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SETHA
M. Low
in Environmental
Ph.D.Programs
PsychologyandAnthropology
Centerof theCityUniversityof New York
TheGraduate
New York,New York10016
studiesof thecityfoanthropological
46
Low
47
48
Low
for immigrantsfromEurope,via Ellis Island,andmorerecently from Africa, parts of Asia, and the Middle East.
Queens,the easternmostborough,is knownfor its cultural
diversity and ethnic neighborhoodswhere over 138 languages arespoken(Sanjek1998).Queensbecameincorporatedinto New YorkCityin 1897, linkedby boththe Long
Island Railroadand electric trolleys to Brooklyn,and to
ferriesfrom Long IslandCity (Gregory
Manhattan-bound
1998). Witha populationof 1,966,685in 1997, it provides
a bettercomparisonto SanAntoniobecauseof its scaleand
proximityto LongIslandsuburbs.
Even though Seagatein Brooklyn is an example of a
gated communitybuilt more thanone hundredyears ago,
and doormanbuildingsof Manhattanhave guardedentrances, there are only a few gated residentialdevelopments in New York City. In Queens,thereare only three
gated condominiumcomplexescomprisedof townhouses
and apartments.The loss of manufacturing
jobs-10 million squarefeet of industrialspace has been convertedto
retail,residential,or office space-as well as lowersalaries
and lack of availableland for developmentmay account
for this slow growth.AlthoughQueens is the most economically diverse of the New York City boroughswith
trade,and service each acmanufacturing,transportation,
for
at
least
10%
of
privatesectorjobs in 1998, it
counting
has not experiencedthe same acceleratedgrowth in the
servicesectoras the restof New YorkCity (McCall2000).
Further,in the early 1990s,higherpayingjobs werebeing
replacedwith lowerpayingones as growthoccurredin areas offeringloweraveragesalaries(McCall2000).
49
:~~
:i
::
j
.
-._
.:............ .
..
Figure 1. Gatedentry.
50
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i - --: - . i
:::----?
??
: :? ?
:i:i i;
i : :i
:--.
-i ::
-iiii'--Zlii-::,
i i?i.
: ii
:?
i-:-:-::--;-_::::;1---:
- ::::::;j-:
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Not all the lots have been purchased,and houses are still
beingbuilt.
The San Antonio gated communityis part of a much
largernorthernsuburbandevelopmentcenteredon a private golf andtennisclub with swimmingpools, restaurant,
and clubhouse.The subdivisionincludes 120 lots, a few
frontingone section of the golf course, surroundedby a
six-foot masonrywall (Figure 2). The main entranceis
controlledby a grid-designgate that swings opens electronicallyby a handtransmitteror by a guardwho is contactedby an intercomand video cameraconnection.The
broadentranceroaddividesinto two sectionsleadingto a
seriesof shortstreetsendingin cul-de-sacs.The housesare
mostly large (3,500-5,500 square feet), two-storybrick
Colonials or stucco Scottsdaledesigns (Figure3) with a
few one-storybrick ranch-stylehouses. More than twothirdsof the houses have been built and occupied,while
the remaininglots arecurrentlyunderconstruction.
Research Design and Specific Methods
Field methods included open-ended interviews with
within and aroundthe
residents,participant-observation
Low
51
il
-i~.~
liiVMS
Figure 3. Scottsdale-stylehouse.
were limited,
Opportunitiesfor participant-observation
but it was possibleto talkwithpeople while they wereexercisingor walkingtheirdogs, attendinghomeownerand
club meetings,andparticipatingin neighborhoodcelebrations.Further,
spendingtimein thelocalcommercialareasshopping, going to restaurants,and visiting real estate
agents-provided othercontextsfor learningabouteveryday life.
Open-ended,unstructuredinterviews were conducted
in the home with the wife, husband,or husbandand wife
together over a three-year period from 1995 to 1998.
The majorityof the intervieweeswere EuropeanAmericans and native born,however, three interviewswere in
households where one spouse was born in Latin America, one interviewee was born in the South Pacific, and
one interviewee's spouse was born in the Middle East.
Interviewees were aged 27 through 75; all husbands
were either professionals such as doctors or lawyers,
businessmen, or retired from these same pursuits. In
most cases the wives remainedat home, while the husband commuted to his place of work. A few women
workedpart-time.
52
53
San Antonio
Nine of the interviewees in San Antonio mention crime
and a fear of "others"as a reason for moving. Stay-at-home
mothers like Felicia and Donna worry about threats to their
children. Felicia states her feelings about her fear of crime
and other people very clearly:
Setha: ... has it changedhow you feel about being in the
gatedcommunity?
Felicia: Yes. It allowsa lot morefreedomfor my daughterto
go outside and play. We'rein San Antonio,and I believe the
whole country knows how many child kidnappingswe've
had.... And I believe that my husbandwould not ever allow
her outsideto playwithoutdirectadultsupervisionunlesswe
were gated.It allowsus freedomto walkat night,if we choose
to. It has,you know,it does havea flipside.
Setha: Whatflipside?
Felicia: Severalthings.Firstof all,it'sa false sense of safetyif
you think about it, because our security people are not
so to speak,and anybodywho wants to
"Johnny-on-the-spot,"
the
could
jump
gate
jumpthe gate.... There'sa perceptionof
safety that may not be real, that could potentiallyleave one
morevulnerableif therewas everan attack.
Setha: Wholives in yourcommunity?
Felicia: People who are retiredand don'twant to maintain
large yards.... People who want to raise familiesin a more
protected environment [long pause].
54
puttingherandherchildrenin greaterdanger:
Donna: You know, he's always so scared..... It has made a
to get the childrenout here where they can feel safe, and we
feel safe if they could go out in the streetsand not worrythat
someone is going to grab them.... We feel so secure and
maybethat'swrongtoo.
Setha: Inwhatsense?
Donna: You know,we've got workersout here, and we still
think"oh,they'resafe out here".... In the otherneighborhood
I neverlet himget out of my sightfor a minute.Ofcoursethey
were a littlebit youngertoo, but Ijust, wouldnever,you know,
thinkof lettingthem go to the next street over.It wouldhave
scared me to death,because you didn'tknow. Therewas so
muchtrafficcomingin andout,you neverknewwho was cruising the street and how fast they can graba child.And I don't
feel that way in our area at all ... ever.
Other San Antonio interviewees are less dramatic in expressing their concerns with safety and concentrate more
hoodandafterseeingthatthereareso manybeautiful
neighborhoodshere andin otherpartsof the countrythatarenot in
a securearea,that'swhereburglary
andmurderstakeplace,
not here, because it's an open door [there]... come on [in].
Whyshouldtheytryto do anythingherewhentheycan go
somewhere
elsefirst?It'sa strongdeterrent,
needlesstosay.
Otherresidentsare not so surethatthe gates arean adequatedeterrent.Edithtalksaboutherproblemswiththe security guardswho supposedlypatrolat nightand monitor
the gateswithsecuritycameras.She feels the guardsdo not
do theirjob. Anotherintervieweepoints out thatwith any
gate monitoredby a securitycameraand a guardin a remote station,two cars can enterat the same time creating
an unsafesituation.
There seems to be no end to residents'concern with
safety and security.In both New York and San Antonio,
most residentshave burglaralarmsthey keep armedeven
when homeduringtheday.
Critical Discourse Analysis Findings
In orderto get atunderlyingsocial values,I selectedsections of the interviewsthat refer to "others"(see Felicia
andBarbaraandAlvin excerptspresentedabove).I amtrying to get at whatMichaelBillig calls "thedialogicunconscious,"a conceptby whichthe processesof repressioncan
be studieddiscursively(1997:139). I assumethatsome of
the evidenceI am lookingfor is "repressed,"
thatit is hidden not only from the interviewer,because it is socially
unacceptableto talkaboutclass and race,but fromthe intervieweeas well becausethese concernsarealso psychologically unacceptable.According to Billig (1997), conversationalinteractioncan have repressive functions as
well as expressiveones, so what is said can be used to get
at whatis not said.
UsingJohnDixonandSteveReicher'sarticle"Intergroup
Contactand Desegregationin the New SouthAfrica"as a
model, I focus on the rhetoricaldimensionof intergroup
contactto elicit narrativesaboutmaintaining,justifying,or
challengingracist(orelitist)practices(1997:368-369).For
instance, Dixon and Reicher identify a numberof "disclaiming statements"abouttheirinterviewees'racistattitudes they were able to elicit by asking theirrespondents
abouttheirnew Blackneighborsin a legalizedsquattersettlement. In the interviews,similarquestionswere asked,
Low
/ THEEDGEANDTHE CENTER 55
spatialsegregationthan the older boroughsand Long Island suburbsof New YorkCity. As Felicia explains,residents of the northernoutskirtsof San Antonioare physically insulatedfromthe poorersectionsof the city. In New
YorkCity this kindof spatialandsocial insulationis much
harderto achieve. Nonetheless, in both cities, residents
move to gated communitiesbased on what Felicia calls
"fearflight,"the desireto protectoneself,family,andproperty from dangersperceivedas overwhelmingthem. Yet
gating offers a kind of incompleteboundedness"in that
workersfrom feared groups enter to work for residents,
andresidentsthemselvesneedto leave to shop."
Whetherit is kidnappingor bike snatching,Mexicanlaborersor "ethnicchanges,"the message is the same:residents are using the walls, entrygates, andguardsin an effort to keep the perceiveddangersoutsideof theirhomes,
neighborhoods,and social world. The physical distance
betweenthem and the "others"is so close thatcontactincites fearandconcern,and in responsethey are constructing exclusive, private, residential developments where
they can keep otherpeople out with guardsandgates.The
walls are makingvisible the systems of exclusionthatare
alreadythere,now constructedin concrete.
Conclusions
From these interviewsthere appearsto be a wealth of
data about fear of crime, increasedsocial diversity,and
neighborhoodchange.Residentstalkabouttheirfearof the
poor,the workers,the "Mexicans,"andthe "newcomers,"
as well as theirretreatbehindwalls wherethey thinkthey
will be safe. But thereis feareven behindthe walls.As the
two mothersfromSanAntoniopointout,thereareworkers
who enterthe communityeveryday,andthey mustgo out
in orderto buy groceries,shop, or see a movie. The gates
providesome protection,but they would still like more.I
wonderwhat"more"wouldbe? Even thoughthe gatesand
guardsexcludethe feared"others"from living with them,
"they"can slip by the gate, follow yourcar in, crawlover
the wall, or worse,the guardcan fall asleepor be a criminal
himself. Informalconversationsabout the screening of
guardsandhow they arehired,as well as discussionsabout
increasingthe height and lengthof the protectivewalls as
new threatsappear,are frequentin the lockerroomof the
healthclub, on the tennis court, and duringstrollsin the
communityin the evening.Whatwouldbe the next stepin
this progression?
In this paper,I have not consideredwhy developersare
buildinggatedcommunities,yet even withoutan analysis
of marketingstrategies,the allureof the gatedcommunity
is clear.Even residentswho did not select the community
for its gates now would only live behindprotectivewalls.
Further,duringthe day residentsareprimarilywomenwho
do not work.Is the gatedcommunitycreatingnew patterns
of genderingin these spaces?Whataboutthe men who go
56
Notes
Acknowledgments.Funding from the Wenner-GrenFoundation for AnthropologicalResearch and from the Research
Foundationof the City Universityof New York made this research projectpossible. I would like to thankJoel Lefkowitz,
Laurel Wilson, Stephane Tonnelat, Kristin Koptiuch, Kevin
Birth, Carole Browner, Sally Merry, Ivelisse Rivera-Bonilla,
and Gary McDonogh for their contributionsto this project. I
also would like to thank my co-researchersElena Danaila,
8. Oneinterviewcouldnotbe fullytranscribed
becauseof
SuzanneScheld,andMarianaDiaz-Wionczek.
ElenaDanaila
2. I wouldlike to thankIvelisseRivera-Bonilla
forlinking
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