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The Numismatic

Chronicle

VOLUME 167

LONDON
THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY
2007

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The Royal Numismatic Society 2007

ISSN 0078-2696

Editors
Mr RICHARD ASHTON, Dr MARCUS PHILLIPS,

c/o Department of Coins and Medals, PO Box 348,


British Museum, Biggleswade,
London

Bedfordshire

WC1B3DG

SG18

8EQ

rhjashton@hotmail.com senmerv@hotmail.com

Published by
The Royal Numismatic Society
Typeset by Richler Graphics, Cambridge
Printed by Cambridge University Press
Distributed by Spink Limited,
69 Southampton Row,
Bloomsbury,
London WC1B4ET

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CONTENTS

ARTICLES

A Metrological Study of Bosporan Silver Coins, 437-375 BC 1

by J. HOURMOUZIADIS and B. WEISSER

City Heads/Personifications and Omens from Zeus (the Coins of Sinope, Istria an
Olbia in the V-1V Centuries BC)
by J.G.F. HIND

Homer's 'Stout Helmet' on the Coins of Mesambria on the Black Sea 2 3


by J.G.F. HIND

Some Countermarked and Overstruck Hellenistic Coins from the Region of


Thracian Bosporus
byWM. STANCOMB

Monnaies de bronze indites de Callatis du Ier sicle av. J.-C. et du Ier sicle ap. J
by STELUJA GRAMATICU ET VIRGIL IONIJ

The pre-Imperial Coinage of lasos 4 7


by R.H.J. ASHTON

A Group of Koan Issues from c. 200 BC 79


by K. HGHAMMAR

The Eras of the Alexanders of Aspendos and Perge 9 3

by ANDREW P. MCINTYRE

Gerashtart, King of the Phoenician City of Arwad in the 4th cent. BC 99

by JOSETTE ELAYI

The Ptolemaic Era Coinage Revisited 1 0 5

by CATHARINE C. LORBER

Roman Coins and Refusals of the Title Pater Patriae 1 1 9

by TOM STEVENSON

Titus and the Supposed Title Designatus Imperator 1 4 3

by GUNNAR SEELENTAG

The Denarius under Trajan: New Metallurgical Analyses 1 4 7

by BERNHARD E. WOYTEK, KATHARINA UHLIR, MICHAEL ALRAM, MANFRED


SCHREINER and MARTINA GRIESSER

A Double Radete of Florian 1 6 5

by PETER DEARING

The Names of the Pratarjas Issuing Coins with KharosthT Legends 1 7 1

by HARRY FALK

The Bust of Christ on an Early Anglo-Saxon Coin 1 7 9

by LORD STEWARTBY and D.M. METCALF

Quid sunt 'marce sterlingorum' fabricate apud Vollenho? 1 8 3


A numismatic puzzle in the diocese of Utrecht at the beginning of the thirteenth
century

by JOS BENDERS & JEROEN F. BENDERS

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vi

The Szlichtyngowa Hoard (2006) 1 8 9

by BORYS PASZKIEWICZ

Two Thirteenth-Century Hoards and some Site Finds from Argos 2 1 1


by JULIAN BAKER

Another Die Identified for the Die-Link between Raymond Roupen and Bohemond 23 5
IV of Antioch

by KARL SHEA

Identification of the Nguyn Thng Coins of the Cnh Hung Period (1740 - 1786) 237
by FRANOIS THIERRY

COIN HOARDS 2007


ANCIENT

HOARDS

243

IGCH 252 'Cnossus, Crete, before 1955' 25 8


by RICHARD ASHTON

EEF Hoard of Alexandrian Tetradrachms (CH VII, All) 259


by ERIK CHRISTIANSEN

Ismant el-Kharab, ancient Kellis, in the Dakhleh Oasis 260


by GILLIAN E. BOWEN
MEDIEVAL

AND

MODERN

HOARDS

264

A Hoard Of Seventh Century Byzantine Folles Found Near Aleppo 272


by WOLFGANG SCHULZE

A Hoard Of Early Mediaeval Chach Coins From Kanka 277

by MICHAEL FEDOROV and ANDREW KUZNETSOV

EXCAVATION COINS
The Ancient and Early Mediaeval Coins from the Triconch Palace at Butrint, c. 2nd
century BC - c. AD 600
by T. SAM N. MOORHEAD

The Roman Provincial, Roman Imperial, Byzantine, Medieval and Islamic Coins from
the 1952-3 Excavations at Cyzicus
by HSEYN KKER

REVIEWS

KATERINI LIAMPI, Argilos. A Historical and Numismatic Study (William Bubeli

ZEYNEP lZMEL, Le Monnayage de Nocsare et du koinon du Pont. 321


(Stanley Ireland)

OGUZ TEKN AND SENCAN ALTINOLUK, Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum Turkey 2. 323
Anamur Museum. Volume 1. Roman Provincial Coins (Andrew Meadows)

C. HASELGROVE, D. WIGG-WOLF (eds), Iron Age Coinage and Ritual Practices. 324
(Richard Hobbs)

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vii

MARCO TORRE (ed.), Orer racconta... Storia del paese sorto sul valico appenninico 3 30
pi basso d'Italia. (Melinda Mays)
B ARRIE COOK AND GARETH WILLIAMS, eds., Coinage and History in the North Sea 3 31
World c. 500-1250. Essays in Honour of Marion Archibald. (Rory Naismith)

SIMON COUPLAND, Carolingian Coinage and the Vikings. Studies on Power and 33 7
Trade in the 9th Century. (Elina Screen)

JORGEN STEEN JENSEN et al., Nordisk Numismatisk rsskrift 2000-2002 (Nordic 344
Numismatic Journal). 6th Nordic Numismatic Symposium: Single Finds : the Nordic
Perspective. (Rory Naismith)

NIKOLAUS SCHINDEL, Sylloge Nummorum Sasanidarum. Paris, Berlin, Wien. 346


Shapur II. - Kawad I /2. Regierung , with contributions by S. Stanek, R. Linke and
M. Schriner. (Susan Tyler-Smith)

JUDITH KOLBAS, The Mongols in Iran, Chingiz Khan to Uljaytu, 1220-1309. 3 59


(Paul D. Buell)
THE

PRESIDENT'S

ADDRESS

PROCEEDINGS OF THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY, 2006-2007 397


PLATES

THE ROYAL NUMISMATIC SOCIETY, 2006-2007 i


MEDALS
RESEARCH

AND

GRANTS

PRIZES
AND

FUNDS

PRESIDENTS

MEDALLISTS

HONORARY
GUIDANCE

FOR

vii
x

xi

FELLOWS

xiii

CONTRIBUTORS

ABBREVIATIONS

iii

xiv

xvii

PUBLICATIONS

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xxi

The Ptolemaic Era Coinage


Revisited1
CATHARINE C. LORBER

The Recent appearance of an unpublished Ptolemaic tetradrachm bearing the numerals 11


provides an occasion to reexamine the so-called era coinage to which it belongs.

(X 1.5)
Obverse : Diademed head of Ptolemy I right, aegis at neck, dotted border.

Reverse : riTOAEMAIOY on left, BAIIAEQI on right, eagle with closed wings standing
left on winged thunderbolt, P - IE across fields, curved E between legs, dotted border.

Weight: 13.85g. The coin was found in southern Lebanon near Saida (ancient Sidon) and is
now in the collection of Don Doswell, Decatur, Illinois.
Ptolemaic didrachms matching this description are well recorded.2 They belong to an
intermittent series of silver coins with dates in the reverse field, referring to an unidentified

era. The series initially comprised tetradrachms with the reverse legend IT O AEM AIO Y
EQTHPOX. The earliest known date is year 48, but there was apparently an undated issue
preceding it. In year 92 the tetradrachms were supplemented by didrachms, also with the

reverse legend ITOAEMAIOY EQTHPOI. Production was subsequently suspended for


nearly a decade, but when mint activity resumed in year 100, the output consisted entirely of

didrachms, now with the legend riTOAEMAIOY BAZIAEQZ. Such didrachms were minted
until year 117, when the series apparently came to an end.

1 My sincere thanks to Don Doswell for permission to publish his coin, to Brad Bowlin for providing the find spot,

to Panos Iossif for help with sources, and to Andreas Blasius, Oliver Hoover, and Richard Hazzard for thoughtful
comments on various drafts. I am solely responsible for any errors of fact or interpretation.

2 Svoronos 1224; O. Morkholm, 'The Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era" ', NN 1975-76, pp. 44-5, nos
323-338, pl. viii, 324, 335, 338.

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1 06 CATHARINE C. LORBER

Table 1. Conspectus of the era coinage as


Denomination

Tetradrachm

Didrachm

1109-117
The new coin presented here, dated year 115, is the only tetradrachm recorded for the
years 100-1 17, when the era coinage otherwise consisted solely of didrachms.
The Aradian era

Many recent books and catalogues assign the era coinage to Aradus, following an
influential study by Otto Morkholm.6 Morkholm cited hoards and find spots indicating that
the era coinage was heavily concentrated in Phoenicia and Coele Syria, with some circulation
on Cyprus, but no examples recorded from Egypt.7 By comparing the era coins in the hoards

with closing coins bearing regnal dates, he deduced that the era was established about
260 BC.8 The first date of the era coinage is year 48, meaning that the series commenced
in the decade 220-210. It extended down to the 140s, a duration that presents historical
difficulties, since the Ptolemaic province of Syria and Phoenicia became Seleucid as a result
of the Fifth Syrian War (202-198). The only area along the Phoenician coast that remained
nominally independent was Aradus and its peraea and, conveniently, Aradus reckoned its
dates from an era beginning in 259/8. Morkholm emphasized that the ample sources at our
disposal attest no other era that matches the parameters of the coinage.9 Because Aradus was
an important commercial centre that enjoyed considerable freedom of action, he reasoned
that it might have supplemented its Attic-weight posthumous Alexander tetradrachms with
a 'pseudo-Ptolemaic' coinage designed to promote commercial relations with the Ptolemaic
territories to the south.10 He produced a chart showing that down to 190/89 the dates of
the posthumous Aradian Alexanders and the 'pseudo-Ptolemaic' tetradrachms formed an
alternating pattern, and he submitted that the alternations could be correlated with political
developments: the introduction of the 'pseudo-Ptolemaic' tetradrachms c.213 was a delayed
3 O. Morkholm, 'The Ptolemaic coinage in Phoenicia and the Fifth War with Syria', in E. Van't Dack et al. (eds),
Egypt and the Hellenistic World: Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Leuven, 24-26 May 1982 (Louvain,
1988), p. 243, n.ll.
4 H. Seyrig, Scripta Numismatica (Bibliothque archologique et historique CXXVI; Paris, 1986), p. 256.
5 Svoronos Vol. IV, 1208a. The two specimens listed in Svoronos' addenda were omitted from Morkholm's
corpus.

6 Morkholm, 'Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era'", pp. 23-58.


7 Merkholm, 'Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era'", pp. 48-50. In fact, the era coinage is probably not entirely
absent from Egypt. R.S. Poole wrote: ' . . .the coins do not to my knowledge occur, with rare exceptions [my italics],
in collections formed in Egypt': see A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum: The Ptolemies, Kings
of Egypt (London, 1883), p. lxxiv.
8 Morkholm, 'Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era'", p. 51.
9 Merkholm, 'Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era'", p. 54.
10 Morkholm, 'Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era'", pp. 52-4.

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THE PTOLEMAIC ERA COINAGE REVISITED 1 07

reaction to the Ptolemaic victory at Raphia,11 the revival of the po

202/1 was connected with the invasion of Ptolemaic Syro-Phoenici


the reversion to 'pseudo-Ptolemaic' tetradrachms in 190/89 reflected

prestige after the battle of Magnesia.12 The series ended in 143/2 bec

Phoenicia began to issue coinage of Ptolemaic weight after the acc

in 151/0, and their output eventually rendered the Aradian issues s

of his exegesis Morkholm conceded that his attribution of the era


still hypothetical, but he felt that the alternating dates of Alexand
provided strong circumstantial evidence supporting his case.
The Soter era

In 1883 Reginald S. Poole proposed a 'very hazardous hypothesis', that the era coinage
was dated from the introduction of the cult of Ptolemy Soter in 261/0.14 Richard A. Hazzard

began to champion the Soter era around the same time that Morkholm identified the era as

Aradian. In 1975 Hazzard published the Tyre, 1955 hoard (IGCH 1551), which contained
era didrachms down to year 116 in association with Seleucid tetradrachms of Alexander
Balas and Demetrius II.15 Hazzard deduced a burial date not long after 145. Comparing other
hoards from the region, he submitted that Ptolemaic coins did not enter Seleucid Coele Syria
through commerce, but rather were introduced there when Ptolemy VI Philometor (1 80145) occupied the towns of Coele Syria between 147 and 145. (In further support of this
interpretation, he recalled that Ptolemy VI, in his youth, had carried a large treasure with
him when he made his first foolhardy attempt to invade Syria, triggering the Sixth Syrian
War.) Hazzard associated the simultaneous loss of six hoards with the massacre of Ptolemaic
garrisons following the death of Ptolemy VI in 145. He calculated that the beginning of the
era fell between 262 and 259 and noted the affinity to the era proposed by Poole.

In a later study of the metallurgy of Ptolemaic silver, Hazzard demonstrated a slight


debasement of the silver coinage in 149/8, an increase in the copper content from less than
1% to about 2%, which he attributed to less scrupulous refining of the silver at a time when
Ptolemy VI was preparing for war with the Seleucid kingdom.16 A corresponding debasement
occurred in year 1 14 of the era didrachms, implying the equation of year 1 14 with 149/8 BC.
Hazzard further correlated this small debasement with an increase in the numbers of dies

employed for the era coinage, beginning in year 1 14 but especially marked in years 115 and
1 16. He associated both the debasement and increased production with war finances. Almost
obliquely, he attributed the era coinage to Pelusium in Egypt, the militarized border post from

which Philometor launched his invasion of Coele Syria.


In another paper drawing heavily on astronomical demonstrations, Hazzard and his coauthor, M. Pim Vatter FitzGerald, asserted that the Soter era was introduced at Alexandria
about 25 January 262 for the purpose of associating the celebration of the Ptolemaieia, a
quadrennial festival honoring the memory of Ptolemy I, with the acronychal rising of the star

11 Morkholm, 'Ptolemaic coinage in Phoenicia', p. 243 adduced another reason for the inception of a 'pseudoPtolemaic' coinage at Aradus at this point, the relative paucity of actual Ptolemaic issues from Phoenician mints
during the reign of Ptolemy IV.

12 Morkholm, 'Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era'", pp. 54-6.


13 Morkholm, 'Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era'", pp. 56-7.
14 BMC Ptolemies, pp. lxxiv-lxxvi.

15 R.A. Hazzard, 'The Tyre hoard of 1955: IGCH 1551', Cornucopiae 3 (1975), pp. 57-63.
16 R. A. Hazzard, 'The composition of Ptolemaic silver', Journal of the Society for the Study of Egyptian Antiquities

XX (1990), pp. 89-107.

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1 08 CATHARINE C. LORBER

Canopus, so as to ensure a permanent winter d


noted that their result was consistent with the

114 with 149/8 BC, derived from the presuma


silver coinage, placed the beginning of the era

Hazzard further developed his ideas about th

Imagination of a Monarchy}9 Through a su

demonstrated that the name Ptolemy Soter di

it was employed consistently, and that Ptolem

of inscriptions and papyri until 259.20 Hazza

(FGrHist 2B 239), an inscription from the islan

a Ptolemaic viewpoint and that it related variou

263/2; this, he submitted, was evidence that t

the Ptolemaic kingdom.21 He also argued tha


the grand procession of Ptolemy II alludes to
pageantry of the procession dramatized the ina
In his earlier book, Ptolemaic Coins : an Intr
the inauguration of the era coinage with the r
205), who showed an unusual interest in the cu

that the quadrennial Ptolemaieia were celeb

and Berenice I, who had had a separate cult a


main dynastic cult at Alexandria.24 Also in 21
(his great-grandchildren Ptolemy IV and Ars
Ptolemas, north of Thebes, creating an Egyp
addition, the festival of the Soteria was probab
at a special connection between the Ptolemy I
it was there that the satrap - soon to be king
Antigonus and Demetrius in November 306.27
decision of Ptolemy IV to make Pelusium the
Soter.

17 R.A. Hazzard and M.RV. FitzGerald, 'The regulation of


Royal Astronomical Society of Canada 85/1 (1991), pp.
18 Hazzard and FitzGerald. 'The regulation of the Ptole
19 R.A. Hazzard, Imagination of a Monarchy: Studies in
20 Hazzard, Imagination of a Monarchy, pp. 3-24.
21 Hazzard, Imagination of a Monarchy, pp. 25-46.
22 Hazzard, Imagination of a Monarchy, pp. 47-79. Mos
gypten in hellenistischer Zeit 332-30 v. Chr. (Munich, 2
Empire, tr. T. Saavedra (London, 2001), p. 39 (275/4); D.
in a Mediterranean context', in L. Mooren (ed.), Politics, A
World. Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Be
2000), pp. 381-8 (279/8); E.E. Rice, The Grand Processio
275, and dissociating the pompe from the Ptolemaieia); P.
136 (280-270); F.W. Walbank, 'Two Hellenistic processio
[Yearbook of the Israel Society for the Promotion of Clas
23 R.A. Hazzard, Ptolemaic Coins: an Introduction for C
24 M. Minas, Die hieroglyphischen Ahnenreihen der p
eponymen Priester in den demotischen und griechisch
112-14.

25 Minas, Hieroglyphischen Ahnenreihen, pp. 114-16.


26 Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, vol. 1, p. 232f.; vol. 2, p. 383 with n. 346.
27 Hazzard, Ptolemaic Coins, p. 34.

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THE PTOLEMAIC ERA COINAGE REVISITED 1 09

Hazzard also asserted a connection between the era coinage and the u

calendar, under royal patronage, in Alexandria and the non-Egyptian c

According to this theory, the Ptolemies needed the Soter era to fix th

only so long as they employed the Macedonian calendar. The Egypti


close to the true solar year, as was the assimilated calendar, which e

months to their Egyptian equivalents. The gap in the era coinage for yea

to the coregency of Ptolemy VI and his siblings and can be explained b

assimilated calendar. Both the Macedonian calendar and the era coinag

when Philometor regained control of his kingdom and resumed his or

era coinage ended in 145 because Ptolemy VIII abolished both the Ma
calendars in favour of the assimilated calendar.

The view from Aradus

In a recent monograph on Aradus, Frdrique Duyrat updated Morkholm's corpus and die
study of the era coinage and nearly doubled the record of hoards containing these coins.29
She also offered a thoughtful discussion weighing the competing hypotheses of Morkholm
and Hazzard.30 She particularly emphasized that the Soter era, like the Aradian era, yields
intriguing correlations with historical events.31 The start of regular production in year 48 falls

very shortly after the victory at Raphia and the recovery of the Syro-Phoenician province
from Antiochus III. The resumption of production in 193/2, after an interval of more than a
decade, corresponds to the formal conclusion of the Fifth Syrian War. The lacuna from 1 70/69

to 164/3 begins with the launching of the disastrous Sixth Syrian War and ends with the
restoration of Ptolemy VI as sole king. Finally, the end of the era coinage in 145 corresponds

to the death of Ptolemy VI and the accession of Ptolemy VIII as king in Egypt.
From the point of view of an Aradian specialist, Duyrat cited particular obstacles to

accepting the Ptolemaic era coins as products of Aradus. First, Aradus marked all its coins
with a civic monogram, whereas there is no mintmark of any sort on the Ptolemaic era coins.

Second, from Aradian year 17 to Aradian year 54, the dates on Aradian 'palm tree Alexanders'
are expressed in Phoenician script, conflicting with the Greek dates of the Ptolemaic era

tetradrachms of years 48 to 52. Furthermore, the historical circumstances are hard to


reconcile with Morkholm's theory. Aradus, though autonomous, was a faithful Seleucid ally.

If it had indeed produced a 'pseudo-Ptolemaic' coinage, we would have to assume that the
Seleucid kings approved a currency designed to bring their ally into closer relations with
their traditional enemy. After considering these and other arguments, Duyrat judged the Soter

era the more credible of the two chronological hypotheses. However she could not accept
Pelusium as the mint of the era coins, because the coins do not conform to certain Egyptian
conventions: they lack the sign L before the date, and the handle of the thunderbolt or the
thunderbolt itself is winged from year 88 onward. Duyrat concluded that the mint was clearly

a royal Ptolemaic establishment affected by the Syrian wars, thus probably either in Egypt or

in Syro-Phoenicia, but its identity remains to be determined.


28 R.A. Hazzard, 'The use of the Macedonian calendar under Ptolemies V and VI', in M. Amandry and S. Hurter
(eds), Travaux de numismatique grecque offerts Georges Le Rider (London, 1999), pp. 147-59.
29 F. Duyrat, Arados hellnistique: tude histoire et montaire (Beirut, 2005), pp. 115-19, 174-8. To Duyras
record of hoards we can also add Syria, 1989 (CH VIII, 462), which contained six era didrachms dated years 112,
115, 116 (3 specimens), and 117.
30 Duyrat, Arados hellnistique , pp. 266-72.

31 Duyrat cited these and other correspondences from the author's review of Hazzard's Ptolemaic Coins in AJN
7-8 (1995-96), pp. 262-3. The author now accepts Morkholm's reasoning that die linkage requires us to consider
the tetradrachm in Paris dated MB as an erroneously engraved issue of year 52, so that 'correspondences' to events
shortly before and after 220 have been omitted from the discussion.

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1 1 o CATHARINE C. LORBER

New proposals
The new era tetradrachm of year 1 1 5 adds to the evidence in favor of Hazzard's chronology.

It enhances the importance of the enlarged didrachm production of that year which, on the
Soter era, corresponds to 148/7, the year Ptolemy VI began his invasion and occupation of

Coele Syria and Phoenicia. It was found near one of the cities so occupied, Sidon, where
an era didrachm of year 105 was earlier found in the excavations of the royal tombs.32 If,
on the other hand, we date the tetradrachm according to the Aradian era, it would fall in
145/4, after the death of Ptolemy VI, when no particular historical event could be cited
to explain the unexpected production of tetradrachms. The new tetradrachm highlights a
weakness of Morkholm's hypothesis that Aradus terminated its 'pseudo-Ptolemaic' coinage
because of increasing competition from Seleucid 'eagles' of Ptolemaic weight. It was already
somewhat illogical that Aradus, when facing declining demand for its didrachms, would
have dramatically increased production in year 114 and have continued to expand its output
in years 115 and 1 16.33 It is even more difficult to explain the addition of tetradrachms under

supposedly adverse commercial conditions.


It is possible to conclude that Hazzard has correctly dated the era coinage, yet still hold
reservations about his theory of the Soter era. The events or supposed events of 262 are
connected only circumstantially to the era coinage. Nearly fifty years separate these events
from the inauguration of the era coinage, and during this period we have no evidence for
the existence of the Soter era (as opposed to use of the name Ptolemy Soter). It is especially
troubling that the tetradrachms issued in the name of Ptolemy Soter beginning in 261/0,
insofar as they are dated, bear the regnal years of Ptolemy II and Ptolemy III, rather than
Soter era dates. As noted above, Hazzard related the introduction of the era coinage to the
religious policies of Ptolemy IV. But if there was an initial connection between dynastic
cult and the era coinage, it must soon have unravelled, for Ptolemy V (205-180) removed
the Theoi Soteres from the state cult in 199/8, 34 yet subsequently revived production of the
era coinage in year 70 (193/2 according to the Soter era). Hazzard's thesis of a connection
between the Macedonian calendar and the era coinage requires another leap of faith. If the
Soter era was needed to regulate festivals, why was it cited on a coinage whose function was
apparently military, but not in any other context?

Svoronos mentioned Cyprus as a possible place of origin for the Ptolemaic era coinage.
Morkholm offered two observations that support a Cypriote origin. He pointed to the wings
attached to the thunderbolt of era coins of years 92 and 111-117 as a definitely non-Egyptian

feature and noted that winged thunderbolts otherwise occur only on Cypriote issues of the
second century BC, first appearing on coins of Salamis and Paphos in 164/3. 35 He also drew
attention to the very close resemblance between an obverse die employed at Salamis in 175/4

and the dies used for the era tetradrachms of years 70-83, and especially years 79-81, and
concluded decisively, 'In my opinion there can be no doubt that the die-cutter who worked
for our mint in these years also produced the single obverse die used at Salamis'.36 Yet
32 O. Hamdi Bey and Th. Reinach, Une ncropole royale Sidon (Paris, 1892), pp. 354-6.
33 Morkholm's die study, confirmed by Duyrat, shows that a single die, a27, was placed in use in year 1 1 1 and was

the only die employed in years 112 and 113. Two new dies (a28 and a29) were introduced in year 1 14. Four new dies

(a30-a33) were employed in year 115. One of these (a32) remained in use in year 116, when a further four new dies
were added (a34-a37). Three new obverse (a38-a40) dies were employed in year 117, when mint activity may have
ceased before the end of the calendar year.
34 Minas, Hieroglyphischen Ahnenreihen, pp. 127-31.
35 Morkholm, 'Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era'", p. 50.
36 Morkholm, 'Ptolemaic "coins of an uncertain era'", p. 52; O. Merkholm and A. Kromann, 'The Ptolemaic silver

coinage on Cyprus, 192/1-164/3 B.C.', Chiron 14 (1984), p. 151 (and see p. 157, no 52 (A10/P29), pl. ii, for the
place of this die in the Salaminian series).

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THE PTOLEMAIC ERA COINAGE REVISITED 1 1 1

Morkholm excluded a Cypriote origin for the era coinage, citing


L which invariably appears before the year on the dated coinages
This argument is not compelling. In Cypriote epigraphy the sign
dates, whereas dates reckoned according to a civic era, though us
explanatory phrase, can appear without any special identification.38

Careful attention to the hoard record provides further support for a

to Cyprus. The hoards found in the Syro-Phoenician region all con

struck before the Fifth Syrian War, or didrachms struck during


occupation of Coele Syria by Ptolemy VI.39 This is consistent wit
Hazzard, that the era coins were introduced into the region in conn
campaigns. The two hoards found on Cyprus, in contrast, contain
the end of the Fifth Syrian War and before the beginning of the
Ptolemies undertook no foreign adventures.40
Table 2. Hoards

Syro-Phoenician Era Era dates Julian dates Julian dates

tetradrachm hoards coins reckoned according to reckoned according


Tel Michal41 2 48,49 215/4,214/3 212/11,211/10
Closure

c.214/3

Dniy {IGCH 1538) 5 48,49,50, 215/4,214/3,213/2, 212/11,211/10,


Closure

c.190

Madaba {IGCH 1592) 1 52 211/10 208/7


Closure

after

146/5

Khan el- Abde {IGCH 5 Undated, 51 c.216?, 212/11 c.213?, 209/8


1597)
Closure

after

Cypriote

129/8

hoards

Cyprus, 1982 5 73, 83, 84, 190/89, 180/79, 187/6, 177/6, 176/5,
Closure c.170-16842 85, 88, 91 179/8, 178/7, 175/4, 175/4, 172/1, 169/8

Gal
Closure

c.

68

84,

85

79/8,

78/7

37

Morkholm,
'Ptolemaic
"coins
o
of
Morkholm's
few
effective
ar
a
survey
of
the
geographic
dist
(ANSNNM
119;
New
York,
1950),
38
T.B.
Mitford,
'Kafizin
and
the
C
omission
of
the
sign
L
is
an
apparen
regnal
years:
see
Imagination
of
a
M
39
One
hoard
listed
by
Duyrat,
A
foillowing
table
because
no
dates
we
40
Ptolemy
V
intended
a
campaig
assemble
the
funds
to
finance
an
in
41
A.
Kindler,
'A
Ptolemaic
coin
ho
one
For

42

The

closure

date

and

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list

of

issue

1 1 2 CATHARINE C. LORBER

Syro-Phoenician Era Era dates Julian dates Julian dates

tetradrachm hoards coins reckoned according to reckoned accord


Syro-Phoenician
didrachm

hoards

Lebanon
Closure

c.

(CH

IV,

150

Yatta (CHIX, 531) 4 105,107, 158/7,156/5,154/3 155/4,153/2,151/0


Closure

147/6

Tyre
(IGCH
Closure 146/5 113,114, 149/8,148/7,147/6 146/5,145/4,144/3
Dura (CH III, 59) 60 101,102, 162/1,161/0,159/8, 159/8,158/7,156/5,
Closure 146/5 104, 105, 158/7, 157/6, 156/5, 155/4, 154/3, 153/2,
106, 107, 154/3, 153/2, 152/1, 151/0, 150/49, 149/8,

109,110, 150/49,149/8,148/7, 147/6,146/5,145/4,


111,113, 146/5 143/2

Syria,

462)

116,117

Closure

Ras

146/5

143/2

c.145

Baalbek

(I

1593)
Closure

143/243

Hebron
area
(CH
109) 105, 106, 157/6, 156/5, 154/3, 154/3, 153/2, 151/0,
Closure C.140 107,109, 152/1,149/8,148/7 149/8,146/5,145/4

The
introd
Wars
may
fragmenta
from

know

loyal
to
Pt
a
Seleucid
Ptolemy
V

There
is
e
Ptolemaic
hoards
inv
hoard
inclu
five
Phoen
43

Hazzard,

44 On the importance of Cyprus to the Ptolemaic fleet, see H. Hauben, 'Cyprus and the Ptolemaic navy', RDAC

1987, pp. 213-226.


45 1. Macc. 11.1-9.

46 Duyrat, Arados hellnistique, p. 177; see also CH VIII, 462, not included in Duyrat's survey of hoards.

47 A. Spaer, 'More on the "Ptolemaic" coins of Aradus', in G. Le Rider et al. (eds), Kraay-Morkholm Essays:
Numismatic Studies in Memory of C.M. Kraay and O. Morkholm (Numismatica Lovaniensia 10; Louvain, 1989), p.
272; Duyrat, Arados hellnistique, p. 178.

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'T

THE PTOLEMAIC ERA COINAGE REVISITED 1 1 3

Fig. 1: Map showing hoards and individual find sites of Ptole

Key to map
Hoards

1. Tel Michal hoard

8. Lebanon hoard (CH IV, 60)

2. Dniy hoard (IGCH 1538)


3. Madaba hoard (IGCH 1592)

9. Yatta hoad (CH IX, 531)


10. Tyre hoard (IGCH 1591)
11. Dura hoard (CH III, 59)
12. Ras Baalbek hoard (IGCH 1593)
13. Hebron area hoard (CH VII, 109)

4. Kahn el-Abde hoard (IGCH 1597)

5. Cyprus hoard, 1982

6. Galatia hoard (IGCH 1474)


7. Jericho hoard (CH VIII, 412)
Individual finds

a. Sidon c. Didrachm of year 113 found 1970 in Yafo excavations under direction of
the late Jacob Kaplan (IAA No. 47674)
b. Beth-Zur d. Didrachm of year 104 or 105 found 2007 in Tel Gezer excavations under
direction of Steven Ortiz and Samuel R. Wolff (not yet inventoried by IAA)

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CATHARINE

C.

LORBER

Salaminian tetradrachms of Ptolemy VI, a te


didrachms, and 17 Seleucid tetradrachms fro
introduced

into

Coele

Syria

along

with

the

er

evidence for the origin of the didrachms.49


outnumbered by the era coins. The proporti
and

Paphos,

as

opposed

to

128

era

didrachms

as suggested here, the era coinage was carrie


fleet, the strong preference for the didrach
specifically to finance naval operations or,
the Sixth Syrian War, the mission of the fl
pay the Ptolemaic garrisons installed in the
also to reward Jewish allies.50 There is very
carried silver coinage overland from Egypt.5

The

probable Cypriote origin of the era co


with the Ptolemaic fleet allow for
of this coinage in the aftermath of the Four
or enlarge naval bases that would not be su
kings.52 (Already in the reign of Ptolemy
advanced ships of the Ptolemaic fleet were
of concerns about the security of the Phoen
lapsed with the death of Ptolemy IV, and th
the Fifth Syrian War the defence of Syria a
the region, enlarged by contributions from m
coinage in 193/2 will have been part of the
replace the lost province.55 It immediately p
the mints of Salamis {mnaieia 192/1, tetradr
191/0), and Paphos {mnaieia 192/1, tetradra
association

48
49

Duyrat, Arados hellnistique, p. 178. The tetradrachm


A possible contrary example is the Jericho(?) hoard

Alexandrian tetradrachms of Ptolemy VI with 12 era te


nature of the report and the fact that Alexandria and P

hoard

50

cannot be analyzed for our purposes.


Josephus, AJ 13.4.105 reports that Ptolemy

Philometor

return

with

of

from

Jewish

Jonathan's

loppe

to

the

mercenaries

rise

to

power

River

from

and

Eleutherus.

Lagid

the

The

service.

growth

of

gave

conc

Duyra

the

51 See n. 48. In addition, the Madaba hoard {IGCH 1


VI, as Svoronos 1489. The Damour hoard {IGCH 1589)

tetradrachm erroneously ascribed to Ptolemy VI in Mo


IV by H. Seyrig in Trsors du Levant anciens et nouveau
to Ptolemy V by Svoronos and by A. Kromann and O.
52

This

interpretation

appears

inconsistent

with

the

judgm

the value of an attack-capable fleet: see H. Hauben, 'A


50 (1981), pp. 398-43 and Huss, gypten in hellenis
Polybius' condemnation of Ptolemy IV as a negligent ru
53 Hauben, 'Cyprus and the Ptolemaic navy', p. 221.
54 O. Morkholm, 'The portrait coinage of Ptolemy V:
Greek Numismatics and Archaeology: Essays in Honor o
of the civic coinages are mentioned p. 203 n. 1 .
55

Morkholm

56

For

the

and

gold

Kromann,

mnaieia

'Ptolemaic

Salamis,

silver

Svoronos

coinage

1452;

two of these are attributed to Ptolemy VI by Svoronos,


with Ptolemy the Brother (the future Ptolemy VIII) eli

candidate. For the dated tetradrachms of Salamis and C


Cyprus', p. 155, 1; and H.-C. Noeske, Die Mnzen der

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THE PTOLEMAIC ERA COINAGE REVISITED 1 1 5

strange that the era coinage took priority over instituting regular te
at these ancient cities. But in fact their silver mints had been large
there is no precious metal coinage that can be securely attributed to
of Ptolemy II, and the few possible candidates are isolated, occasion
major lapse in production of the era coins, during the years 170/69
to favour Hazzard's proposed mint of Pelusium, since there is no ob
outbreak of the Sixth Syrian War, the invasion of Egypt by Antioch
rivalry between the coregents should have suppressed a Cypriote coin
of Salamis and Citium continued their tetradrachm production throu
(with an interruption in 168, when Cyprus itself suffered a Seleucid
mint even operated briefly at Amathus(?) in 170/69 and 169/8.57 P
minting tetradrachms for five years, from 170/69 to 167/6.58 If th

dedicated to naval finance, or to military finance more generally, its ces

a lack of instructions emanating from Alexandria, followed by the de

stratos Ptolemy Macron to Antiochus IV in 168, and the apparent v

until the restoration of Ptolemy VI in 163. 59 It is worth noting that

first attested on Cyprus around the time the coinage was inaugurated,

These correlations may indicate a strong link between the era coinag

Hazzard's claim of a connection between the era coinage and the c


becomes even more problematic in a Cypriote context. There is no i
for this cult on Cyprus.61 The well-known Phoenician inscription K
275/4, mentions a priest of the first Ptolemy at Lapethus.62 In this in
accorded a cult epithet but is simply called 'lord of kings'. This title,
II and (in other inscriptions) by Ptolemy III and IV, was perhaps the
of 'Great King'.63 Werner Hu has argued that the Lapethus inscript
the reign of Ptolemy IV.64 Nevertheless, it, like other third-century
Ptolemaic priesthoods, attests a city cult rather than a state cult, thu
than a centralized directive.65 If Philopator had truly sought to prom
great-grandfather as Ptolemy Soter on Cyprus, we might expect to s
by the highest ranking royal officials on the island. Yet Pelops, str

57 Morkholm and Kromann, 'Ptolemaic silver coinage on Cyprus', p. 158f., 65-1 A, p.

58 Cf. Morkholm and Kromann, 'Ptolemaic silver coinage on Cyprus', p. 164, 49(dated 166/5).
59 R.S. Bagnali, The Administration of the Ptolemaic Possessions Outside Egypt (Columbia Studies in the Classical
Tradition IV; Leiden, 1976), pp. 256-7.
60 Bagnali, Administration, pp. 38-45, and 252-3.
61 T.B. Mitford, 'The Hellenistic inscriptions of Old Paphos', BSA 56 (1961), pp. 8, 11, stated that the first four
Ptolemies are never accorded divine epithets in Cypriote epigraphy. A statue base perhaps for Ptolemy I is inscribed
simply riTOAEMAIOI: id., 'Contributions to the epigraphy of Cyprus', JHS 57 (1937), pp. 29-30, no. 4. However
Mitford later recorded a statue base naming Ptolemy II as the son of the Theoi Soteres: id., 'Further contributions
to the epigraphy of Cyprus', AJA 65 (1971), p. 127, no. 27. No Cypriote dedications to the first Ptolemy as Soter
are recorded by W. Peremans, E. van't Dack, L. Mooren, and W. Swinnen, Prosopographia Ptolemaica, vol. VI:
La cour, les relations internationales et les possessions extrieures, la vie culturelle, nos 14479-17250 (Studia
Hellenistica 17; Louvain, 1968), or by I. Michaelidou-Nicolaou, Prosopography of Ptolemaic Cyprus (Studies in
Mediterranean Archaeology 44; Gteborg, 1976).
62 H. Donner and W. Rllig, Kanaanische und aramische Inschriften, vol. I (Wiesbaden, second edition, 1966),
no. 43; J. Teixidor, 'Ptolemaic chronology in the Phoenician inscriptions from Cyprus', ZPE 71 (1988), pp. 1 8890.

63 W. Huss, "'Knig der Knige" und der "Herr der Knige'", Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palstina-Vereins
93 (1977), pp. 131-40.
64 Huss, "'Knig der Knige'", pp. 135-6.
65 H. Volkmann, 'Der Herrscherkult der Ptolemer in phnikischen Inschriften und sein Beitrag zur Hellenisierung

von Kypros', Historia 5 (1956), pp. 448-55; Bagnali, Administration, pp. 71-3.

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1 1 6 CATHARINE C. LORBER

Ptolemy IV, left several inscriptions expressing h

family, without mentioning the dynastic founder.6

There are also general grounds for doubting H

legend imply that the era coinage was introduced

portrait was the standard obverse type of Ptolem


only under special circumstances; the Sarapis and I

probably marks a victory coinage issued after the

these Egyptian deities intervened as battlefield


been intended to express an especially intense re
conformed with established usage for tetradrach

precisely when legends naming Ptolemy the Kin


Soter on standard Ptolemaic tetradrachms.69) On
be implied by retention of the Soter legend on

after IITOAEMAIOY BAIIAEQI was revived as

tetradrachm at Alexandria, Salamis, Citium, and

era coinage and the cult of Ptolemy Soter remain


be considered.

Unfortunately, we can suggest no more persuasive explanation for the era established in
262; we can only offer a number of ruminations intended to stimulate further discussion. If the

era was indeed related to the control date of the Marmor Parium, perhaps it commemorated
some late Ptolemaic success in the Aegean theatre of the Chremonidian War - of necessity,
one that remained relevant until the death of Ptolemy VI. Apart from Cyprus itself, only three

overseas possessions remained Ptolemaic until 145: Arsinoe-Methana, Thera, and Itanus.
But all of these were probably acquired in the early phases of the Chremonidian War.70 If
the era was local and unrelated to the Parian Marble, conceivably it honored some action of
the Ptolemaic admiral Callicrates of Samos, whose presence in western Cyprus is proved by
statue bases at Old Paphos and Curium and by a dedication to Apollo at the latter city.71 A
statue of the naval architect . . .rgoteles, erected by Ptolemy II in Old Paphos, attests to highly

important shipbuilding operations there.72

A civic era should also be considered, though we can point to no instances in which such
an era was used to date a Hellenistic royal coinage. The inaugural date of 262 rules out the
known civic eras of Cyprus73 but could commemorate a new city foundation. The possibility
66 T.B. Mitford, 'Ptolemy, son of Pelops', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 46 (1960), pp. 110-12.
67 Hazzard, Imagination of a Monarchy, p. 28.

68 L. Bricault, 'Sarapis et Isis, Sauveurs de Ptolme IV Raphia', Chronique d'gypte LXXIV (1999), pp.
334-43.

69 The last securely dated tetradrachms with the Soter legend are issues of loppe and Gaza dated to the twentythird regnal year of Ptolemy III, i.e. 224/3 BC: see O. Morkholm, 'A group of Ptolemaic coins from Phoenicia and
Palestine', INJ 4 (1980), pp. 4-7; cf. Svoronos 821. Tetradrachms with the portrait of Ptolemy I and the legend
IITOAEMAIOY BAXIAEQS, arguably attributable to the reign of Ptolemy IV, include Svoronos 1 122, 1 135, 1261,
1267, and 1295.
70 Hlbl, History of the Ptolemaic Empire , pp. 42-3; Bagnali, Administration, pp. 120-1, 123-4, 135; G.M. Cohen,
The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe, the Islands, and Asia Minor (Berkeley/Los Angeles, 1995), pp. 124-6.
71 Hauben, 'Cyprus and the Ptolemaic navy', p. 216.
72 Hauben, 'Cyprus and the Ptolemaic navy', p. 221.
73 Both Citium and Lapethus had civic eras during the early Ptolemaic period. That of Citium began in 312 or
311, marking the abolition of the local kingship and the introduction of republican institutions by Ptolemy I: see
A.M. Honeyman, 'Observations on a Phoenician inscription of Ptolemaic date', Journal of Egyptian Archaeology
26 (1940), p. 61; Mitford, 'Kafizin and the Cypriot syllabary', pp. 99-101; O. Masson, 'Kypriaka', BCH 92 (1968),
p. 400; and Huss, "'Knig der Knige'", p. 133. The inaugural date of the era of Lapethus depends on the dating
of KAI 43: the commonly accepted date of 275/4 for the inscription points to an era commencing in 305/4, whereas
Huss calculated an inaugural date of 245 or 244; see Honeyman, art. cit., p. 66, where it is suggested that the era
commemorated a grant of republican institutions to Lapethus by Demetrius, and Huss, art. cit., p. 136 n. 29, with the
suggestion that the era might have some relation to events in Cilicia at the beginning the the Third Syrian War.

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THE PTOLEMAIC ERA COINAGE REVISITED 1 1 7

is intriguing because of the naval associations of the Ptolemaic found

seem to belong to a pattern of city foundation that began during th

the new Ptolemaic foundations in the central Aegean, on Crete, and o

and all bore the dynastic name Arsino, apparently reflecting the cult

Euploia, founded by the admiral Callicrates, in which the queen was w

goddess and patroness of the Ptolemaic fleet.74 The three Cypriote A

founded during the reign of Ptolemy II, though the precise dates are

Marium was established on the former site of the ancient city of Ma

destroyed during the early Hellenistic period.76 Arsino near Old P


some involvement in the elaborate shipbuilding at Old Paphos.77 Ar
apparently needed to compensate for the deficiencies of the harbours
This eastern Arsino would be the logical point of departure for sh
invasion of Phoenicia and Coele Syria by Ptolemy VI in the Sixth Syr
In light of the artist link between the era coinage and that of Salam
the Ptolemaic fleet in introducing the era coinage into Coele Syria, a
Salaminian tetradrachms in Coele Syrian hoards alongside the era di
Salamis seems the most promising of the three Cypriote Arsinoes as

the mint of the second-century era tetradrachms and the era didrachms

the era coinage could conceivably reflect the involvement of more tha

we might contemplate the possibility that the early tetradrachm coin

shipbuilding centre of western Cyprus, at Old Paphos or at Arsino n

its inception was linked to the construction of the fabulous vessels th

of Ptolemy Philopator: the tessarakonteres, the largest war ship of a

after the battle of Raphia, and the thalamegos, a luxurious floating pa

74 K. Mueller, Settlements of the Ptolemies: City Foundations and New Settlement in

Hellenistica 43; Louvain, 2006), pp. 157-8; Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, Vol. I, pp.

T.B. Mitford, 'Contributions to the epigraphy of Cyprus: some Hellenistic inscriptions',

und verwandte Gebiete 13/1 (1938), pp. 28-32; N. Robertson, 'The decree of Them
setting', Phoenix XXXVI/1 (1982), pp. 24-6; H. Hauben, 'Arsino II et la politiqu
E. van't Dack, P. Van Dessel, and W. Van Gucht (eds), Egypt and the Hellenistic W
Louvain, 1983), pp. 111-14, 124-7; id., 'Cyprus and the Ptolemaic navy', p. 217.
anchorage at Arsino near Old Paphos and a harbour at Arsino near Salamis

75 Mueller, Settlements of the Ptolemies , p. 201, notes that Arsinoe-Marium is first a

Arsino near Palaipaphos in the mid-third century, and Arsino near Salamis betw
158-9, in fact argues against attributing all three foundations to Ptolemy II, noting t
Cyrenaica and in the Fayum occurred over a period of time.

76 Cohen, Hellenistic Settlements, pp. 134-6.


77 Strabo 14.6.3; Cohen, Hellenistic Settlements, p. 136.
78 Strabo 14.6.3; Cohen, Hellenistic Settlements, pp. 136-7. Archaeological exploration
indicates that it fell into disuse by the end of the fourth century: see M. Yon, 'Kition
et hellnistique', in V. Karageorghis and D. Michaelides (eds), Proceedings of the Intern
and the Sea (Nicosia, 1995), pp. 119-30. Though excavations at Salamis were interrup
of 1974, preliminary observations indicated that the harbour of Salamis was overshad
Arsino: see A. Raban, 'The heritage of ancient harbour engineering in Cyprus and th
Michaelides (eds), Proceedings , pp. 162-3, and N.C. Flemming, 'Report of prelimina

at Salamis, Cyprus', RDAC 1974, pp. 163-74.

79 Cohen, Hellenistic Settlements, p. 137, noted that Arsino near Salamis was the app
the crossing to Aradus.

80 Huss, gypten in hellenistischer Zeit , pp. 469-70, with specialist literature cited; i

launch of the tessarakonteres was overseen by a Phoenician engineer, but it is not clear

ship was constructed in Phoenicia.

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