizinga, & Menard, 1989). The NYS employed a probability sample of households in the continental United States based on a self-weighting,
multistage, cluster-sampling design. For further details on the sampling
frame and procedure, see D. Elliott et al. (1989). Missing data and exclusions
because of inappropriateness for the current analysis reduced the number of
respondents to 1,563.
Unfortunately, the data were collected in 1976; the fact that the data are
nearly 30 years old could potentially limit the applicability of the reported
results to todays youth. However, these data provide the only opportunity to
examine the relationship between adolescent physical abuse and perceived
social isolation. It is, of course, possible that cohort differences would
emerge in a contrast of old and new data, but there is little reason to believe
that the fundamental processes posited by us to underlie the relationship
would have changed in this period, even with all the other social changes that
might have occurred.

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Operationalizations
Social isolation. A series of items in the NYS constituted the measure of
social isolation. The original set of items focused on three sources of possible
lapsed connections: family, friends, and school. Because of the above-stated
interest in social connections outside the family, this analysis used only the
items relating to friends and school. The index consisted of 11 items; see
Table 1 for a complete list of items.
Gottman (1977) argues that social isolation is not a unitary construct; he
distinguishes social withdrawal (a unilateral action taken by the adolescent
himself or herself) from social rejection (a unilateral action against the adolescent taken by others) and presents evidence that the two are qualitatively different social phenomena rather than two ends of a single continuum.
However, this effort focuses on social isolation as the perception of lack of
meaningful connection to others; this perception may be because of a selfattribution regarding ones own behavior (withdrawal) or an attribution about
the consequences of the behavior of others (rejection). It may be the case that
how the attribution of isolation arises is important in its consequences for
social behavior. Unfortunately, the data from the NYS uses items measuring
perceptions of rejection and a general perception that one does not fit in with
others, which is not equivalent to social withdrawal; therefore, they do not
permit us to distinguish between perceptions of rejection and perceptions of
withdrawal.
Responses were assessed on a 5-point Likert-type scale, ranging from
strongly agree to strongly disagree. A higher score on an item indicated a
greater degree of social isolation. As Table 1 reveals, an item analysis showed
a reasonably high level of internal consistency (Cronbachs alpha = .759,
item-total correlations ranging from .330 to .509, median = .391).
Child physical abuse. Child respondents were asked, Have you ever been
beaten up by your mother or father? as well as the number of times this
occurred within the past year. A simple dichotomous abuse variable was constructed, indicating the presence of abuse; those who said they had not been
beaten up served as the reference category for the analysis.1 Note that the
phrasing of the question connotes more than corporal punishment, so that the
focus is more likely on the effect of what Straus and Gelles (1990) would call
severe child abuse.2
Demographic variables. A dummy variable distinguished gender, with
female as the reference category. Race was divided into three categories:
non-Hispanic White, non-Hispanic Black, and Hispanic; Whites served as

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1673

TABLE 1: Item Analyses of Constructed Indices

Item

Item-Total
Correlation
Cronbachs alpha

Social isolation
Im not asked to take part in school activities as often as Id like to be
I dont feel that I fit in very well with my friends
Teachers dont call on me in class, even when I raise my hand
I often feel like nobody at school cares about me
My friends dont take much interest in my problems
I dont feel as if I really belong at school
Even though there are lots of kids around, I often feel lonely at school
Teachers dont ask me to work on special classroom projects
Sometimes I feel lonely when I am with friends
a
I feel close to my friends
a
My friends are willing to listen if I have a problem
Parental normlessness
One can succeed without having to cheat, mislead, or lie in
a
his or her relationship with others
A person is better off without friends if he or she has to break rules
a
or laws to keep them
a
Its important to be honest with your children, even if it upsets them
Its okay to lie to teachers and other adults if it keeps your children
out of trouble
Making a good impression is more important than telling the truth
Its all right to cheat a little on income taxes, if youre really struggling
to provide for your family
Sometimes its necessary to lie to your children in order to keep their respect

.330
.448
.371
.509
.499
.391
.457
.380
.393
.371
.353
.759

.392
.259
.290
.315
.397
.300
.386
.615

a. Reverse-coded.

the reference category.3 The SES variable reflected the level of educational
attainment for the principle wage earner in the household. The variable consisted of three categories: less than high school, high school diploma or GED
certificate, and at least some college. The highest educational level served as
the reference category.4
Marital status. In the first indicator of family characteristics, parent
respondents described the marital status of the adults in the family. If the
respondent reported both biological parents present in the household, the
family was classified as traditional; if the respondent was single, divorced, or

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separated and reported no other adults present in the household, the family
was classified as single parent; if there were two parent figures in the household, at most one of them a biological parent, the family was classified as
nontraditional. The traditional family served as the reference category.
Number of children in the family. As a second measure of family characteristics, parent respondents reported the number of children younger than 18
in the household.
Disruptive events in the home. The last reflection of family characteristics
is a proxy for family conflict. Parent respondents were asked to indicate
which of a number of stressful events occurred in their family in the past year.
Examples of such events included divorce, separation, or remarriage; death,
serious illness, or serious accident; and mother or father moving out of the
home. The rarity of disruptive events would have led to a highly skewed ratio
level variable if one merely counts the number of such events; therefore, it
was decided to distinguish households that had no disruptions from those that
had any at all. A dummy variable was created, such that if the parental
respondent reported the occurrence of any of these events, the family was
considered under stress; if the respondent reported none of these events, the
family was not considered under stress. The nonstressed family served as the
reference category.
Parenting style. Unfortunately, the NYS data were collected prior to the
development of distinctions among authoritarian, permissive, and authoritative parenting styles (Baumrind, 1978). However, the survey did include
items to measure the distinction between inductive and power-assertive
parenting (Hoffman & Saltzstein, 1967). The selected parent or guardian of
each child was asked how he or she would react when the child does something wrong. In each of three instances, respondents were asked to choose
between four options, two of which were classified by coders as inductive
(e.g., discuss his or her behavior with him or her as well as my reasons for
being upset with it) or noninductive (e.g., yell at him or her). The adult
respondent also indicated how his or her partner (if appropriate) would
discipline the child.
Only the second two instances from the survey were used, because they
offered the clearest contrasts between inductive and noninductive behavior.
In two-parent families, if either parent (according to the report given by the
selected parent figure) was uniformly noninductive in reaction to both questions, the family parenting style was coded as noninductive; otherwise, the
family style was coded as inductive. Evidence suggests that the more volatile

Elliott et al. / CHILD ABUSE AND SOCIAL ISOLATION

1675

noninductive parenting style can have a disproportionate effect on the ambience of the family (Baumrind, 1978).5
Adolescents perception of parental involvement. Adolescent respondents
were asked how much their parents have taken part or shared in the childs
school activities and in community activities. Responses were on a 4-point
Likert-type scale, ranging from almost always to almost never and were
summed across the two forms of involvement. A higher score indicated
greater parental involvement.
Parental normlessness. The NYS questionnaire included several items
that measured the level of normlessness in the parent respondent. Responses
were assessed on a 5-point Likert-type scale, ranging from strongly agree to
strongly disagree. A higher score on an item indicated a greater degree of
normlessness. After iteratively trimming items that did not perform well in an
item analysis, seven items remained. Table 1 presents the final figures. Even
though the results were less satisfactory (Cronbachs alpha = .615, item-total
correlations ranging from .259 to .397, median = .391), the index was
included as a predictor of adolescent social isolation. The lower Cronbachs
alpha is at least in part because of the smaller number of items in this index;
the relative unreliability of this index will provide a conservative test of its
predictive power.
Neighborhood problems. Parent respondents were asked to indicate how
much of a problem each of a number of situations was in their neighborhood.
Examples included vandalism, the presence of winos and junkies, abandoned
houses, burglaries or thefts, the presence of run down and poorly kept buildings, and assaults and muggings. If the parental respondent reported the
occurrence of any of these situations, the neighborhood was considered
problematic; if the respondent reported none of these situations, the neighborhood was not considered problematic. The nonproblematic neighborhood served as the reference category.
Length of residence. Parental respondents indicated how long they have
lived in the current neighborhood. Responses included less than 1 year, 1 to 2
years, 3 to 4 years, and more than 4 years. The longest residence was made
the reference category for a series of dummy variables.
Grade. Finally, the adolescents grade in school reflected the level of child
development. The 12th grade served as the reference category. Respondents
not currently in school were so few that they were omitted from the analysis.

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ANALYSIS AND RESULTS

An ordinary least squares regression was conducted, using SAS (SAS

Institute, 1999). Scores on the social isolation index constituted the dependent variable. The first analysis consisted of a bivariate regression of social
isolation on physical abuse, to assess the overall relationship between the two
variables; the next analysis utilized a multiple regression, adding the control
variables presented above, to determine the extent to which the effect of
abuse would be reduced by considering other theoretically relevant variables.
Table 2 presents the results of the regression analysis.
Overall, the independent variables in the full model account for a significant, if modest, amount of variation in social isolation (R2 = .128, F24, 1,541 =
9.044, p < .0001). Considering the individual regression coefficients, note
that in the bivariate analysis, physical abuse has a strong and highly significant effect on adolescent social isolation: Those who have been abused are
much more likely to perceive themselves as more socially isolated than those
who have not. Although somewhat reduced when the control variables are
added to the equation, the effect remains powerful and highly significant.
Turning to the control variables, both gender and racial or ethnic differences in social isolation emerged. Males are more likely than females to be
socially isolated, and Hispanics report themselves as more socially isolated
than non-Hispanic Whites. SES, as measured by the educational attainment
level of the principal wage earner in the household, failed to achieve
significance.
The effects of marital status and environment are mixed. Of the family
structure variables, the number of children in the household increases social
isolation; marital status has no effect. Parental behavior and orientation show
significant effects on social isolation. Parental normlessness increases social
isolation, and parental involvement decreases it; the occurrence of a disruptive family event marginally increased isolation; and the presence of a
noninductive parent has no effect. The neighborhood context variable had a
marginally significant effect, such that living in a deficient neighborhood
increased social isolation. The length of residence of the family in the neighborhood did not affect the adolescents social isolation.
Finally, the grade level of the adolescent respondent revealed an interesting pattern in affecting social isolation. Those in the fifth, sixth, and seventh
grades showed equivalent increases in social isolation, compared to 12th
graders; in contrast, the 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th graders were not distinguishable from the 12th graders.

Elliott et al. / CHILD ABUSE AND SOCIAL ISOLATION

1677

TABLE 2: OLS Regression of Social Isolation on Predictor Variables

Bivariate Regression
Independent Variable
Physical abuse
Male
Non-Hispanic Black
Hispanic
Principle wage earners education
Less than high school
High school diploma or GED
Number of children in household
Single-parent family
Nontraditional two-parent family
Parental normlessness
Parental involvement
Noninductive parenting
Disruptive events
Length of residence
Less than 1 year
1 to 2 years
3 to 4 years
Neighborhood context
Grade 5
Grade 6
Grade 7
Grade 8
Grade 9
Grade 10
Grade 11

Coefficient

Standard
Error

3.299***

.567

Multiple Regression
Coefficient

Standard
Error

1.952***
0.686**
0.795
1.081*

0.589
0.260
0.660
0.424

0.312
0.491
0.464***
0.182
0.166
0.087*
-0.442***
0.258
0.574

0.333
0.329
0.086
0.448
0.360
0.043
0.072
0.210
0.322

0.402
0.510
0.407
0.124
2.349**
1.675**
2.033**
0.692
0.943
0.665
0.187

0.499
0.423
0.410
0.069
0.761
0.627
0.626
0.622
0.615
0.625
0.639

p < .10. *p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

DISCUSSION

The analysis demonstrates yet another insidious effect of physical child

abuse on adolescents. Those who have been beaten by a parent within the past
12 months perceived themselves as more isolated from their friends and from
school than those who did not suffer abuse, even when controlling for other
theoretically relevant variables. Past research has demonstrated a link
between family violence and the social isolation of the family unit, usually
interpreted as initiated by the adults in the family to hide the abuse from others; see Barnett, Miller-Perrin, and Perrin (1997) for a review of the litera-

1678

JOURNAL OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE / December 2005

ture. These results established that the adolescent victims themselves will
often feel detached from other individuals or from school activities.
Note that some of the items in the social isolation index refer to the actions
of others as isolating (e.g., teachers dont call on me in class, even when I
raise my hand), whereas other items reflect a self-isolation (e.g., I dont
feel as if I really belong at school). It is striking that in the former case,
abused adolescents are likely to perceive others are creating social distance
from themselves. It may be that they are correct in their perceptions, or it may
be that their attributions are distorted (Jones, 1990). It is not possible for us to
determine which of these processes is operating.
In either case, they indicate an isolation that is not likely to be at the behest
of offending parents. The point is that one consequence of abuse is to motivate victimized adolescents to detach from others either because their sense
of self is damaged, leaving them vulnerable to the scrutiny of others, or
because they fail to learn the emotional and social competence necessary to
integrate themselves into the social order.
Many of the control variables also explained variation in social isolation
in theoretically meaningful ways. Males, as befitting their gender socialization, were less attached to friends and to school than were females. It is interesting that Hispanics, but not Blacks, were more socially isolated than
Whites (although Blacks showed a nonsignificant trend to greater isolation).
Perhaps the failure of SES to affect social isolation is because of the fact that
its effect is indirect: Other variables (such as the behavior and orientation of
the parents) may mediate the relationship between SES and social isolation.
The same may be true for elements of marital status.
Not surprising is that the orientation and behavior of the parents significantly affected the social isolation of the adolescent. Children often take their
cues for social orientation from their parents (even if inadvertently), so that
an alienated parent may foster alienation (and so, isolation) in the child; similarly, a parent who is involved in an adolescents activities is teaching the
child the value of social participation and thereby reducing the likelihood of
social isolation.
Finally, the sharp drop in social isolation that separates the seventh graders (and younger) from the eighth graders (and older) is intriguing. Children
in these earlier grades are experiencing tremendous disturbance in the selfconcept (Rosenberg, 1979). When one is not certain of who one is, it is not
surprising that one might find oneself more detached from others. With cognitive and social maturation, the self-concept becomes more stable and integrated, and these older children are more ready to engage with others.
The theories cited above regarding attachment, competence, and selfesteem posit that the relationship between physical abuse and social isolation

Elliott et al. / CHILD ABUSE AND SOCIAL ISOLATION

1679

is mediated by other factors: Physical abuse is related to a deficient ability to

develop emotional attachment to others, a damaged social competence necessary to build relationships, and low self-esteem; each of these, in turn, is
associated with social isolation. If one controlled for these factors in a regression analysis, it is reasonable to expect that the effect of abuse would diminish substantially if not disappear. This suggests that it is important to investigate the proposed mechanisms in a single study.
Researchers have provided some information about parts of the theoretical links discussed above. For example, Rosenberg (1989) discusses the link
between self-esteem and social isolation. Rubin and Rose Krasner (1992)
establish the connection between social competence and social isolation.
Finally, much research (e.g., Fox & Calkins, 1993; Hartup, 1992; Rubin,
1993) reports attachment to parents as an important precursor to inhibition
and passive-withdrawn behavior in youth. However, it remains to integrate
these pathways to social isolation in a single study that also includes the experience of physical abuse as an explanatory factor.
Consequently, further research should be conducted to elaborate the link
between physical abuse and social isolation in the adolescent. More thorough
analysis of the role of attachment, competence, and self-esteem can help clinicians and the youth themselves appreciate the dilemmas they face at the
same time that they can become empowered with mechanisms for overcoming the obstacles encouraging isolation.
One caveat bears mentioning: Physical abuse is often accompanied by
other forms of maltreatment, including psychological abuse and neglect. It
may be the case that some of the effect found for physical abuse in the analysis is actually because of these other forms of maltreatment (cf. Higgins &
McCabe, 2001). It would be valuable, in a data set designed for this purpose,
to assess the independent effects of these various forms of maltreatment, if
colinearity does not prohibit it.
In sum, the analysis demonstrates that beyond the many other consequences of physical abusewhether they be medical, cognitive, or
socioemotionalyoung people are further burdened with the perception that
they are alone in their problems. Although isolation is an understandable outcome of physical abuse, it is singularly counterproductive for recovery. Not
only is one alone, but one loses access to the very outlets that can help alleviate the abuse situation. The protective value of close friendships is well
known (Bolger et al., 1998); similarly, the social support literature indicates
the strengthening value of interpersonal and institutional connections for
both individuals and families experiencing any kind of severe stress
(Wethington & Kessler, 1986). Insidiously, the abuse itself works against this

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JOURNAL OF INTERPERSONAL VIOLENCE / December 2005

countervailing influence of connection, preventing young people most in

need of help from effectively getting it.
Finally, the results are consistent with those who argue that human connections are the primary source of human developmentconnections that
facilitate or inhibit the healthy growth of many abused youth (Mead, 1934;
Rosenberg, 1979). According to this perspective,
the goal of development means the increasing ability to build and enlarge
mutually enhancing relationships in which each person can feel an increased
sense of well being through being in touch with others and finding ways to act
on her or his thoughts and feelings. (Miller & Stiver, 1997, p. 47)

The present results suggest that it is precisely these connections that are at
risk as a consequence of physical abuse within the family.

NOTES
1. A separate analysis used a trichotomous variable, distinguishing between those who had
been abused only once in the past year from those who had endured multiple beatings; the results
of the analysis revealed that the contrast of each abuse category with the no abuse category was
virtually identical for both levels of abuse, and the contrast of the multiple beatings category with
the single beating category did not achieve significance. Accordingly, the variable was collapsed
into the dichotomy reported in the results.
2. Additional analyses included a separate variable indicating whether the respondent had
been sexually attacked or raped (or had been the subject of an attempt). However, in no analysis
did this variable attain statistical significance, and so it was omitted from the model.
3. The very small number of Asian Americans and American Indians in the data were
included with the non-Hispanic Whites. When Asian Americans and Native Americans were
excluded from the analysis, the results were virtually identical.
4. Separate analyses utilized alternative measures of SES: the educational level of fathers (or
father figures), whether still residing in the household or not, and the relative position of family
income with respect to the national poverty level. In neither case did the SES variable attain significance. In addition, because occupation was coded according to the Hollingshead Index,
which has been discredited (Hauser & Warren, 1997), this measure of SES was not used.
5. An alternative analysis used a family style variable in which only two noninductive parents
qualified a parenting family style as noninductive. The results were basically similar to those
presented.

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Gregory C. Elliott is an associate professor of sociology at Brown University. His

research interests include the consequences of child maltreatment; he also is conducting
research in the causes and consequences of mattering (the extent to which one makes a
difference in the lives of others).
Susan M. Cunningham is an associate director of the Center for Interdisciplinary and
Special studies at Holy Cross College. Her research focuses on children and violence,
especially the causes and consequences of child maltreatment.
Meadow Linder is currently a graduate student in the Department of Sociology, University of Michigan.
Melissa Colangelo received her B.A. from Brown University in 2002. She is currently
enrolled at George Washington University in the study of law.
Michelle Gross received her B.A. from Brown University in 2002.