Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour 44:4

DOI: 10.1111/jtsb.12061

Understanding My Culture Means

Understanding Myself: The Function of Cultural
Identity Clarity for Personal Identity Clarity and
Personal Psychological Well-Being
ESTHER USBORNE AND
ROXANE DE LA SABLONNIRE
ABSTRACT

Culture is acknowledged to be a critical element in the construction of an individuals identity; however, in todays increasingly multicultural environments, the
influence of culture is no longer straightforward. It is now important to explore
cultural identity claritythe extent to which beliefs about identity that arise from
ones cultural group membership(s) are clearly and confidently understood. We
describe a novel theoretical model to explain why having a clear and confident
understanding of ones cultural identity is important for psychological well-being,
as it clarifies ones understanding of personal identity. We propose that a clear
cultural identity clarifies ones personal existence, by providing a clear normative
template, reducing personal uncertainty, providing an individual with a sense of
continuity, and buffering an individual against the fear of death. We discuss the
implications of this model within our complex cultural worlds.
Keywords: culture, clarity, identity, personal well-being

Durkheim (1895) was one of the first thinkers to draw attention to the importance
of culture in defining the individual. Acts that seem intrinsically personal, he
argued, could be attributed, at least in part, to broader societal phenomena
(Durkheim, 1895). Since Durkheim, social scientists have continued to acknowledge cultures fundamental role in shaping the personal self. Anthropologists have
immersed themselves in cultures around the world and demonstrated the power
of culture to influence individual behaviours and practices. By establishing relationships with members of particular groups based on trust and long-term understanding, they have highlighted the role of culture in shaping the individuals that
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

Understanding My Culture

437

make up that culture (Bourgois, 2003). Sociologists have analyzed cultures as

systems, exploring the artefacts, symbols and words used by particular societies.
They have debated, for example, the role culture plays in creating individual
action, be it through values or symbols, tools, stories, and rituals (Swidler, 1986).
Relatively recently, cross-cultural psychology has emerged as a discipline capable
of documenting the power of culture for an individuals psychological experience.
Researchers in this domain have demonstrated that ones culture can affect the
very nature of ones self-construal (Markus & Kitayama, 1991) and impact an
array of psychological processes, including spontaneous self-descriptions, selfenhancement, self-criticism, and personal emotional experience (Kitayama &
Cohen, 2007; Kitayama, Markus, Matsumoto, & Norasakkunkit, 1997;
Matsumoto, Kasri, & Kooken, 1999; Rhee, Uleman, Lee, & Roman, 1995).
Across social scientific disciplines culture is acknowledged to be a critical
element in the construction of an individuals identity. Culture is argued to
provide insight into how to be a person in the world, what makes for a good life,
how to interact with others, and which aspects of situations require attention and
processing capacity (Oyserman, Kemmelmeier, & Coon, 2002). However, in
todays increasingly multicultural and globalized world, the boundaries between
cultures have become more permeable. Often, individuals have to negotiate
multiple, possibly competing or unclear values, norms, and behaviors that stem
from the groups to which they belong (Ashmore, Deaux, & McLaughlin-Volpe,
2004). In this context, it no longer makes sense to study culture as a distinct or
homogenous entity impacting an individuals experience or identity in a particular
fashion (Heine, 2008). Cultural identity, defined as subjective identification with a
particular cultural group, has become increasingly complex. Indeed, societal level
change caused by increasing multiculturalism may now have critical identity
consequences (see Amiot, de la Sablonnire, Terry, & Smith, 2007;
OSullivan-Lago & de Abreu, 2010). The present paper is an exploration of these
consequences.
Specifically, we argue that it has become important to explore cultural identity
clarity, the extent to which beliefs about the identity arising from ones cultural
group membership are clearly and confidently understood (Usborne & Taylor,
2010). Immigrants to a new culture, individuals who are emerging from a history
of colonization and discrimination, bicultural and multicultural individuals,
members of mainstream culture, and those who are at the intersection of any of
these groups may not necessarily have a straightforward or clear experience of
culture (Schwartz, Zamboanga, & Weisskirch, 2008; Taylor, 1997, 2002). Understanding the impact of cultural identity clarity on personal identity and psychological well-being might now provide important insight into the complex effect of
culture on the psychological experience of those living through modern cultural
identity challenges.
In the present article, we draw upon social psychological literature to describe
a novel theoretical Model of Cultural and Personal Identity Clarity that is used to explore
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

438

Esther Usborne and Roxane de la Sablonnire

the relationships among cultural identity clarity, personal identity clarity, and
personal psychological well-being. More specifically, we ask why having a clear
and confident understanding of ones cultural identity might be important for
having a clear and confident understanding of ones personal identity, a state that
has been consistently linked with psychological health and well-being
(Baumgardner, 1990; Campbell et al., 1996; Erikson, 1968; Stinson, Wood, &
Doxey, 2008). We focus on cultural identity as one of an individuals important
and pervasive collective identities, and argue that having a cultural identity that is
perceived by the individual as clearly defined is essential for understanding who
one is at a personal level of self-definition. Specifically, we propose that cultural
identity clarity brings clarity to ones personal existence through its capacity to, 1)
provide a clear normative template upon which one can construct his or her
personal identity (Taylor, 1997, 2002); 2) reduce personal uncertainty (Hogg,
Sherman, Dierselhuis, Maitner, & Moffitt, 2007); 3) provide the individual with a
sense of continuity (Chandler, Lalonde, Sokol, & Hallett, 2003; Sani et al., 2007);
and 4) buffer the individual against the fear of death (Greenberg, Solomon, &
Pyszczynski, 1997). Finally, we discuss implications of the model for our changing
cultural worlds and suggest future empirical tests of this theoretical model linking
cultural identity clarity to personal identity clarity and well-being.

PERSONAL IDENTITY CLARITY

Personal identity can be defined as the unique combination of personal values,

goals, attitudes, behavioral styles and characteristics that comprise each individual
(Taylor, 1997, 2002). Personal identity answers the question who am I? and
represents the set of goals, values, beliefs and characteristics that an individual has
developed or internalized (Erikson, 1968). When an individual concludes I am
friendly or I am intelligent, he or she is referring to his or her own personal
identity (Campbell, 1990; Schwartz et al., 2008). In terms of our day-to-day
psychological existence, personal identity is often the focus of our attention and
the target of our self-analysis.
Erikson (1950) described the psychological importance of having a clear and
coherent sense of personal identity. He argued that knowing ones personal self
and experiencing oneself as possessing continuity and sameness was essential for
psychological well-being. Other classic theorists similarly proposed that the development and maintenance of a clear personal identity acts as the foundation for an
individuals psychological health (Marcia, 1980; Maslow, 1954; Rogers, 1951).
More recent theorizing by Campbell and her colleagues (Campbell, 1990;
Campbell, Assanand, & Di Paula, 2003; Campbell & Lavallee, 1993; Campbell
et al., 1996) describes the self-concept as having both a knowledge component
and an esteem component. The knowledge component answers the question
who am I? and is comprised of the characteristics or traits that make an
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

Understanding My Culture

439

individual unique, such as I am athletic, or I am friendly. The evaluative or

esteem component of the self-concept answers the question, am I worthy? and
includes an individuals global evaluation of his or her personal characteristics.
Campbell (1990) posits that there is a positive association between the knowledge
and esteem components of the self-concept, in that having clearly defined selfknowledge is associated with feeling good about the self. Tests of this theory
revealed that the self-concepts of people with high self-esteem were consistently
characterized by greater clarity than the self-concepts of those with low selfesteem (Campbell, 1990). Low self-concept clarity, as measured by a self-report
scale, was also associated with markers of poor psychological well-being, including
higher levels of negative affectivity, anxiety, and depression (Campbell et al.,
1996). In addition, Baumgardner (1990) demonstrated that when the clarity of
participants self-beliefs was experimentally increased, they experienced an
increase in positive self-regard.
Campbell and her colleagues (2003) went on to review and test theories exploring the psychological benefits of self-concept unity or clarity versus self-concept
pluralism, defined as self-complexity or self-concept compartmentalization. They
found strong empirical support that self-concept clarity, rather than self-concept
pluralism, contributes to psychological well-being. More recently, Stinson and
colleagues (2008) replicated Campbells work by demonstrating a positive relationship between self-concept clarity and self-esteem across different personal trait
domains.
Although personal identity clarity has now been consistently, theoretically and
empirically demonstrated to be important for psychological well-being
(Baumgardner, 1990; Campbell, 1990; Campbell et al., 1996; Stinson et al.,
2008), relatively little theory and research has explored the clarity of an identity
stemming from group memberships and its relationship to personal identity
clarity and well-being. Even though ones collective and cultural identities are
acknowledged to be fundamental components of ones identity (Ashmore et al.,
2004; Heine, 2008; Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel & Turner, 1979), investigating the clarity
of these components has largely been ignored.

CULTURAL IDENTITY CLARITY

Collective identity refers to ones beliefs regarding their membership in a social

group (Tajfel, 1978; Taylor, 1997, 2002). In contrast to personal identity, collective identity involves an explicit connection to a group of people outside of the self
(Ashmore et al., 2004; Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel & Turner, 1979), and answers the
question who am I as a member of my group? The shared traits, values, norms,
experiences and history that are associated with ones group are internalized by
the individual to make up an essential component of his or her identity (Ashmore
et al., 2004). For example, if a group is understood to value relationships at the
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

440

Esther Usborne and Roxane de la Sablonnire

expense of individual success, or by contrast to value individual success over

relationships then identification with this group would mean the internalization of
these values into ones self-concept.
Although a great deal of research has explored identification with particular
groups (e.g., Ashmore et al., 2004; Cameron, 2004; Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992),
relatively little has examined the importance of having clear beliefs about the
identity arising from ones group memberships. An immigrant to a new culture
may identify with his or her new host culture, but may not have a clear understanding of what the norms, values, and behaviors are that are associated with this
identification. An Indigenous person may identify strongly with a particular
Indigenous group, but due to a history of colonization and attempts at cultural
assimilation may or may not have a clear understanding of the norms, values, and
behaviors that are endorsed by this group. For example, it may be unclear
whether or not ones group values relationships at the expense of individual
success, or vice versa, and in what contexts its members endorse such values.
Ashmore and his colleagues (2004), in a review of the literature on collective
identity, proposed key issues for future consideration by social psychologists. One
of these key issues is collective identity variability or certainty. They suggest that
the certainty or the clarity of ones collective identity may be affected by the norms
that pervade an individuals social environment, especially in todays multicultural
societies where an individual may have to negotiate multiple, possibly competing
norms, regarding his or her collective category.
Taylor (1997, 2002) was the first to highlight the theoretical importance of
collective identity clarity. Specifically, he argued that a clearly defined collective
identity is in fact crucial, and therefore primary, for the development of a clearly
defined personal identity, which is in turn known to be associated with increased
personal self-esteem and psychological well-being (Baumgardner, 1990;
Campbell, 1990; Campbell et al., 1996). He theorized that if an individual clearly
knows that the group to which he or she identifies has a particular set of characteristics or a particular set of norms, this clear knowledge will facilitate that
individuals analyses and conclusions about what makes him or her personally
unique, what he or she should personally value, and how she or he should behave.
Without a clear collective identity, a person would have no normative template,
no point of reference with which to understand his or her own personal identity.
He thus posited a novel psychological relationship between the collective and
personal identity components of the self-concept. See Figure 1 for a schematic
representation of Taylors theory of collective identity clarity.
Though Taylors theoretical model focuses on collective identities in general,
he has also argued for the importance of cultural identity in particular. He posits
that cultural identity represents an individuals most pervasive and all-inclusive
collective identity given that it purports to cover and inform almost every aspect
of a persons life (see Taylor, Debrosse, Cooper, & Kachanoff, 2013; Taylor &
Usborne, 2010). The theoretical model described in the present paper will focus
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

Understanding My Culture

441

Figure 1. Schematic representation of Taylors (1997, 2002) theory of the relationship between collective identity clarity, personal identity clarity, and psychological
well-being.

on cultural identity. This focus does not imply that cultural identities are more
important than other identities, that our various collective identities exist separately from one another, or that individuals cannot negotiate their own individualized, non-culture based identities and choose, to some extent, the identities that
define them. Here, we examine cultural identity because it is one of an individuals
most pervasive collective identities and is especially important to explore in
todays increasingly multicultural social environments. Even if an individual has
multiple identities from which to choose, his/her cultural identity is still likely to
permeate many aspects of his/her existence.
To illustrate what we mean by cultural identity clarity it is useful to turn to
examples of both clear and unclear cultural identities, and to theorize about their
capacity, or lack thereof, to clarify personal identity. A concrete example of a clear
cultural identity comes from McAdams (2006) in his analysis of the identities of
highly productive American individuals. Much of McAdams research examines
peoples personal identities by exploring their personal narratives, depicting their
individual life stories (e.g., McAdams, 2001). In his 2006 article, he demonstrated
that the personal life stories of highly successful Americans were very much
shaped by cultural forces. He argues that the life stories of these individuals, and
by extension their personal identities, reflect a clear understanding of the perceived social norms, gender stereotypes, historical events and cultural assumptions
that stem from a clear understanding of their American culture. In general then,
an individual with a clear cultural identity would intuitively know the values,
norms and behaviors endorsed by his or her cultural group, and would thus have
access to a guiding framework for following these norms, pursuing these values,
and engaging in appropriate behaviors. For members of majority or nonmarginalized groups, a cultural identity might be taken for granted (Ashmore
et al., 2004). Cultural knowledge would be so natural and engrained that it would
not be necessary to even consciously deliberate much about ones cultural identity
or list its key ingredients (Taylor, 1997). A clear cultural identity then is not
something that one would spend a great deal of effort consciously reflecting upon.
Only when ones cultural identity becomes unclear would identity challenges
become apparent.
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

442

Esther Usborne and Roxane de la Sablonnire

To illustrate what we mean by an unclear cultural identity, we turn to the

experiences of Indigenous Peoples in North America and around the world.
Taylor (2002), in his collaboration with Aboriginal peoples in Canada argues that
they face particularly poignant cultural identity concerns. The traditional cultures
of many Aboriginal groups were so damaged by colonization and by subsequent
attempts at assimilation that the norms, values and behaviors associated with
these cultures have become largely unclear (Frideres, 1998). Equally challenging
was that mainstream European culture was so swiftly and forcefully imposed on
Aboriginal peoples, without a clear explanation of the underlying norms and
values of this culture, that cultural identity confusion was likely (Chandler &
Lalonde, 1998; Chandler et al., 2003; Taylor, 2002). For example, Aboriginal
people had a formal European education system thrust on them, but were not
provided with a complete understanding of its purpose, function and implicit
meritocratic structure (Taylor, 2002). At the same time, the traditional educational system, which involved learning by example, was largely destroyed through
the colonization process. Broadly speaking, Aboriginal peoples were left with an
unclear array of norms, values, and behaviors with which to construct their
personal identities. In a study by Ratner (1996), Aboriginal youth in downtown
Vancouver, Canada, many of whom were experiencing difficulties such as homelessness, drug abuse, or involvement in prostitution, were interviewed and
observed to be in cultural limbo. Outreach workers cited a lack of identity as
one of the primary factors affecting them. Indeed, it is possible to imagine similar
cultural identity challenges among new immigrants who are attempting to maintain a clear understanding of their heritage culture, particularly when inundated
with potentially confusing endorsements of their new host culture. For example,
members of a European nation that has newly joined the European Union may
struggle to come to terms with who they are now as members of their nation and
of the larger European community.
It is important to emphasize here that a clear cultural identity does not
require in any way accurate, rigid, or simple cultural identity characteristics.
Like Baumgardner (1990), who cautions that greater self-certainty need not be
equated with a more accurate sense of identity, we posit that it is an individuals
perception of the clarity of their cultural identity, and not any objective or true
identity that is important. Furthermore, cultural identity construction can be an
ongoing process shaped by a range of social, cultural and historical forces. Cultural elements, such as norms, values, behaviours, beliefs and symbols may
undergo continuous construction and transformation. Not all groups, or individuals even, undergo the same kind of cultural identity construction and transformation processes. A clear cultural identity represents a clear and confident
knowledge of a groups shared behaviors, values, norms, and characteristics and
a clear perception of how these elements have shifted and been transformed
through time. Thus, a clear cultural identity can be as layered, multifaceted and
dynamic as any groups values, norms and behaviors. It is a clear and confident
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

Understanding My Culture

443

perception of these potentially changing and multifarious elements that represents a clear identity.
Recent empirical work has demonstrated that perceived cultural identity clarity,
defined as the extent to which an individual has clear and confident beliefs
associated with his or her cultural identity, is positively associated with personal
identity clarity in an array of very different cultural groups (Usborne & Taylor,
2010). Among mainstream groups such as anglophone and francophone Quebecers, bicultural Chinese North Americans, and even among First Nations Canadians, self-report scales have shown that a clear and confident understanding of
ones cultural identity is positively related to clear knowledge of the self. A clear
personal self-knowledge was, in turn, positively associated with personal psychological well-being (Usborne & Taylor, 2010). For the participants in this research,
the subjective clarity of an individuals cultural identity is thus important for both
personal identity clarity and well-being. These empirical findings are consistent
with seminal work by Berry (1997, 2005) who argues that cultural identity integration is associated with positive well-being, and with more recent work by BenetMartinez and her colleagues demonstrating the importance of bicultural identity
integration for well-being (Benet-Martinez & Haritatos, 2005). However, Usborne
and Taylor (2010) added the psychological mechanism of personal identity clarity,
which has linked cultural identity clarity to personal well-being.
In order to further explore the relationship between cultural identity clarity and
psychological well-being, Usborne and Taylor (2012) manipulated cultural identity clarity within a sample of anglophone Quebecois. Participants were first
primed to take part in an online identity paradigm by being asked to reflect upon
a time when their cultural identity was clear, inconsistent, or unclear. Following
this manipulation, participants engaged in an online conversation with an experimental confederate designed to evoke responses based upon their cultural identity, and were subsequently assessed on measures of personal well-being. Results
indicated that participants who strongly identified with their Anglophone cultural
identity and were primed so that the perception of this identity remained clear,
also perceived an increase in positivity and competence following their conversation with the experimental confederate. By contrast, those who were primed
toward the state of an inconsistent or unclear cultural identity did not perceive an
increase in positivity or competence. The results were mediated by feelings of
personal uncertainty.
Although theory and research have demonstrated a positive association
between cultural identity clarity and personal identity clarity, it remains to be seen
what a clear cultural identity might be doing to provide an individual with a clear
sense of who they are personally. The interplay between personal and cultural
identity has been generally under-researched, as such, we do not entirely understand the function of a clear cultural identity for personal identity clarity. It may
be very important for an Indigenous person to have a clear understanding of who
they are as a member of their cultural group, and this clear understanding may
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

444

Esther Usborne and Roxane de la Sablonnire

help them to understand who they are personally; however, we do not yet know
why or how cultural identity clarity might be so important for understanding ones
personal identity.
We now posit theoretical mechanisms by which cultural identity clarity might
contribute to personal identity clarity. In our Model of Cultural and Personal Identity
Clarity, we suggest psychological processes that may mediate the positive relationship between cultural identity clarity and personal identity clarity. We do so in
order to shed light on the identity challenges associated with living in our increasingly multicultural world, and to understand the psychological consequences of a
clear or unclear cultural identity.
THE FUNCTION OF CULTURAL IDENTITY CLARITY FOR PERSONAL
IDENTITY CLARITY

In order to begin to understand the function of cultural identity clarity for

personal identity clarity, we conducted a review of the social psychological literature pertaining to the function of group identity for the individual. Most theory
and research exploring collective identity discusses the psychological function of
group memberships in general. For example, Social Identity Theory (Tajfel,
1978; Tajfel & Turner, 1979) posits that group memberships provide the individual with feelings of distinction and self-esteem (Brown, 2000; Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel
& Turner, 1979), while Self-Categorization Theory (Turner, 1985; Turner, Hogg,
Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherelle, 1987) posits that group memberships align an
individuals cognitions, behaviors, and feelings with contextually relevant group
prototypes. Recently, Uncertainty Identity Theory (e.g., Hogg et al., 2007) built
upon Self-Categorization Theory by positing that belonging to groups has a
generalized uncertainty reducing function. Also, in an entirely different domain,
Terror Management Theory posits that group memberships buffer the individual
against the fear of his or her own mortality (e.g., Greenberg et al., 1997).
For the present paper, we have scanned these and related literatures, and
pinpointed the identity defining functions that we believe to be particular to
cultural group memberships, specifically cultural group memberships that are
clearly and confidently understood by the individual. We argue that a clear
cultural identity has specific functions for personal identity clarity and by extension for psychological well-being, while an unclear cultural identity may not fulfill
these important identity-defining functions. To investigate the relationship
between cultural identity clarity and personal identity clarity we have chosen to
focus on the four outlined mechanisms below due to considerable social psychological evidence in support of their significance.
1) The provision of a clear normative template.
Here, we argue that clearly knowing the self at a cultural level of self-definition
provides the individual with a clear prototype, a clear normative template for
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

Understanding My Culture

445

knowing and understanding who one is personally. Building upon both Social
Identity Theory (Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel & Turner, 1979) and Self-Categorization
Theory (Turner, 1985, 1999; Turner et al., 1987), Taylor (1997, 2002) argues that
clear group norms are crucial for the development of a clearly defined personal
identity. Both Social Identity Theory and Self-Categorization Theory describe
the way in which individuals define themselves based on the groups to which they
identify. The categorization of the self in terms of group membership is argued by
self-categorization theorists to depersonalize an individuals cognitions, behaviors,
and feelings in line with group prototypes. When an individual engages in selfcategorization, the self is perceived in terms of the identity of the group to which
the individual belongs (Turner, 1999). For example, group norms can be internalized by an individual and then influence his or her personal intentions and
behavior (Hogg & Mullin, 1999).
Taylor (1997, 2002) has extended this idea by positing that the defining attributes for an individuals personal identity are relative. Indeed, the assessment of the
selfits possessions and attributes, is largely a comparative process (Miller &
Prentice, 1996). When an individual reflects upon him or herself, and concludes
that I am athletic or I am friendly, it is because he or she is comparing him
or herself to a clear reference group, to a normative template that serves as a
comparative standard on which to base his or her identity. Taylor (1997, 2002)
argues that an individual refers to his or her collective identity for such guiding
normative information. However, in order to conclude that he or she is athletic or
friendly, the group norms for athleticism and friendliness must be clearly understood, otherwise the individual would be unable to situate him or herself in terms
of these traits.
We argue that an individuals clear and confident knowledge of their cultural
groups norms facilitates the analyses and conclusions of what makes an individual
unique, what they should personally value, and how they should behave. For
example, McAdams (2006) demonstrated that cultural forces shaped the personal
identities of successful American individuals. He discussed narrative identities
featuring the psychological theme of redemptionthe deliverance from suffering
to a better position in life. Redemption is considered to be a societal norm, or a
master narrative in American culture, communicating that before one succeeds it
is normal to suffer in some way. Explicit or implicit knowledge of this norm might
then give individuals a clear guiding framework for conducting their lives, providing them with a way of understanding who they are and what they are striving
towards. Even if an individual decides not to follow the prevailing group norms,
at least he or she has a clear understanding of them, and can use this understanding to shape his or her personal existence.
In contrast, an unclear cultural identity would not provide the individual with
a straightforward normative framework for whom he or she is, nor how he or she
should function in the world as there would be no comparative standard with
which to construct a clear personal identity. Not knowing whether or not suffering
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

446

Esther Usborne and Roxane de la Sablonnire

for success is normative among members of ones cultural group, for example,
leaves the individual with no clear idea of the way one should function or what
one should strive for when faced with an important challenge. Aboriginal peoples
in Canada emerging from a destructive colonization process are left with an
unclear cultural normative template on which they can rely when constructing
their own personal identities (Frideres, 1998; Taylor, 2002). They may have no
clear idea whether or not members of their cultural group normally speak their
traditional language for example, or attend formal education. This unclear normative information then provides no guiding framework for personal behavior
and values, for knowing if one should speak the traditional language or not, or if
one should attend formal education.
As such, we argue that the presence of a clear cultural normative template
accounts for a positive relationship between cultural identity clarity and personal
identity clarity. It is important to acknowledge that this relationship is also bidirectional and interdependent. Individuals are not only formed through cultural
norms and practices, but are at the same time constructors of cultural meaning
through their day-to-day behaviour, beliefs and interactions. A clear cultural
normative template is thus all the more important, as it shapes and is shaped by
the individual. Without such a template on which to rely, the contribution of the
individual back to his or her cultural group may also be unclear.
As discussed, a clear cultural identity provides one with shared, validated norms
and standards. One benefit of this is a clear normative template that provides a
framework through which one can be contrasted to other members of the cultural
in-group, thus informing and shaping personal identity. An additional benefit of
these shared and validated norms and standards is their generalized uncertainty
reducing function. In the next section, we elaborate on the idea that a clear
cultural identity, through its provision of a clear normative template, also reduces
self-conceptual uncertainty.
2) The reduction of self-conceptual uncertainty.
Hogg and his colleagues (e.g., Hogg & Mullin, 1999; Hogg et al., 2007) draw upon
Self-Categorization Theory in order to describe how people bring meaning to
their personal existence by joining groups. With their Uncertainty Identity
Theory, they demonstrated the capacity of a collective identity to reduce generalized self-conceptual uncertainty. They argue that self-categorization into a
group transforms the uncertain self into a certain self, because, as a group
member, the individual is governed by a consensually validated group prototype.
It is aversive to be uncertain about the beliefs, attitudes, feelings, or behaviors that
are important to ones personal sense of self, and group identification is a particularly effective way to reduce such uncertainty (Hogg & Mullin, 1999). Hogg
and his colleagues (2007) found that personal uncertainty motivated group identification, and that people preferred to identify with groups that were clearly
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

Understanding My Culture

447

defined. People ideally turn to groups with clearly focused prototypes that are best
suited to the reduction of personal uncertainty ( Jetten, Hogg, & Mullin, 2000).
Based on the work of Hogg and his colleagues, we posit that a clear cultural
identity has the faculty to reduce self-conceptual uncertainty, but that an unclear
cultural identity will not, and may increase self-conceptual uncertainty. Hogg and
his colleagues focus primarily on joining novel groups in order to relieve uncertainty (e.g., Hogg et al., 2007). We argue that already belonging to a particular
cultural group or groups can also have an uncertainty reducing function, as long
as one has a clear and confident perception of what it means to be a member of
such groups. Like a clearly defined novel in-group, a clear cultural identity
provides a consensually validated prototype for ones personal self, not only in
terms of a clear normative template, but also in terms of shared beliefs, attitudes
and feelings. Clearly understanding the beliefs, attitudes and feelings that are
endorsed by the group may lend more certainty to ones personal level of
self-definition.
In contrast, an unclear cultural identity might not have the uncertainty reducing capacity posited by Hogg and colleagues. If an individuals cultural group does
not provide him or her with a degree of perceived clarity regarding the beliefs,
attitudes, feelings and behaviors that are consensually shared by group members,
this group membership might not serve to reduce self-conceptual uncertainty, and
may even increase it. A newcomer to Canada who is struggling with what it means
to be an immigrant, or even a mainstream American or European who is unsure
of the American or European identity in our globalizing world, belong to groups
that may not provide them with clarity regarding the beliefs, attitudes, and values
that are consensually shared by group members. Identification with such groups
might then mean that the individual actually experiences a higher degree of
self-conceptual uncertainty.
We propose that the uncertainty reducing function of a clear cultural identity
is another benefit of the provision of clear and validated norms and standards. A
clear cultural identity facilitates the construction of a clear personal identity by
allowing the individual access to a clear normative template, or reference group,
which is used to compare oneself to an in-group and shape personal identity.
However, a clear cultural identity does more than provide a reference group. It
provides a whole framework of norms, values, characteristics, beliefs, attitudes
and schemas to which an individual can turn when faced with feelings of personal
uncertainty. Perceiving clarity in ones cultural identity would reduce selfconceptual uncertainty, but, perceiving a lack of clarity in the associated norms,
values and behaviors might actually increase uncertainty regarding ones personal
way of being in the world.
3) The provision of continuity.
Beyond its capacity to reduce uncertainty, a clear cultural identity may also
provide the individual with a sense of continuitya sense of being connected to
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

448

Esther Usborne and Roxane de la Sablonnire

a clear and understandable past and future. Here, we argue that having a clear
cultural identity provides an individual with such a sense of cultural continuity,
which in turn enables an individual to situate him or herself personally in the
world. Chandler and colleagues (2003) have introduced the psychological importance of perceiving ones cultural identity as persisting through time. They posit
that a lack of cultural continuity can lead to a lack of personal continuity, and
theorize that low levels of personal continuity actually increase ones risk of
suicide. In support of this assertion, these researchers found that First Nations
communities in British Columbia, Canada, who engaged in activities designed to
restore a sense of cultural continuity, such as speaking the First Nations language
or securing the title to traditional lands had lower suicide rates than communities
that were not engaging in these practices (Chandler & Lalonde, 1998; Hallett,
Chandler, & Lalonde, 2007). These researchers assert that cultural continuity is
important as it connects the individual to the clear past and future of ones group,
to something greater than oneself that persists through time, and that without
cultural continuity an individual will not experience him or herself as a clear and
continuous entity, thus increasing the risk of suicide.
Similarly, Sani and his colleagues (Sani et al., 2007) have developed a concept
that they term Perceived Collective Continuity (PCC). They define PCC as the
extent to which ones group is perceived as an enduring and temporally persistent
entity. They propose that perceptions of group continuity are based on two
dimensions: Cultural continuity, the perceived continuity of norms and traditions,
and historical continuity, the perceived interconnection between different historical ages and events. Sani, Bowe, and Herrera (2008) demonstrated that enhanced
perceptions of collective continuity by group members were associated with
higher levels of social well-being. Individuals who perceived their Spanish cultural
group as persisting through time felt more positive about their social functioning,
pointing to the psychological importance of experiencing ones group as a continuous entity.
Here, we suggest that perceiving ones cultural identity as clear, having a clear
understanding of the norms, values and behaviors of ones cultural group, implies
that the individual perceives these norms, values, and behaviors as having not been
severely disrupted nor drastically changed through time. Having a clear and
confident understanding of ones cultural identity thus creates a sense of continuity,
of understanding that ones cultural group has had a continuous and meaningful
existence. Continuity in this case means both cultural and historical continuity
(Sani et al., 2007). These enable the individual to not only know the nature of the
groups values and norms that have been preserved over time, but also to have a
confident understanding of the changes and transformation that have taken place
throughout the groups history, and are thus seen as part of a coherent and
meaningful narrative. Such perceived cultural continuity situates the individual in
time and connects his or her personal existence to others in the past and in the
future. As Reicher (2008) suggests, this connection to both past and future is also
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

Understanding My Culture

449

important for connecting ones past, present and future selves, thereby facilitating
well-being. Individuals strive to connect both the present and past self to the future
self and use this sense of continuity to justify and make plans for future behaviour.
Continuity provides a sense of belonging or connectedness to a greater being, and
allows a person to feel clarity with regards to who they are personally.
An unclear cultural identity, on the other hand, would provide no indication
that ones cultural group has persisted through time, and thus not provide the
individual with an idea about how he or she is connected to a clear and understandable past and future. Chandler and his colleagues (2003) describe a damaging colonization process that has disrupted the cultural continuity of many
Indigenous groups. There is little indication that this identity persists through time
for an Indigenous group which no longer speaks its own language or maintains its
own way of educating children, thus group members become unable to situate
themselves personally in a larger continuous group to which they feel connected.
Feelings of continuity might then explain the relationship between cultural
identity clarity and personal identity clarity. That is, a positive relationship
between cultural identity clarity and personal identity clarity arises because a clear
cultural identity is providing the individual with a sense of continuity, enabling
him or her to understand how he or she personally fits into a broader design. Such
a possibility speaks to the importance of recent theory, which emphasis that
understanding cultural identity and history as inextricably linked. For example,
Hammack (2008) has argued that a group members cultural identity is intertwined with his or her groups historical narrative. Psychologists now posit that a
groups history is a fundamental component of group members cultural identities
(Gjerde, 2004; Okazaki, David & Abelman, 2008). Without the perception of a
continuous history, a group member might have a difficult time understanding
who he or she is.
4) Protection against existential anxiety.
The final mechanism that we discuss is the capacity of a clear cultural identity to
buffer the individual against the awareness of his or her own mortality. We argue
that a clear cultural identity protects the individual against existential anxiety,
thus providing a sense of meaning to ones life and allowing the individual to come
to terms with who he or she is personally. According to Terror Management
Theory (TMT; Greenberg et al., 1997), mortality awareness conflicts with our
instinctual motive for self-preservation, and thus becomes a terrifying idea that
creates existential anxiety. TMT theorists argue that one strategy that enables an
individual to buffer against the fear of death is to invest in ones cultural group and
defend its beliefs, values and practices. They have convincingly demonstrated
that, when reminded of their own mortality, participants demonstrate an
increased endorsement of, for example, strong in-group values (Castano, Yzerbyt,
Paladino, & Sacchi, 2002), normative beliefs (Pyszczynski et al., 1996), and behaviors (Greenberg, Porteus, Simon, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1995).
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

450

Esther Usborne and Roxane de la Sablonnire

Sani and colleagues (2009) argue that this is because a cultural group constitutes
a temporally enduring meaning-system, a system that gives life order and permanence. Connection to a cultural group (or groups) along with the associated
values, norms and behaviors allows an individual to experience him or herself as
continuing even after their own death. These researchers argue that in order to
buffer themselves against the fear of death, individuals invest in a persistent and
continuous collective entity.
We argue that it is not only the persistent and continuous nature of a cultural
group that buffers against existential anxiety, but also the perceived clarity of this
cultural identity. A clear cultural identity, along with a clearly defined set of norms,
values and belief systems, connects the individual to something grander, more
certain, and seemingly more meaningful than themselves. Indeed, Van den Bos,
Poortvliet, Maas, Miedema and van dem Ham (2005) have argued that terror
management strategies, such as ascribing to a cultural world view, serve not only to
shield us from the terror of our own mortality, but also serve to reduce personal
uncertainty. Belonging to a group that persists through time and that is perceived
as having a clear and understandable set of norms, values, and beliefs enables the
individual to turn to their group membership for the provision of a clear, guiding,
and meaningful framework when faced with the knowledge of their own mortality.
TMT emphasizes that a person needs to have faith and be confident in cultural
worldviews before a culture anxiety buffer occurs (Kashima, 2010). Having a
cultural identity that is perceived to be clearly and confidently defined situates an
individuals personal existence in a grander design, thus making an individual more
certain about whom he or she is at a personal level of self-definition.
An individual with an unclear cultural identity, one that is not perceived to have
clear values, norms and belief systems may not actually be able to produce this
anxiety reducing function of cultural identity. Salzman and Halloran (2004) posit
that the destruction of traditional cultural perspectives in various Indigenous
societies around the world has had devastating effects on terror management
resources, with serious psychological consequences evident in those societies today.
An unclear cultural identity, an identity that provides only unclear information
about whether or not a group member speaks his or her traditional language, or
values formal education, for example, would not provide the individual with a
feeling that their life fits into a more meaningful and straightforward design.
Although individuals have been shown to invest in a cultural group more strongly
after being reminded of their own mortality, investment in a cultural group that
does not provide the individual with a clear cultural identity, with a clear way of
being in the world, may not actually allay feelings of existential anxiety.
The reduction of existential anxiety would then be another variable that
explains the positive relationship between cultural identity clarity and personal
identity clarity. A clear cultural identity has the capacity to limit existential
anxiety, thereby increasing clarity surrounding the personal self. An unclear
cultural identity, by contrast, may not have a similar anxiety-reducing capacity.
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

Understanding My Culture

451

IMPLICATIONS OF THE MODEL OF PERSONAL AND CULTURAL

IDENTITY CLARITY

In the present paper, we have proposed a new model of cultural and personal
identity clarity that describes the identity defining functions that we believe are
particular to cultural group membershipscultural group memberships that
are clearly and confidently understood by the individual. We have argued that
a clear cultural identity has four distinct ways of facilitating personal identity
clarity, whereas an unclear cultural identity may not fulfill important identitydefining functions. Our model therefore sheds light on the function of a
clear cultural identity for personal identity clarity, and on the potentially negative psychological consequences of an unclear cultural identity. In doing so, it
not only extends existing social psychological theories by applying them to
the specific identity-defining functions of a clear cultural identity, but it also
contributes to our understanding of the identity challenges faced by many
in our increasingly multicultural world. As even mainstream individuals are
negotiating increasingly complex cultural environments and are asking
themselves who they are as members of their cultural group(s), culture can no
longer be analyzed as having a straightforward impact on the individual. The
clarity of ones cultural identity must be taken into account if we hope to understand how globalization and increasing multiculturalism impact upon the
individual.
Indeed, current events in our world indicate that a clear cultural identity serves
an important psychological function. Today, Indigenous peoples are fighting to
restore a clear cultural identity after negative histories of colonization (Barios &
Egan, 2002; Lawrence, 2003; Tsosie, 2002). Groups across the globe are constructing multiple cultural identities as different cultures intersect (see Hermans &
Kempen, 1998). They are struggling to maintain a clear understanding of what it
means to be a member of their particular cultural group in our rapidly globalizing
world. Even those who engage in acts of terror could be conceived as resolving an
identity crisis, fighting for a clear understanding of who they are as members of
their cultural or religious group (Choudhury, 2007; King & Taylor, 2011). In
terms of these current events and in terms of our proposed theoretical model, a
clear cultural identity is psychologically important for the individual, and it is now
essential for us to understand the broader implications of the importance of
cultural identity clarity.
This view is consistent with work across other theoretical traditions. Giddens
seminal work on modernity and self-identity (Giddens, 1991) describes the significant impact of globalizing forces and rapid social change on identity. Similarly,
Sammut (2011) posits that in contemporary, multicultural societies, social identities come to define which intercultural relations are prescribed, and thereby
determine the relational processes in which individuals engage. These authors
draw on different theoretical underpinnings than the present paper, but similarly
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

452

Esther Usborne and Roxane de la Sablonnire

argue for the importance of a collective or cultural identity as a guiding framework for the individual.
In the present article, we have defined cultural identity clarity in a particular
fashion, namely as the perception of clarity in ones cultural identity. The fact that
it is not one true or rigid definition but rather the perception of cultural clarity that
impacts upon members of a particular group may limit the potential for negative
intergroup consequences of striving for, or obtaining a clear cultural identity. A
rigid and inflexible understanding of what it means to be a mainstream Canadian,
for example, might lead to an unwillingness to accept, or be open to, different,
multicultural versions of this identity. In contrast, an understanding of the Canadian identity that is less rigid, yet perceived to be clearly and confidently understood can shift and change while remaining clear. Those who are struggling to
come to terms with who they are in todays world need not fight against change
but instead examine their personal perceptions of their cultural context. For
example many Indigenous individuals are now examining what it means for them
personally to be Inuit or Navajo in todays modern world. Schwartz, Montgomery
and Briones (2006) suggest an intervention for bicultural individuals that involves
them clarifying what it means to be bicultural:
[A] Colombian-American might be helped by exercises to clarify what it means to be Colombian and American, as well as to solidify her thoughts and feelings about being Columbian
and American and as a person capable of defining, rather than being defined by, her cultural
identifications (p. 23).

Such exercises might facilitate cultural identity clarity without producing a

sense of rigidity in terms of how all individuals that share a particular cultural
identity should or should not be. Cultural identity clarity is then analogous to
Baumgardners (1990) definition of personal identity clarity, as a clear and confident self-understanding that is not necessarily accurate, unchanging, imposed
upon or defined by others.
FUTURE DIRECTIONS

Although our ideas about the importance of cultural identity clarity are based on
an array of well-developed programs of research, we now call for empirical
research exploring the relationships among cultural identity clarity, personal
identity clarity, and our proposed explanatory variables. Like Schwartz and
colleagues (2008) who recognize a dearth of empirical research exploring cultural
and personal identity together, we call for research that seeks to understand the
links between these variables. Using our theoretical model, the provision of a clear
normative template, the reduction of self-conceptual uncertainty, the provision of
continuity, and the reduction of existential anxiety can now all be empirically
examined as potential mechanisms through which cultural identity clarity is
connected to personal identity clarity.
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

Understanding My Culture

453

We believe that it is important to test our theoretical model using a multimethod approach, including both holistic and more targeted methodologies. For
example, recounting a cultural narrative (e.g., Bougie, Usborne, de la
Sablonnire, & Taylor, 2011) and coding for the clarity of certain cultural norms
or cultural continuity, might be an appropriate initial holistic method, used to
explore the relationship between cultural identity clarity and personal identity
clarity. In addition, social cognitive methods borrowed from the TMT literature
may be a way of documenting the unconscious impact of a clear cultural identity
on personal identity. Researchers could explore if priming a clear cultural identity
has an uncertainty reducing effect, or an existential anxiety reducing effect, and if
these effects then mediate the relationship between cultural identity clarity and
personal identity clarity. Because cultural identity is an extremely complex and
multifaceted psychological construct, multiple methodologies would provide us
with a more complete understanding of the proposed relationships among our
variables of interest.
Furthermore, it remains to be seen which of the proposed functions of cultural identity clarity may be the most important for personal identity clarity, or
if all four processes act in parallel to clarify ones personal existence. We
imagine that the importance of each depends upon the context in which an
individual finds him or herself. For example, an adolescent may find a clear
normative template particularly useful for constructing his or her personal identity, whereas an older adult may be more likely to rely on a clear cultural
identity to buffer against existential anxiety. The proposed theoretical mechanisms need to be examined together to understand which are the most universally important, and which may impact different individuals at different points
in their lives.
Finally, at an applied level, we call for research examining the importance of
cultural identity clarity for individuals who are faced with cultural identity concerns. Indeed, developing interventions by which people experiencing cultural
identity challenges such as immigrants to a new culture, Indigenous peoples, or
members of the mainstream culture living in increasingly complex environments
could clarify their cultural identities might help them to more clearly understand who they are at a personal level of self-definition. Interventions like the
one proposed by Schwartz and colleagues (2006) that are designed to be used
by bicultural individuals to clarify their identities, could be adapted and used
with other individuals struggling to come to terms with who they are at a cultural level of self-definition. A cultural narrative methodology could even be
used to allow individuals to come to know and understand their own cultural
identities and see this identity synthesized into a coherent story (Usborne & de
la Sablonnire, in preparation). Perceiving ones cultural identity as clearly
defined might then enable a person to understand who they are personally and
more easily navigate the challenges of our multicultural and rapidly changing
world.
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

454

Esther Usborne and Roxane de la Sablonnire

Esther Usborne & Roxane de la Sablonnire

Dpartement de Psychologie
Universit de Montral
C.P. 6128, succursale Centre-Ville
Montral H3C 3J7
Qubec
Canada
esther.usborne@gmail.com
roxane.de.la.sablonniere@umontreal.ca
REFERENCES
Amiot, C. E., de la Sablonnire, R., Terry, D. J., & Smith, J. R. (2007). Development and
integration of social identities in the self: Toward a cognitive-developmental model.
Personality and Social Psychology Review, 11, 364388.
Ashmore, R. D., Deaux, K., & McLaughlin-Volpe, T. (2004). An organizing framework
for collective identity: Articulation and significance of multidimensionality. Psychological
Bulletin, 130, 80114.
Barios, P. G., & Egan, M. (2002). Living in a bicultural world and finding the way home:
Native womens stories. Affilia, 17, 206225.
Baumgardner, A. H. (1990). To know oneself is to like oneself: Self-certainty and self-affect.
Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 58, 10621072.
Benet-Martinez, V., & Haritatos, J. (2005). Bicultural identity integration (BII): Components and psychosocial antecedents. Journal of Personality, 73, 10151050.
Berry, J. W. (1997). Immigration, acculturation, and adaptation. Applied Psychology, 46,
534.
Berry, J. W. (2005). Acculturation: Living successfully in two cultures. International Journal of
Intercultural Relations, 29, 697712.
Bougie, E., Usborne, E., de la Sablonnire, R., & Taylor, D. M. (2011). The cultural
narratives of Francophone and Anglophone Quebecers: Using a historical perspective to
explore the relationships explore the relationships among collective relative deprivation,
in-group entitativity, and collective esteem. British Journal of Social Psychology, 50(4),
726746.
Bourgois, P. (2003). In search of respect: Selling crack in El Barrio. New York, NY: Cambridge
University Press.
Brown (2000). Social identity theory: Past achievements, current problems and future
challenges. European Journal of Social Psychology, 30, 745778.
Cameron, J. E. (2004). A three-factor model of social identity. Self and Identity, 3, 239262.
Campbell, J. D. (1990). Self-esteem and clarity of the self-concept. Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology, 59, 538549.
Campbell, J. D., Assanand, S., & Di Paula, A. (2003). The structure of the self-concept and
its relation to psychological adjustment. Journal of Personality, 71, 115140.
Campbell, J. D., & Lavallee, L. F. (1993). Who am I? The role of self-concept confusion in
understanding the behaviour of people with low self-esteem. In R. F. Baumeister (Ed.),
Self-esteem: The puzzle of low self-regard (pp. 320). New York, NY: Plenum Press.
Campbell, J. D., Trapnell, P. D., Heine, S. J., Katz, I. M., Lavallee, L. F., & Lehman, D.
R. (1996). Self-concept clarity: Measurement, personality correlates, and cultural
boundaries. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 70, 141156.
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

Understanding My Culture

455

Castano, E., Yzerbyt, V., Paladino, M.-P., & Sacchi, S. (2002). I belong, therefore, I exist:
Ingroup identification, ingroup entitativity, and ingroup bias. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 28, 135143.
Chandler, M. J., & Lalonde, C. (1998). Cultural continuity as a hedge against suicide in
Canadas First Nations. Transcultural Psychiatry, 35, 191220.
Chandler, M. J., Lalonde, C., Sokol, B. W., & Hallett, D. (2003). Personal persistence,
identity development and suicide. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development,
68, vii-130.
Choudhury, T. (2007). The role of muslim identity politics in radicalisation: A study in progress.
London: Department for Communities and Local Government.
Durkheim, E. (1895). The rules of sociological method. Paris: F. Alcan.
Erikson, E. H. (1950). Childhood and society. New York: Norton.
Erikson, E. H. (1968). Identity: Youth and crisis. New York: Norton.
Frideres, J. S. (1998). Aboriginal peoples in Canada: Contemporary conflicts (5th ed.). Scarborough,
Ontario: Prentice-Hall Canada Inc.
Giddens, A. (1991). Modernity and self-identity: Self and society in the late modern age. Stanford
University Press.
Gjerde, P. F. (2004). Culture, power, and experience: Toward a person-centered cultural
psychology. Human Development, 47, 138157.
Greenberg, J., Porteus, J., Simon, L., Pyszczynski, T., & Solomon, S. (1995). Evidence of
a terror management function of cultural icons: The effects of mortality salience on the
inappropriate use of cherished symbols. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 21,
12211228.
Greenberg, J., Solomon, S., & Pyszczynski, T. (1997). Terror management theory of
self-esteem and cultural worldviews: Empirical assessments and conceptual refinements.
In M. P. Zanna (Ed.), Advances in experimental social psychology (Vol. 29, pp. 61139). San
Diego, CA, US: Academic Press.
Hallett, D., Chandler, M. J., & Lalonde, C. (2007). Aboriginal language knowledge and
youth suicide. Cognitive Development, 22, 392399.
Hammack, P. L. (2008). Narrative and the cultural psychology of identity. Personality and
Social Psychology Review, 12, 222247.
Heine, S. J. (2008). Cultural psychology. New York: W. W. Norton.
Hermans, H. J., & Kempen, H. J. (1998). Moving cultures: The perilous problems of
cultural dichotomies in a globalizing society. American Psychologist, 53(10), 1111.
Hogg, M. A., & Mullin, B. A. (1999). Joining groups to reduce uncertainty: Subjective
uncertainty reduction and group identification. In D. Abrams & M. A. Hogg (Eds.),
Social identity and social cognition (pp. 249279). Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
Hogg, M. A., Sherman, D. K., Dierselhuis, J., Maitner, A. T., & Moffitt, G. (2007).
Uncertainty, entitativity, and group identification. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology,
43, 135142.
Jetten, J., Hogg, M. A., & Mullin, B. A. (2000). In-group variability and motivation to
reduce subjective uncertainty. Group Dynamics: Theory, Research, and Practice, 4,
184198.
Kashima, E. S. (2010). Culture and terror management: What is Culture in cultural
psychology and terror management theory? Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 4,
164173.
King, M., & Taylor, D. M. (2011). The radicalization of homegrown jihadists: A review of
theoretical models and social psychological evidence. Terrorism and Political Violence, 23(4),
602622.
Kitayama, S., & Cohen, D. (Eds.). (2007). Handbook of cultural psychology. New York: Guildford Press.
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

456

Esther Usborne and Roxane de la Sablonnire

Kitayama, S., Markus, H. R., Matsumoto, H., & Norasakkunkit, V. (1997). Individual and
collective processes in the construction of the self: Self-enhancement in the United
States and self-criticism in Japan. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 72,
12451267.
Lawrence, B. (2003). Gender, race, and the regulation of Native identity in Canada and the
United States. Hypatia, 18, 331.
Luhtanen, R., & Crocker, J. (1992). A collective self-esteem scale: Self-evaluation of ones
social identity. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 18, 302318.
Marcia, J. E. (1980). Identity and adolesence. In J. Adelson (Ed.), Handbook of adolescent
psychology (pp. 159187). New York: Wiley.
Markus, H. R., & Kitayama, S. (1991). Culture and the self: Implications for cognition,
emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review, 98, 224253.
Maslow, A. H. (1954). Motivation and personality. New York: Harper & Brothers.
Matsumoto, D., Kasri, F., & Kooken, K. (1999). American-Japanese cultural differences in
judgments of expression intensity and subjective experience. Cognition and Emotion, 13,
201218.
McAdams, D. P. (2001). The psychology of life stories. Review of General Psychology, 5,
100122.
McAdams, D. P. (2006). The redemptive self: Generativity and the stories Americans live
by. Research in Human Development, 3, 81100.
Miller, D. T., & Prentice, D. A. (1996). The construction of social norms and standards. In
E. T. Higgins and A. W. Kruglanski (Eds.), Social psychology: Handbook of basic principles
(Vol. 10, pp. 799829). New York, NY: Guilford Press.
Okazaki, S., David, E. J. R., & Abelman, N. (2008). Colonialism and the psychology of
culture. Social and Personality Compass, 2, 90106.
OSullivan-Lago, R., & de Abreu, G. (2010). Maintaining continuity in a cultural
contact zone: Identification strategies in the dialogical self. Culture and Psychology, 16,
7392.
Oyserman, D., Kemmelmeier, M., & Coon, H. M. (2002). Cultural psychology, a new
look: Reply to Bond (2002), Fiske (2002), Kitayama (2002), and Miller (2002). Psychological Bulletin, 128, 110117.
Pyszczynski, T., Wicklund, R. A., Floresku, S., Koch, H., Gauch, G., Solomon,
S., & Greenberg, J. (1996). Whistling in the dark: Exaggerated consensus estimates in response to incidental reminders of mortality. Psychological Science, 7,
332336.
Ratner, R. S. (1996). In cultural limbo: Adolescent Aboriginals in the urban life-world. In
G. M. OBireck (Ed.), Not a kid anymore: Canadian youth, crime, and subcultures. Scarborough,
Ontario: Nelson Canada.
Reicher, S. D. (2008). Making a past fit for the future: The political and ontological
dimensions of historical continuity. In F. Sani (Ed.) Self-Continuity: Individual and collective
perspectives (pp. 145158). London: Psychology Press.
Rhee, E., Uleman, J. S., Lee, H. K., & Roman, R. J. (1995). Spontaneous self-descriptions
and ethnic identities in individualistic and collectivistic cultures. Journal of Personality and
Social Psychology, 69, 142152.
Rogers, C. R. (1951). Client-centered therapy. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.
Salzman, M. B., & Halloran, M. J. (2004). Cultural trauma and recovery: Cultural
meaning, self-esteem, and the reconstruction of the cultural anxiety buffer. In J.
Greenberg, S. L. Koole & T. Pyszczynski (Eds.), Handbook of experimental existential psychology (pp. 231246). New York, N.Y.: Guilford.
Sammut, G. (2011). Civic solidarity: The negotiation of identity in modern societies. Papers
on social representations, 20, 4.14.24.
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

Understanding My Culture

457

Sani, F., Bowe, M., & Herrera, M. (2008). Perceived collective continuity and social
well-being: exploring the connections. European Journal of Social Psychology, 38,
365374.
Sani, F., Bowe, M., Herrera, M., Manna, C., Cossa, T., Miao, X., & Zhou, Y. (2007).
Perceived collective continuity: Seeing groups as entities that move through time. European Journal of Social Psychology, 37(6), 11181134.
Sani, F., Herrera, M., & Bowe, M. (2009). Perceived collective continuity and ingroup
identification as defence against death awareness. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology,
45, 242245.
Schwartz, S. J., Montgomery, M. J., & Briones, E. (2006). The role of identity in acculturation among immigrant people: Theoretical propositions, emprical questions, and
applied recommendations. Human Development, 49, 130.
Schwartz, S. J., Zamboanga, B. L., & Weisskirch, R. S. (2008). Broadening the study of the
self: Integrating the study of personal identity and cultural identity. Social and Personality
Psychology Compass, 2, 635651.
Stinson, D. A., Wood, J. V., & Doxey, J. R. (2008). In search of clarity: Self-esteem and
domains of confidence and confusion. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 34,
15411555.
Swidler (1986). Culture in action: Symbols and strategies. American Sociological Review, 51,
273286.
Tajfel, H. (1978). Differentiation between social groups: Studies in the social psychology of intergroup
relations. London: Academic Press.
Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G.
Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The social psychology of intergroup relations (pp. 3347). Monterey:
Brooks/Cole.
Taylor, D. M. (1997). The quest for collective identity: The plight of disadvantaged ethnic
minorities. Canadian Psychology, 38, 174189.
Taylor, D. M. (2002). The quest for identity: From minority groups to Generation Xers. Westport,
CT: Praeger Publications.
Taylor, D. M., & Usborne, E. (2010). When I know who We are, I can be Me: The
primary role of cultural identity clarity for psychological well-being. Transcultural Psychiatry, 47(1), 93111.
Taylor, D. M., Debrosse, R. G., Cooper, M., & Kachanoff, F. (2013). Cultural identity
clarity. In Sammut, G., Daanen, P. & Moghaddam, F. M. (Eds.), Understanding the self and
others: Explorations in intersubjectivity and interobjectivity (pp. 143160). New York: Routledge.
Tsosie, R. (2002). Reclaiming Native stories: An essay on cultural appropriation and
cultural rights. Arizona State Law Journal, 34, 299358.
Turner, J. C. (1985). Social categorization and the self-concept: A social cognitive theory
of group behaviour. In E. J. Lawler (Ed.), Advances in group processes: Theory and research
(Vol. 2, pp. 77122). Greenwich, CT: JAI Press.
Turner, J. C. (1999). Some current issues in research on social identity and selfcategorization theories. In N. Ellemers, R. Spears & B. Doosje (Eds.), Social identity
(Vol. 634). Oxford, UK: Blackwell.
Turner, J. C., Hogg, M. A., Oakes, P. J., Reicher, S. D., & Wetherelle, M. S. (1987).
Rediscovering the social group: A self-categorization theory. Oxford and New York: Blackwell.
Usborne, E., & de la Sablonnire, R. (in preparation). Writing a cultural narrative: A
constructive exercise for clarifying cultural identity and improving psychological wellbeing?
Usborne, E., & Taylor, D. M. (2010). The role of cultural identity clarity for self-concept
clarity, self-esteem, and subjective well-being. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 36,
883897.
2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

458

Esther Usborne and Roxane de la Sablonnire

Usborne, E., & Taylor, D. M. (2012). Using computer-mediated comminication as a tool

for exploring the impact of cultural identity clarity on psychological well-being. Basic and
Applied Social Psychology, 34(2), 183191. doi: 10.1080/01973533.2012.655636.
van den Bos, K., Poortvliet, P. M., Maas, M., Miedema, J., & van den Ham, E. J. (2005).
An enquiry concerning the principles of cultural norms and values: The impact of
uncertainty and mortality salience on reactions to violations and bolstering of cultural
worldviews. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 41(2), 91113.

2014 John Wiley & Sons Ltd

Copyright of Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour is the property of Wiley-Blackwell
and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without
the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or
email articles for individual use.