Beruflich Dokumente
Kultur Dokumente
Chronicle
VOLUME 167
LONDON
THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
2007
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ISSN 0078-2696
Editors
Mr RICHARD ASHTON, Dr MARCUS PHILLIPS,
Bedfordshire
WC1B3DG
SG18
8EQ
rhjashton@hotmail.com senmerv@hotmail.com
Published by
The Royal Numismatic Society
Typeset by Richler Graphics, Cambridge
Printed by Cambridge University Press
Distributed by Spink Limited,
69 Southampton Row,
Bloomsbury,
London WC1B4ET
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CONTENTS
ARTICLES
City Heads/Personifications and Omens from Zeus (the Coins of Sinope, Istria an
Olbia in the V-1V Centuries BC)
by J.G.F. HIND
Monnaies de bronze indites de Callatis du Ier sicle av. J.-C. et du Ier sicle ap. J
by STELUJA GRAMATICU ET VIRGIL IONIJ
by ANDREW P. MCINTYRE
by JOSETTE ELAYI
by CATHARINE C. LORBER
by TOM STEVENSON
by GUNNAR SEELENTAG
by PETER DEARING
by HARRY FALK
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vi
by BORYS PASZKIEWICZ
Another Die Identified for the Die-Link between Raymond Roupen and Bohemond 23 5
IV of Antioch
by KARL SHEA
Identification of the Nguyn Thng Coins of the Cnh Hung Period (1740 - 1786) 237
by FRANOIS THIERRY
HOARDS
243
AND
MODERN
HOARDS
264
EXCAVATION COINS
The Ancient and Early Mediaeval Coins from the Triconch Palace at Butrint, c. 2nd
century BC - c. AD 600
by T. SAM N. MOORHEAD
The Roman Provincial, Roman Imperial, Byzantine, Medieval and Islamic Coins from
the 1952-3 Excavations at Cyzicus
by HSEYN KKER
REVIEWS
OGUZ TEKN AND SENCAN ALTINOLUK, Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum Turkey 2. 323
Anamur Museum. Volume 1. Roman Provincial Coins (Andrew Meadows)
C. HASELGROVE, D. WIGG-WOLF (eds), Iron Age Coinage and Ritual Practices. 324
(Richard Hobbs)
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vii
MARCO TORRE (ed.), Orer racconta... Storia del paese sorto sul valico appenninico 3 30
pi basso d'Italia. (Melinda Mays)
B ARRIE COOK AND GARETH WILLIAMS, eds., Coinage and History in the North Sea 3 31
World c. 500-1250. Essays in Honour of Marion Archibald. (Rory Naismith)
SIMON COUPLAND, Carolingian Coinage and the Vikings. Studies on Power and 33 7
Trade in the 9th Century. (Elina Screen)
JORGEN STEEN JENSEN et al., Nordisk Numismatisk rsskrift 2000-2002 (Nordic 344
Numismatic Journal). 6th Nordic Numismatic Symposium: Single Finds : the Nordic
Perspective. (Rory Naismith)
PRESIDENT'S
ADDRESS
AND
GRANTS
PRIZES
AND
FUNDS
PRESIDENTS
MEDALLISTS
HONORARY
GUIDANCE
FOR
vii
x
xi
FELLOWS
xiii
CONTRIBUTORS
ABBREVIATIONS
iii
xiv
xvii
PUBLICATIONS
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xxi
(X 1.5)
Obverse : Diademed head of Ptolemy I right, aegis at neck, dotted border.
Reverse : riTOAEMAIOY on left, BAIIAEQI on right, eagle with closed wings standing
left on winged thunderbolt, P - IE across fields, curved E between legs, dotted border.
Weight: 13.85g. The coin was found in southern Lebanon near Saida (ancient Sidon) and is
now in the collection of Don Doswell, Decatur, Illinois.
Ptolemaic didrachms matching this description are well recorded.2 They belong to an
intermittent series of silver coins with dates in the reverse field, referring to an unidentified
era. The series initially comprised tetradrachms with the reverse legend IT O AEM AIO Y
EQTHPOX. The earliest known date is year 48, but there was apparently an undated issue
preceding it. In year 92 the tetradrachms were supplemented by didrachms, also with the
didrachms, now with the legend riTOAEMAIOY BAZIAEQZ. Such didrachms were minted
until year 117, when the series apparently came to an end.
1 My sincere thanks to Don Doswell for permission to publish his coin, to Brad Bowlin for providing the find spot,
to Panos Iossif for help with sources, and to Andreas Blasius, Oliver Hoover, and Richard Hazzard for thoughtful
comments on various drafts. I am solely responsible for any errors of fact or interpretation.
2 Svoronos 1224; O. Morkholm, 'The Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era" ', NN 1975-76, pp. 44-5, nos
323-338, pl. viii, 324, 335, 338.
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1 06 CATHARINE C. LORBER
Tetradrachm
Didrachm
1109-117
The new coin presented here, dated year 115, is the only tetradrachm recorded for the
years 100-1 17, when the era coinage otherwise consisted solely of didrachms.
The Aradian era
Many recent books and catalogues assign the era coinage to Aradus, following an
influential study by Otto Morkholm.6 Morkholm cited hoards and find spots indicating that
the era coinage was heavily concentrated in Phoenicia and Coele Syria, with some circulation
on Cyprus, but no examples recorded from Egypt.7 By comparing the era coins in the hoards
with closing coins bearing regnal dates, he deduced that the era was established about
260 BC.8 The first date of the era coinage is year 48, meaning that the series commenced
in the decade 220-210. It extended down to the 140s, a duration that presents historical
difficulties, since the Ptolemaic province of Syria and Phoenicia became Seleucid as a result
of the Fifth Syrian War (202-198). The only area along the Phoenician coast that remained
nominally independent was Aradus and its peraea and, conveniently, Aradus reckoned its
dates from an era beginning in 259/8. Morkholm emphasized that the ample sources at our
disposal attest no other era that matches the parameters of the coinage.9 Because Aradus was
an important commercial centre that enjoyed considerable freedom of action, he reasoned
that it might have supplemented its Attic-weight posthumous Alexander tetradrachms with
a 'pseudo-Ptolemaic' coinage designed to promote commercial relations with the Ptolemaic
territories to the south.10 He produced a chart showing that down to 190/89 the dates of
the posthumous Aradian Alexanders and the 'pseudo-Ptolemaic' tetradrachms formed an
alternating pattern, and he submitted that the alternations could be correlated with political
developments: the introduction of the 'pseudo-Ptolemaic' tetradrachms c.213 was a delayed
3 O. Morkholm, 'The Ptolemaic coinage in Phoenicia and the Fifth War with Syria', in E. Van't Dack et al. (eds),
Egypt and the Hellenistic World: Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Leuven, 24-26 May 1982 (Louvain,
1988), p. 243, n.ll.
4 H. Seyrig, Scripta Numismatica (Bibliothque archologique et historique CXXVI; Paris, 1986), p. 256.
5 Svoronos Vol. IV, 1208a. The two specimens listed in Svoronos' addenda were omitted from Morkholm's
corpus.
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prestige after the battle of Magnesia.12 The series ended in 143/2 bec
In 1883 Reginald S. Poole proposed a 'very hazardous hypothesis', that the era coinage
was dated from the introduction of the cult of Ptolemy Soter in 261/0.14 Richard A. Hazzard
began to champion the Soter era around the same time that Morkholm identified the era as
Aradian. In 1975 Hazzard published the Tyre, 1955 hoard (IGCH 1551), which contained
era didrachms down to year 116 in association with Seleucid tetradrachms of Alexander
Balas and Demetrius II.15 Hazzard deduced a burial date not long after 145. Comparing other
hoards from the region, he submitted that Ptolemaic coins did not enter Seleucid Coele Syria
through commerce, but rather were introduced there when Ptolemy VI Philometor (1 80145) occupied the towns of Coele Syria between 147 and 145. (In further support of this
interpretation, he recalled that Ptolemy VI, in his youth, had carried a large treasure with
him when he made his first foolhardy attempt to invade Syria, triggering the Sixth Syrian
War.) Hazzard associated the simultaneous loss of six hoards with the massacre of Ptolemaic
garrisons following the death of Ptolemy VI in 145. He calculated that the beginning of the
era fell between 262 and 259 and noted the affinity to the era proposed by Poole.
employed for the era coinage, beginning in year 1 14 but especially marked in years 115 and
1 16. He associated both the debasement and increased production with war finances. Almost
obliquely, he attributed the era coinage to Pelusium in Egypt, the militarized border post from
11 Morkholm, 'Ptolemaic coinage in Phoenicia', p. 243 adduced another reason for the inception of a 'pseudoPtolemaic' coinage at Aradus at this point, the relative paucity of actual Ptolemaic issues from Phoenician mints
during the reign of Ptolemy IV.
15 R.A. Hazzard, 'The Tyre hoard of 1955: IGCH 1551', Cornucopiae 3 (1975), pp. 57-63.
16 R. A. Hazzard, 'The composition of Ptolemaic silver', Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities
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1 08 CATHARINE C. LORBER
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Hazzard also asserted a connection between the era coinage and the u
According to this theory, the Ptolemies needed the Soter era to fix th
months to their Egyptian equivalents. The gap in the era coinage for yea
assimilated calendar. Both the Macedonian calendar and the era coinag
era coinage ended in 145 because Ptolemy VIII abolished both the Ma
calendars in favour of the assimilated calendar.
In a recent monograph on Aradus, Frdrique Duyrat updated Morkholm's corpus and die
study of the era coinage and nearly doubled the record of hoards containing these coins.29
She also offered a thoughtful discussion weighing the competing hypotheses of Morkholm
and Hazzard.30 She particularly emphasized that the Soter era, like the Aradian era, yields
intriguing correlations with historical events.31 The start of regular production in year 48 falls
very shortly after the victory at Raphia and the recovery of the Syro-Phoenician province
from Antiochus III. The resumption of production in 193/2, after an interval of more than a
decade, corresponds to the formal conclusion of the Fifth Syrian War. The lacuna from 1 70/69
to 164/3 begins with the launching of the disastrous Sixth Syrian War and ends with the
restoration of Ptolemy VI as sole king. Finally, the end of the era coinage in 145 corresponds
to the death of Ptolemy VI and the accession of Ptolemy VIII as king in Egypt.
From the point of view of an Aradian specialist, Duyrat cited particular obstacles to
accepting the Ptolemaic era coins as products of Aradus. First, Aradus marked all its coins
with a civic monogram, whereas there is no mintmark of any sort on the Ptolemaic era coins.
Second, from Aradian year 17 to Aradian year 54, the dates on Aradian 'palm tree Alexanders'
are expressed in Phoenician script, conflicting with the Greek dates of the Ptolemaic era
If it had indeed produced a 'pseudo-Ptolemaic' coinage, we would have to assume that the
Seleucid kings approved a currency designed to bring their ally into closer relations with
their traditional enemy. After considering these and other arguments, Duyrat judged the Soter
era the more credible of the two chronological hypotheses. However she could not accept
Pelusium as the mint of the era coins, because the coins do not conform to certain Egyptian
conventions: they lack the sign L before the date, and the handle of the thunderbolt or the
thunderbolt itself is winged from year 88 onward. Duyrat concluded that the mint was clearly
a royal Ptolemaic establishment affected by the Syrian wars, thus probably either in Egypt or
31 Duyrat cited these and other correspondences from the author's review of Hazzard's Ptolemaic Coins in AJN
7-8 (1995-96), pp. 262-3. The author now accepts Morkholm's reasoning that die linkage requires us to consider
the tetradrachm in Paris dated MB as an erroneously engraved issue of year 52, so that 'correspondences' to events
shortly before and after 220 have been omitted from the discussion.
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1 1 o CATHARINE C. LORBER
New proposals
The new era tetradrachm of year 1 1 5 adds to the evidence in favor of Hazzard's chronology.
It enhances the importance of the enlarged didrachm production of that year which, on the
Soter era, corresponds to 148/7, the year Ptolemy VI began his invasion and occupation of
Coele Syria and Phoenicia. It was found near one of the cities so occupied, Sidon, where
an era didrachm of year 105 was earlier found in the excavations of the royal tombs.32 If,
on the other hand, we date the tetradrachm according to the Aradian era, it would fall in
145/4, after the death of Ptolemy VI, when no particular historical event could be cited
to explain the unexpected production of tetradrachms. The new tetradrachm highlights a
weakness of Morkholm's hypothesis that Aradus terminated its 'pseudo-Ptolemaic' coinage
because of increasing competition from Seleucid 'eagles' of Ptolemaic weight. It was already
somewhat illogical that Aradus, when facing declining demand for its didrachms, would
have dramatically increased production in year 114 and have continued to expand its output
in years 115 and 1 16.33 It is even more difficult to explain the addition of tetradrachms under
Svoronos mentioned Cyprus as a possible place of origin for the Ptolemaic era coinage.
Morkholm offered two observations that support a Cypriote origin. He pointed to the wings
attached to the thunderbolt of era coins of years 92 and 111-117 as a definitely non-Egyptian
feature and noted that winged thunderbolts otherwise occur only on Cypriote issues of the
second century BC, first appearing on coins of Salamis and Paphos in 164/3. 35 He also drew
attention to the very close resemblance between an obverse die employed at Salamis in 175/4
and the dies used for the era tetradrachms of years 70-83, and especially years 79-81, and
concluded decisively, 'In my opinion there can be no doubt that the die-cutter who worked
for our mint in these years also produced the single obverse die used at Salamis'.36 Yet
32 O. Hamdi Bey and Th. Reinach, Une ncropole royale Sidon (Paris, 1892), pp. 354-6.
33 Morkholm's die study, confirmed by Duyrat, shows that a single die, a27, was placed in use in year 1 1 1 and was
the only die employed in years 112 and 113. Two new dies (a28 and a29) were introduced in year 1 14. Four new dies
(a30-a33) were employed in year 115. One of these (a32) remained in use in year 116, when a further four new dies
were added (a34-a37). Three new obverse (a38-a40) dies were employed in year 117, when mint activity may have
ceased before the end of the calendar year.
34 Minas, Hieroglyphischen Ahnenreihen, pp. 127-31.
35 Morkholm, 'Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era'", p. 50.
36 Morkholm, 'Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era'", p. 52; O. Merkholm and A. Kromann, 'The Ptolemaic silver
coinage on Cyprus, 192/1-164/3 B.C.', Chiron 14 (1984), p. 151 (and see p. 157, no 52 (A10/P29), pl. ii, for the
place of this die in the Salaminian series).
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c.214/3
c.190
after
146/5
after
Cypriote
129/8
hoards
Cyprus, 1982 5 73, 83, 84, 190/89, 180/79, 187/6, 177/6, 176/5,
Closure c.170-16842 85, 88, 91 179/8, 178/7, 175/4, 175/4, 172/1, 169/8
Gal
Closure
c.
68
84,
85
79/8,
78/7
37
Morkholm,
'Ptolemaic
"coins
o
of
Morkholm's
few
effective
ar
a
survey
of
the
geographic
dist
(ANSNNM
119;
New
York,
1950),
38
T.B.
Mitford,
'Kafizin
and
the
C
omission
of
the
sign
L
is
an
apparen
regnal
years:
see
Imagination
of
a
M
39
One
hoard
listed
by
Duyrat,
A
foillowing
table
because
no
dates
we
40
Ptolemy
V
intended
a
campaig
assemble
the
funds
to
finance
an
in
41
A.
Kindler,
'A
Ptolemaic
coin
ho
one
For
42
The
closure
date
and
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list
of
issue
1 1 2 CATHARINE C. LORBER
hoards
Lebanon
Closure
c.
(CH
IV,
150
147/6
Tyre
(IGCH
Closure 146/5 113,114, 149/8,148/7,147/6 146/5,145/4,144/3
Dura (CH III, 59) 60 101,102, 162/1,161/0,159/8, 159/8,158/7,156/5,
Closure 146/5 104, 105, 158/7, 157/6, 156/5, 155/4, 154/3, 153/2,
106, 107, 154/3, 153/2, 152/1, 151/0, 150/49, 149/8,
Syria,
462)
116,117
Closure
Ras
146/5
143/2
c.145
Baalbek
(I
1593)
Closure
143/243
Hebron
area
(CH
109) 105, 106, 157/6, 156/5, 154/3, 154/3, 153/2, 151/0,
Closure C.140 107,109, 152/1,149/8,148/7 149/8,146/5,145/4
The
introd
Wars
may
fragmenta
from
know
loyal
to
Pt
a
Seleucid
Ptolemy
V
There
is
e
Ptolemaic
hoards
inv
hoard
inclu
five
Phoen
43
Hazzard,
44 On the importance of Cyprus to the Ptolemaic fleet, see H. Hauben, 'Cyprus and the Ptolemaic navy', RDAC
46 Duyrat, Arados hellnistique, p. 177; see also CH VIII, 462, not included in Duyrat's survey of hoards.
47 A. Spaer, 'More on the "Ptolemaic" coins of Aradus', in G. Le Rider et al. (eds), Kraay-Morkholm Essays:
Numismatic Studies in Memory of C.M. Kraay and O. Morkholm (Numismatica Lovaniensia 10; Louvain, 1989), p.
272; Duyrat, Arados hellnistique, p. 178.
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'T
Key to map
Hoards
a. Sidon c. Didrachm of year 113 found 1970 in Yafo excavations under direction of
the late Jacob Kaplan (IAA No. 47674)
b. Beth-Zur d. Didrachm of year 104 or 105 found 2007 in Tel Gezer excavations under
direction of Steven Ortiz and Samuel R. Wolff (not yet inventoried by IAA)
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CATHARINE
C.
LORBER
into
Coele
Syria
along
with
the
er
Paphos,
as
opposed
to
128
era
didrachms
The
48
49
hoard
50
Philometor
return
with
of
from
Jewish
Jonathan's
loppe
to
the
mercenaries
rise
to
power
River
from
and
Eleutherus.
Lagid
the
The
service.
growth
of
gave
conc
Duyra
the
This
interpretation
appears
inconsistent
with
the
judgm
Morkholm
56
For
the
and
gold
Kromann,
mnaieia
'Ptolemaic
Salamis,
silver
Svoronos
coinage
1452;
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strange that the era coinage took priority over instituting regular te
at these ancient cities. But in fact their silver mints had been large
there is no precious metal coinage that can be securely attributed to
of Ptolemy II, and the few possible candidates are isolated, occasion
major lapse in production of the era coins, during the years 170/69
to favour Hazzard's proposed mint of Pelusium, since there is no ob
outbreak of the Sixth Syrian War, the invasion of Egypt by Antioch
rivalry between the coregents should have suppressed a Cypriote coin
of Salamis and Citium continued their tetradrachm production throu
(with an interruption in 168, when Cyprus itself suffered a Seleucid
mint even operated briefly at Amathus(?) in 170/69 and 169/8.57 P
minting tetradrachms for five years, from 170/69 to 167/6.58 If th
first attested on Cyprus around the time the coinage was inaugurated,
These correlations may indicate a strong link between the era coinag
58 Cf. Morkholm and Kromann, 'Ptolemaic silver coinage on Cyprus', p. 164, 49(dated 166/5).
59 R.S. Bagnali, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions Outside Egypt (Columbia Studies in the Classical
Tradition IV; Leiden, 1976), pp. 256-7.
60 Bagnali, Administration, pp. 38-45, and 252-3.
61 T.B. Mitford, 'The Hellenistic inscriptions of Old Paphos', BSA 56 (1961), pp. 8, 11, stated that the first four
Ptolemies are never accorded divine epithets in Cypriote epigraphy. A statue base perhaps for Ptolemy I is inscribed
simply riTOAEMAIOI: id., 'Contributions to the epigraphy of Cyprus', JHS 57 (1937), pp. 29-30, no. 4. However
Mitford later recorded a statue base naming Ptolemy II as the son of the Theoi Soteres: id., 'Further contributions
to the epigraphy of Cyprus', AJA 65 (1971), p. 127, no. 27. No Cypriote dedications to the first Ptolemy as Soter
are recorded by W. Peremans, E. van't Dack, L. Mooren, and W. Swinnen, Prosopographia Ptolemaica, vol. VI:
La cour, les relations internationales et les possessions extrieures, la vie culturelle, nos 14479-17250 (Studia
Hellenistica 17; Louvain, 1968), or by I. Michaelidou-Nicolaou, Prosopography of Ptolemaic Cyprus (Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 44; Gteborg, 1976).
62 H. Donner and W. Rllig, Kanaanische und aramische Inschriften, vol. I (Wiesbaden, second edition, 1966),
no. 43; J. Teixidor, 'Ptolemaic chronology in the Phoenician inscriptions from Cyprus', ZPE 71 (1988), pp. 1 8890.
63 W. Huss, "'Knig der Knige" und der "Herr der Knige'", Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palstina-Vereins
93 (1977), pp. 131-40.
64 Huss, "'Knig der Knige'", pp. 135-6.
65 H. Volkmann, 'Der Herrscherkult der Ptolemer in phnikischen Inschriften und sein Beitrag zur Hellenisierung
von Kypros', Historia 5 (1956), pp. 448-55; Bagnali, Administration, pp. 71-3.
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1 1 6 CATHARINE C. LORBER
Unfortunately, we can suggest no more persuasive explanation for the era established in
262; we can only offer a number of ruminations intended to stimulate further discussion. If the
era was indeed related to the control date of the Marmor Parium, perhaps it commemorated
some late Ptolemaic success in the Aegean theatre of the Chremonidian War - of necessity,
one that remained relevant until the death of Ptolemy VI. Apart from Cyprus itself, only three
overseas possessions remained Ptolemaic until 145: Arsinoe-Methana, Thera, and Itanus.
But all of these were probably acquired in the early phases of the Chremonidian War.70 If
the era was local and unrelated to the Parian Marble, conceivably it honored some action of
the Ptolemaic admiral Callicrates of Samos, whose presence in western Cyprus is proved by
statue bases at Old Paphos and Curium and by a dedication to Apollo at the latter city.71 A
statue of the naval architect . . .rgoteles, erected by Ptolemy II in Old Paphos, attests to highly
A civic era should also be considered, though we can point to no instances in which such
an era was used to date a Hellenistic royal coinage. The inaugural date of 262 rules out the
known civic eras of Cyprus73 but could commemorate a new city foundation. The possibility
66 T.B. Mitford, 'Ptolemy, son of Pelops', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 46 (1960), pp. 110-12.
67 Hazzard, Imagination of a Monarchy, p. 28.
68 L. Bricault, 'Sarapis et Isis, Sauveurs de Ptolme IV Raphia', Chronique d'gypte LXXIV (1999), pp.
334-43.
69 The last securely dated tetradrachms with the Soter legend are issues of loppe and Gaza dated to the twentythird regnal year of Ptolemy III, i.e. 224/3 BC: see O. Morkholm, 'A group of Ptolemaic coins from Phoenicia and
Palestine', INJ 4 (1980), pp. 4-7; cf. Svoronos 821. Tetradrachms with the portrait of Ptolemy I and the legend
IITOAEMAIOY BAXIAEQS, arguably attributable to the reign of Ptolemy IV, include Svoronos 1 122, 1 135, 1261,
1267, and 1295.
70 Hlbl, History of the Ptolemaic Empire , pp. 42-3; Bagnali, Administration, pp. 120-1, 123-4, 135; G.M. Cohen,
The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe, the Islands, and Asia Minor (Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1995), pp. 124-6.
71 Hauben, 'Cyprus and the Ptolemaic navy', p. 216.
72 Hauben, 'Cyprus and the Ptolemaic navy', p. 221.
73 Both Citium and Lapethus had civic eras during the early Ptolemaic period. That of Citium began in 312 or
311, marking the abolition of the local kingship and the introduction of republican institutions by Ptolemy I: see
A.M. Honeyman, 'Observations on a Phoenician inscription of Ptolemaic date', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
26 (1940), p. 61; Mitford, 'Kafizin and the Cypriot syllabary', pp. 99-101; O. Masson, 'Kypriaka', BCH 92 (1968),
p. 400; and Huss, "'Knig der Knige'", p. 133. The inaugural date of the era of Lapethus depends on the dating
of KAI 43: the commonly accepted date of 275/4 for the inscription points to an era commencing in 305/4, whereas
Huss calculated an inaugural date of 245 or 244; see Honeyman, art. cit., p. 66, where it is suggested that the era
commemorated a grant of republican institutions to Lapethus by Demetrius, and Huss, art. cit., p. 136 n. 29, with the
suggestion that the era might have some relation to events in Cilicia at the beginning the the Third Syrian War.
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and all bore the dynastic name Arsino, apparently reflecting the cult
founded during the reign of Ptolemy II, though the precise dates are
the mint of the second-century era tetradrachms and the era didrachms
the era coinage could conceivably reflect the involvement of more tha
Hellenistica 43; Louvain, 2006), pp. 157-8; Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, Vol. I, pp.
und verwandte Gebiete 13/1 (1938), pp. 28-32; N. Robertson, 'The decree of Them
setting', Phoenix XXXVI/1 (1982), pp. 24-6; H. Hauben, 'Arsino II et la politiqu
E. van't Dack, P. Van Dessel, and W. Van Gucht (eds), Egypt and the Hellenistic W
Louvain, 1983), pp. 111-14, 124-7; id., 'Cyprus and the Ptolemaic navy', p. 217.
anchorage at Arsino near Old Paphos and a harbour at Arsino near Salamis
Arsino near Palaipaphos in the mid-third century, and Arsino near Salamis betw
158-9, in fact argues against attributing all three foundations to Ptolemy II, noting t
Cyrenaica and in the Fayum occurred over a period of time.
79 Cohen, Hellenistic Settlements, p. 137, noted that Arsino near Salamis was the app
the crossing to Aradus.
80 Huss, gypten in hellenistischer Zeit , pp. 469-70, with specialist literature cited; i
launch of the tessarakonteres was overseen by a Phoenician engineer, but it is not clear
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