Assassinations
in World History
Famous
Assassinations
in World History
An Encyclopedia
Volume 1: AP
MICHAEL NEWTON
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Contents
Preface
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Introduction
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The Encyclopedia
Volume 1
Abdallah Abderemane, Ahmed (19191989)
Aguiyi-Ironsi, Johnson Thomas Umunnakwe (19241966)
al-Banna, Sheikh Hasan Ahmed Abdel Rahman Muhammed
(19061949)
Albert I of Habsburg (12551308)
al-Din Shah Qajar, Nasser (18311896)
Alexander I of Serbia (18761903)
Alexander I of Yugoslavia (18881934)
Alexander II of Russia (18181881)
Ali, Muhammad Mansur (19191975)
Amin, Hafizullah (19291979)
Aquino, Benigno Simeon, Jr. (19321983)
Araujo, Manuel Enrique (18651913)
Argaa Ferraro, Luis Mara del Corazn de Jess Dionisio
(19321999)
Assassins Cult (ca. 10921275)
Bahonar, Mohammad-Javad (19331981)
Balbinus (165 CE238 CE)
Balewa, Abubakar Tafawa (19121966)
Bandaranaike, Solomon West Ridgeway Dias (18991959)
Bautista Gill Garca del Barrio, Juan (18401877)
Becket, Thomas (11181170)
Belzu Humerez, Manuel Isidoro (18081865)
Bearan Ordeana, Jos Miguel (19491978)
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Volume 2
Qadir, Haji Abdul (19512002)
Qutuz, Saif ad-Din (?1260)
Rabin, Yitzhak (19221995)
Radama II (18291863)
Rahman, Ziaur (19361981)
Rasputin, Grigori Yefimovich (18691916)
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Primary Documents
1. Assassination of Pompey the Great (48 BCE)
Plutarchs Description of the Murder of Pompey in Egypt
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Preface
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P R E FA C E
backgrounds of participants, and describe events that sprang from violence directed against public figures.
The section of entries is followed by a selection of 23 primary documents.
Arranged chronologically, these documents comprise accounts of assassinations
and reports of investigations, as well as speeches and statutes that preceded or
resulted from the murders. The documents included range from Plutarchs description of the murder of Pompey the Great in Egypt in 48 BCE, through the
last speech of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, delivered moments before
his murder in 1995.
Finally, to ensure complete coverage of the subject, an appendix provides a
timeline of other prominent assassinations omitted from the main text entries
due to space constraints. That list includes 486 cases, spanning the globe and
the years from 748 BCE to 2012. In that timeline, continents and their countries
are arranged alphabetically, with assassinations and attempts for each specific
country listed chronologically. A detailed subject index will help users find important figures, events, and ideas in the main entries.
Every effort has been made to present timely, complete, and accurate information throughout Famous Assassinations in World History. That said, available
sourcesparticularly those concerned with ancient crimes and modern, controversial casesfrequently provide conflicting dates, names, and descriptions
of events. In each case, I have chosen what appears to be the best and most
substantive information currently available. Readers wishing to suggest corrections for perceived inaccuracies, or to offer further data on the cases here
described, may contact the author through ABC-CLIO, or directly through his
Web site at www.michaelnewton.homestead.com.
Introduction
xviii
INTRODUCTION
INTRODUCTION
whether they have any credence. In cases where facts are disputed, witnesses
contradicted, or evidence has vanished, further detailed information may be
found within the sources suggested for further readingand, in turn, through
their bibliographies. Although the author has opinions in most cases, they are
not presented here. Critics of the official verdictsand their detractors, in
turnare permitted to speak for themselves.
There can be no last word on assassinations, as long as discontent and violence persist on Earth. If anything, our world appears to be a more chaotic, violent place today than during many eras of the past. Between 2006 and 2012,
Mexicos drug war claimed at least 54,927 lives, with another 10,000 victims
disappeared; some estimates of the seven-year death toll top 99,000. Narcoterrorism in Central America is equally lethal: Honduras, El Salvador, Belize,
Guatemala, and Panama all had higher per-capita murder rates than Mexico in
2010. La Violencia (The Violence) engulfed Colombia in 1946, resulting in
300,000 homicides by 1958. Today, that nations plague of narcoterrorism produced 13,520 murders in 2011hailed by Colombias National Police as the
lowest violent death toll since 1984. Reports from Iraq, Afghanistan, and parts
of Africa are equally dismal.
Famous Assassinations in World History presents a chronicle of malice and
mistakes, in hope that something may be learned, at least, from the mistakes.
Whether those lessons are absorbed depends in equal part on public leaders,
law enforcement, and an educated populace.
xix
A
ABDALLAH ABDEREMANE, AHMED
(19191989)
On November 26, 1989, armed rebellion erupted in Moroni, capital of the
Comoros, an island chain located in the Mozambique Channel between Madagascar and the African mainland. The coups leader, Said Mohamed Djohar, was
the half-brother of former president Ali Soilih Mtsashiwa, chafing under the
rule of his siblings successor, President Ahmed Abdallah Abderemane. Rebels
captured President Abdallah during the first day of fighting, and executed him
on orders from Djohar.
Born on the island of Anjouan on June 12, 1919, when Comoros was still
a French colony, Abdallah entered politics in the 1940s, served as president
of the general council from 1949 to 1953, and assumed chairmanship of
the Chamber of Deputies in 1970. Two years later, leading his own political
partythe Comoros Democratic Union (UDC)Abdallah was elected chief
minister of Comoros and held that post until the islands achieved independence on July 6, 1975. Voters chose him as their new nations first president,
but he lasted less than a month, deposed by Said Mohamed Jaffar on August 3.
Jaffar, in turn, was overthrown by revolutionary socialist Ali Soilih Mtsashiwa
in January 1976.
Soilih sought to make Comoros a self-sufficient nation, melding Maoist
principles with certain progressive Islamic philosophies, a goal that brought
him into conflict with traditional Muslim society. He abandoned classic grand
marriage (Anda) and funerary rituals, banned veiling of women, discouraged young Comorians from studying history, and encouraged them to take
a greater role in government. To that end, Soilih young Moissy militia units
patterned on Chinas Red Guards, legalized cannabis, and proposed lowering
the voting age to 14. Moissy units raided rural pockets of resistance and killed
its conservative elders.
Soilihs reforms spurred hostile reactions in France, whose government
cut off financial and technical aid to Comoros. In Paris, Ahmed Abdallah
hired French mercenary Bob Denard to organize a team of 50 soldiers to depose Soilih. Their coup succeeded on May 13, 1978, installing former interior
minister Said Atthoumani as Chairman of the Politico-Military Directorate.
Ten days later, Abdallah and ally Mohamed Ahmed succeeded Atthoumani
as cochairmen. Abdallahs men executed Soilih on May 29, and Abdallah removed Ahmed to become sole chairman on October 3. Three weeks later he
assumed office as president of a newly proclaimed Islamic Federal Republic of
the Comoros.
Abdallah ruled Comoros for the remainder of his life, disbanding the UDC
in 1982 and replacing it with the Comorian Union for Progress as the nations
only legal party. Discord between Abdallah and Bob Denart inspired Supreme
Court judge Said Djohar to lead an uprising against Abdallah. On the day after
Abdallahs murder, Djohar assumed leadership of a new provisional government and became chief director of the African International Bank.
Ironically, Denarts mercenaries returned to depose Djohar in September 1995.
French authorities held him in Runion until January 1996, then permitted his
return to Comoros, where he briefly resumed his presidency. Rival Mohamed
Taki Abdoulkarim defeated Djohar in March 1996, whereupon Djohar retired
from public life.
Further Reading
Bratton, Michael, and Nicholas van de Walle. Democratic Experiments in Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997.
Ottenheimer, Martin, and Harriet Ottenheimer. Historical Dictionary of the Comoro Islands. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 1994.
Schraeder, Peter. African Politics and Society: A Mosaic in Transformation. Belmont, CA:
Wadsworth, 2004.
Seddon, Peter. A Political and Economic Dictionary of Africa. London: Routledge, 2005.
Muslim Association in Cairo, Egypt. They were scheduled to meet Zaki Ali
Basha, a spokesman for King Farouk I, and negotiate a resolution of grievances
between the monarchy and al-Bannas rival Muslim Brotherhood. When Basha
failed to appear by 5:00 P.M., al-Banna and Mansur prepared to leave. They
stood outside, waiting for a taxi, when two gunmen approached and opened
fire at close range, fatally wounding both men.
Hasan al-Banna was born in Mahmoudiyah, northwest of Cairo in the Nile
Delta, on October 14, 1906. The son of a local imam (mosque leader) and
teacher of Hanbali (religious law of Sunni Islam), al-Banna was raised in accordance with strict conservative traditions. At age 13 he joined in demonstrations
against British colonial rule, and at 16 was initiated into Sufism, a mystical dimension of Islam defined by its leading scholars as a science whose objective
is the reparation of the heart and turning it away from all else but God. In
adulthood al-Banna struggled to earn a living, operating a watch-repair shop
and selling gramophones, while collaborating with fellow Sufis on theological
writings in his spare time. Married and relocated to Cairo in 1924, he found
himself unable to compete financially with manufacturers of cheap timepieces,
and he was increasingly distressed by the lax religious piety in Egypts capital.
Al-Bannas response, in March 1928, was the creation of the Society of Muslim Brothersmore commonly known as the Muslim Brotherhoodlaunched
as a quasi-fascist pan-Islamic political party, defining the Quran as the sole
reference point for . . . ordering the life of the Muslim family, individual, community . . . and state. The Suez Canal Company funded construction of the
Brotherhoods first mosque, at Ismailia, but al-Banna moved the headquarters
to Cairo four years later. From a membership of 800 in 1936, the Brotherhood
expanded to claim 200,000 by 1938, with branches established in Syria and
Transjordan. Despite recurring challenges to his leadership, al-Banna prevailed
as the movements general guide, steering the Brotherhood toward opposition
against British rule. A public admirer of Adolf Hitler, he nonetheless argued
for constitutional government to preserve in all its forms the freedom of the
individual citizen, to make the rulers accountable for their actions to the people and finally, to delimit the prerogatives of every single authoritative body.
A paramilitary wing carried out selective acts of terrorism, while al-Banna remained ambivalent toward violence.
World War II brought martial law to Egypt in 1941, and al-Banna was twice
imprisoned as a subversive. Brotherhood journals were suppressed, its meetings banned, and any reference to it in newspapers prohibited. Still the movement grew to include 2,000 branches by 1948, with an estimated two million
members. Renewed antigovernment violence in that year prompted a ban on
the Brotherhood in November 1948, with 32 leaders of its secret apparatus
arrested. Al-Bannas February 1949 meeting with Zaki Ali Basha was meant to
resolve that tension, but led to his own death instead.
Further Reading
Abdelkader, Deina. Islamic Activists: The Anti-Enlightenment Democrats. London: Pluto
Press, 2011.
Ikhwanweb: The Muslim Brotherhoods Official English Web site. http://www.ikhwanweb
.com.
Lia, Brynjar. The Society of the Muslim Brothers in Egypt: The Rise of an Islamic Mass
Movement. Reading, United Kingdom: Garnet, 1998.
ALBERT I OF HABSBURG
Mitchell, Richard. The Society of the Muslim Brothers. London: Oxford University Press,
1969.
Pargeter, Alison. The Muslim Brotherhood: The Burden of Tradition. London: Saqi Books,
2010.
Pryce-Jones, David. The Closed Circle: An Interpretation of the Arabs. Chicago: Ivan R.
Dee, 2009.
Rubin, Barry. The Muslim Brotherhood: The Organization and Policies of a Global Islamist
Movement. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
Albert continued scheming to obtain the throne, and by 1298 had secured
backing from several princes troubled over Adolfs alliance with Wenceslaus II.
The rival kings clashed at the Battle of Gllheim, on July 2, 1298, where Adolf
was slain. Albert was then elected to the thrown on July 27, and formally
crowned on August 24, though Pope Boniface VIII weakened his authority by
refusing to recognize Alberts election. Subsequent meddling in a quarrel over
succession to the Hungarian throne climaxed with Alberts defeat by Frederick I,
margrave of Meissen, at the Battle of Lucka on May 31, 1307.
Alberts final downfall resulted from a slight to John of Swabia in 1306. As
nephew of Albert, being the son of his younger brother, John suffered humiliation when Albert denied him his inheritance and placed his own son, Rudolf III,
on the Bohemian throne. Mocked thereafter as Duke Lackland, John plotted
Alberts murder with local allies and personally swung the axe that killed Albert on May 1, 1308. While Alberts sons sought vengeance, Duke Johnnow
dubbed John Parricida ( John the Parricide)escaped and vanished from history. Reports of his settlement at an Italian monastery, visited briefly by King
Henry VII of Luxembourg in 1313, remain unconfirmed. John appears briefly
in Friedrich Schillers play William Tell (1804), seeking Tells aid against a mutual enemy, Bailiff Albrecht Gessler. Tell refuses and suggests that John seek
papal absolution from Rome instead.
Further Reading
Berenger, Jean. A History of the Habsburg Empire, 12731700. Harlow, Essex: Longman
Group United Kingdom, 1994.
Holmes, George, ed. The Oxford History of Medieval Europe. Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 1992.
Wheatcroft, Andrew. The Enemy at the Gate: Habsburgs, Ottomans, and the Battle for Europe. New York: Basic Books, 2008.
Wheatcroft, Andrew. The Habsburgs: Embodying Empire. New York: Penguin, 1997.
A L- D I N S H A H Q A JA R , N A S S E R
ALEXANDER I OF SERBIA
divorced him prior to his execution on August 10, 1896, while his son was reduced to being a slave.
Further Reading
Amanat, Abbas. Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Shah and the Iranian Monarchy,
18311896. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997.
Axworthy, Michael. A History of Iran: Empire of the Mind. New York: Basic Books, 2010.
Katouzian, Homa. The Persians: Ancient, Mediaeval and Modern Iran. New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press, 2010.
10
A L E X A N D E R I O F Y U G O S L AV I A
Nikodije and his brother, Nikola Main, died defending the palace, their corpses
tossed from a balcony onto a garden manure heap with Alexanders and Dragas. Captain Dimitrijevic, badly wounded, survived and was proclaimed the
savior of the fatherland by Serbias parliament, and appointed professor of
tactics at the nations military academy. Subsequently, as a leader of the secret
society Unification of Death, also called the Black Hand, Dimitrijevic plotted
unsuccessfully to kill Emperor Franz Joseph I of Austria in 1911, and played a
leading role in the 1914 assassination of Austrian archduke Franz Ferdinand.
The House of Karador
devi
c,
established through Dimitrijevics conspiracy,
ruled Serbiaand subsequently, Yugoslaviauntil King Peter II was deposed
and driven into exile in November 1945. Peter died in the United States in
1970, following a failed liver transplant to cure his longstanding cirrhosis.
Further Reading
Gildea, Robert. Barricades and Borders: Europe 18001914. Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2003.
Glenny, Misha. The Balkans: Nationalism, War, and the Great Powers, 18041999. New
York: Penguin, 2001.
Roberts, J. M. The European Empires. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002.
Sulzberger, C. L. The Fall of Eagles. New York: Crown, 1977.
A L E X A N D E R I O F Y U G O S L AV I A
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ALEXANDER II OF RUSSIA
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AMIN, HAFIZULLAH
Legislative Assembly in 1954, serving at various times as the provinces minister of law, food, agriculture, industry, parliamentary affairs, and commerce.
In October 1958, after Field Marshal Ayub Khan staged a military coup and
seized office as Pakistans president, declaring martial law nationwide, Ali was
jailed once more.
Released in 1959, Ali joined Mujibur Rahman Six Point Movement, agitating
for Bengali independence as the state of Bangladesh. With the outbreak of war in
March 1971, Ali went underground to lead the Mujibnagar government in exile,
serving as its minister of finance. Victory brought independence for Bangladesh
in December 1971, and Rahman emerged from prison to serve as the new nations first prime minister in January 1972, retaining Ali as minister of finance. In
January 1975, with Rahmans election to the presidency, Ali filled the prime ministers postan office left vacant following his murder, until June 1979.
On November 6, 1975, three days after Ali and his fellow inmates were murdered at Dhaka Central Jail, President Ahmad was himself deposed in a coup
led by two pro-Mujib military officers, Brigadier Khaled Mosharraf and Colonel Shafaat Jamil. The uprising unseated Rahman but failed to establish the
insurgents as rulers, with Mosharraf himself assassinated and Jamil arrested.
Ahmad survived the coup, succeeded by President Abu Sadat Mohammad
Sayem, but was imprisoned until 1978. On leaving prison, he formed a new
Democratic League and tried to revive his political career, but rallied no significant support. He died in 1996, shortly before Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina
opened fresh investigations of the 1975 political slayings.
Jail Killing Day is still commemorated in Dhaka each November 3, by
members of the Awami League. Twelve military officers were belatedly convicted for the murders in October 2004 and sentenced to death, eight of them
in absentia. The four in custodySyed Faruque Rahman, Shahriar Rashid
Khan, Mohammad Bazlul Huda, and A.K.M. Mohiuddin Ahmed were executed on January 28, 2010.
Further Reading
Lewis, David. Bangladesh: Politics, Economy and Civil Society. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2011.
Mitchell, Neil. Democracys Blameless Leaders: From Dresden to Abu Ghraib, How Leaders
Evade Accountability for Abuse, Atrocity, and Killing. New York: New York University
Press, 2012.
Van Schendel, Willem. A History of Bangladesh. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2009.
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AMIN, HAFIZULL AH
and effectively emasculating Amins. Furious, Amin staged a coup and arrested
Taraki on September 14, 1979, having him smothered with pillows (allegedly
on advice from Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev). On September 16 he replaced
Taraki as Afghanistans ruler.
Amin sought to pacify the mujahideen by dissociating himself from Taraki
and presenting himself as a devout Muslim, blaming Taraki for some 18,000
executions carried out since April 1978. Whereas that effort failed to win him
broad support, Amin also lost ground with the USSR. Never greatly admired
in Moscow, Amin seemed unaware that KGB agents had infiltrated the PDPA,
reporting on his secret meetings with anticommunist leader Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. Tataki loyalists exiled in Russia, branded Amin a CIA agent, even
as the murder of U.S. ambassador Adolph Dubs strained Amins relationship
with the United States. In early December 1979, when Amin proposed a summit meeting with Pakistani president Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq, Brezhnev and
Russias politburo announced their military-intervention plan. Soviet troops
crossed the border on December 24 and assaulted Amins Tajbeg Palace three
days later.
Before sending troops en masse to kill Amin, the Soviets first tried to poison
him (nearly killing a nephew), then sent a sniper to assassinate him (foiled by
tight security measures). A second poisoning attempt allegedly occurred mere
hours before the assault of December 27, causing Amin and several guests to
lose consciousness at a palace banquet celebrating Minister of Public Works
Ghulam Dastagir Panjsheris return from Moscow, but that near miss remains
unconfirmed. Amins successor, Babrak Karmal, promised sweeping democratic reforms but made limited progress before he was deposed, on orders
from Moscow, in November 1986.
Further Reading
Ansary, Tamim. Games without Rules: The Often-Interrupted History of Afghanistan. New
York: Public Affairs, 2012.
Coll, Steve. Ghost Wars: The Secret History of the CIA, Afghanistan, and Bin Laden, from
the Soviet Invasion to September 10, 2001. New York: Penguin Books, 2004.
Jones, Seth. In the Graveyard of Empires: Americas War in Afghanistan. New York: W. W.
Norton, 2010.
Male, Beverly. Revolutionary Afghanistan: A Reappraisal. London: Taylor & Francis,
1982.
Rasanayagam, Angelo. Afghanistan: A Modern History. London: I.B. Tauris, 2005.
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AQ U I N O, B E N I G N O S I M E O N , J R .
senator Benigno Aquino Jr. Imprisoned from 1973 until a heart attack threatened his life in 1980, Aquino had been paroled to the United States for medical
treatment and had remained there in self-imposed exile since then. President
Marcos, unrelenting, had dispatched a prison van to collect Aquino and return
him to custody, with 1,000 soldiers to provide security. Despite that wall of
uniforms, supposed Communist Party member Rolando Galman allegedly shot
Aquino in the head as he left the aircraft, killing him instantly. Government
agents then riddled Galman with bullets.
Aquino was born in Concepcion on November 27, 1932, a descendant of
prosperous landowners, grandson of a general in Emilio Aguinaldos revolutionary army. His father served as vice president of Jos Laurels collaborationist government under Japanese occupation in World War II and died in 1947
while awaiting trial for treason. Educated in private schools, Aquino was the
youngest Filipino war correspondent during the Korean War, winning the
Philippine Legion of Honor at age 18 for courage under fire. Entering politics
at 22, he was elected mayor of Concepcion in 1955, as vice governor of Tarlac province in 1960, as governor in 1961, as secretary general of the Liberal
Party in 1966, and as the countrys youngest-ever senator in 1967. A year later,
Aquino launched an outspoken opposition to President Marcos, warning that
Marcos planned to establish a garrison state by militarizing our civilian government offices. Four years later, Marcos proved Aquino right with a declaration of martial law, imposing autocratic rule throughout the Philippines.
The precipitating cause of that announcement was a Liberal Party rally at
Manilas Plaza Miranda on August 21, 1971. Aquino was not present when
two hand grenades exploded in a crowd of 4,000, killing nine persons and
wounding 120. Liberals blamed President Marcos for the bombing, while
Marcos blamed the leftist New Peoples Army. Marcos suspended habeas corpus
and jailed Aquino with dozens of supposed Maoists, along with a bombing
suspect later identified as a sergeant of the Philippine Constabularys firearms and explosive section. Aquino subsequently claimed that the bomber,
once identified as a policeman, was spirited away and disappeared. Marcos
declared martial law on September 21, 1972, and Aquino was one of the
first subversives detained for trial by military commission on trumped-up
charges of murder and gunrunning. In the midst of his protracted trial, in
April 1975, Aquino declared a hunger strike to the death and shriveled to
75 pounds over the course of 40 days, before relenting and accepting nourishment. The court-martial dragged on until November 25, 1977, when Major
General Jose Syjuco convicted Aquino on all charges and sentenced him to
death by firing squad.
More delays ensued, while Marcos granted Aquino permission to participate in the 1978 parliamentary election from his prison cell, and granted him
a television interview on Face the Nation. That appearance rallied liberal support, but the partys candidates were buried in a Marcos landslide marked
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A R AU J O, M A N U E L E N R I Q U E
Burton, Sandra. Impossible Dream: The Marcoses, the Aquinos, and the Unfinished Revolution. New York: Warner Books, 1959.
De Castro, Arturo. Mistrial: A Case Study of the Assassination of Senator Benigno S. Aquino, Jr.
Manila: Current Events Digest, 1986.
Festin Martinez, Manuel. The Grand Collision: Aquino vs. Marcos. Manila: Martinez,
1987.
Hill, Gerald. The True Story and Analysis of the Aquino Assassination. Aylesbury, United
Kingdom: Hilltop, 1984.
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A R GA A F E R R A R O, L U I S M A R A D E L C O R A Z N D E J E S S D I O N I S I O
in 1958, and remained as a professor until he entered politics, with his election
to Paraguays Chamber of Deputies. He later served as a judge and as president
of Paraguays Supreme Court from 1983 to 1988, followed by a term as foreign minister (19891990). He lost a presidential bid in 1993, but rebounded
five years later with election as vice president.
Some observers speculated that Argaas murder may have been inspired by
his service as a judge, and later head of Paraguays judicial system, under the
despotic regime of Alfredo Stroessner Matiauda, who ruled the nation with an
iron hand from 1954 to 1989, while granting sanctuary to Nazi war criminals,
including Auschwitz Angel of Death Josef Mengele. Critics claimed that Argaa had used his position to abet and whitewash Stroessners reign of terror,
including political murders, torture, and unjust imprisonment amply documented by archives of terror discovered at a police station in the Asuncin
suburb of Lambar on December 22, 1992.
Another theory blamed Argaas death on ex-general Lino Csar Oviedo
Silva, commander of Paraguays army from 1993 until April 1996, when President Juan Carlos Wasmosy forced his resignation. Oviedo had threatened a
coup dtat, then relented when Wasmosy offered him a post as minister of
defensethen reneged on the day of Oviedos scheduled swearing-in ceremony. Embittered, Oviedo ran for president in 1998 and won the ruling Colorado Partys nomination, then was slapped with a 10-year prison term a month
before election day, for his abortive coup attempt in 1996. Running mate Ral
Cubas went on to win the election and liberated Oviedo days after taking office
in August 1998, over protests from opposition leaders and the Paraguayan Supreme Court. Luis Argaa was inaugurated as vice president of Paraguay under
Cubas, on August 15.
Argentina granted asylum to General Oviedo upon his departure from
prison, and refused an extradition request from Paraguays National Congress
following Argaas murder. Oviedo subsequently left for Brazil, where expresident Cubas had settled following his impeachment, then returned to Paraguay voluntarily on June 28, 2004. Arrested on arrival, he was taken to the
military prison at Vias Cu, near Asuncin, to complete his original 10-year
sentence. Authorities paroled him for good behavior on September 6, 2007, and
Paraguays Supreme Court overturned Oviedos conviction on October 30, 2007,
by a vote of eight to one, deciding that no coup dtat was actually attempted
in 1996.
Thus vindicated, Oviedo resumed his campaign for the presidency. In January 2008, he was nominated without opposition by a Colorado Party splinter
group, the National Union of Ethical Citizens. Whereas Oviedos party won
25 congressional seats in Aprils election, Oviedo lost his bid to rival Fernando
Armindo Lugo Mndez, candidate of the Patriotic Alliance for Change. Oviedo
received only 22.8 percent of the popular vote nationwide.
ASSASSINS CULT
Further Reading
Calvert, Peter. A Political and Economic Dictionary of Latin America. London: Europa
Publications, 2004.
Lambert, Peter. Muero con mi patria! Myth, Political Violence, and the Construction
of National Identity in Paraguay. In Political Violence and the Construction of Identity
in Latin America. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.
Miranda, Carlos. The Stroessner Era: Authoritarian Rule in Paraguay. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1990.
Mora, Frank, and Jerry Cooney. Paraguay and the United States: Distant Allies. Athens:
University of Georgia Press, 2007.
23
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A S S A S S I N S C U LT
early 12th century. Grand master Sabbah died at Alamut in 1124, succeeded
by Kiya Buzurg-Ummid, and the sect grew stronger than ever. Its next wellknown victim, in 1125, was Abul-Fad.l Ibn al-Khashshab, the foremost Shia
qadi ( judge) at Aleppo, Syria. A year later, also in Aleppo, a fedayin assassin
killed Emir Porsuki on November 26, 1126.
Later in the 12th century, Assassins seized nine castles in Syrias An-Nusayriyah
Mountains. From one of those, at Masyaf, Old Man of Mountain Rashid ad-Din
Sinan ran his own branch of the order, virtually independent of the grand master
at Alamut. Pledged to kill Saladin, the Kurdish Muslim sultan of Syria and Egypt,
Sinan twice dispatched assassins who failed to complete their assignment. Saladin
laid siege to Masyaf in August 1176, then retired after finding a threatening note
in his tent, pinned to a table with a poisoned dagger. Sinans last major contract
claimed the life of Conrad of Montferrat, elected king of Jerusalem on April 24,
1192, and killed four days later, allegedly on orders from King Richard I of England. Sinan himself died that same year, his successor handpicked by then
grand master Nur al-din Muhammad at Alamut.
Mongol invaders under Hulagu Khan laid siege to Alamut, commanded
at the time by Imam Rukn al-Din Khurshah, on December 15, 1256. Khurshah surrendered his stronghold soon thereafter, and although fedayin warriors
briefly recaptured the fortress in 1275, they were soon routed, the survivors
scattered and vanishing into obscurity. Mamluk Sultan Baibars of Egypt seized
control of the orders Syrian wing in 1273 and used its members as killers for
hire. Moroccan author Ibn Battuta (13041368) claims that remaining Assassins finally resulted to taqiyya, a tactic of religious dissimulation masking their
beliefs in mainstream Muslim society while waitingin vain, it appearsfor a
new leader to awaken them.
It comes as no surprise, perhaps, that the Assassins cult has featured frequently in literature, film, on televisioneven in modern computer and video
games. Friedrich Nietzsche seemed to admire the order when, in 1887, his On
the Genealogy of Morality referred to that invincible Order of Assassins. Vladimir Bartol, by contrast, seemed to take a decidedly negative view in his novel
Alamut (1938), though later critics maintain that he compared the order favorably to antifascist resistance fighters in his native Slovenia. Louis LAmour,
best known for novels set in the American Old West, departed from type with
The Walking Drum (1984), in which 12th-century hero Mathurin Kerbouchard
seeks to rescue his father from the Assassins. Peter Berlings The Children of the
Grail (1996) also examines the Assassins in their historical setting, and other
novelsDan Browns Angels & Demons (2000) and A. W. Hills Nowhere-Land
(2009)imagine the orders survival into modern times. In comics, the Assassins have contended both with ancient warrior Conan the Barbarian and quasisupernatural Wild West gunman Jonah Hex.
ASSASSINS CULT
25
B
BAHONAR, MOHAMMAD-JAVAD
(19331981)
On August 30, 1981, a bomb exploded in the Tehran office of Iranian prime
minister Mohammad-Javad Bahonar. The blast killed Bahonar, as well as
President Mohammad-Ali Rajai and three other members of the Islamic Republican Party. Survivors described the explosion occurring when one victim
opened a briefcase, brought into the office by Massoud Kashmiri, a state security official. Subsequent investigation revealed that Kashmiri was an agent
of the leftist Peoples Mujahedin of Iran (MEK), supported by Iraqi dictator
Saddam Hussein and blamed for 17,000 Iranian deaths during the IranIraq
War of 19801988.
Bahonar was born in Kerman, Iran, on September 3, 1933. A Muslim cleric
and author of textbooks on Islamic studies, he also engaged in politics and was
jailed in 1963, during protests led by Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini against Shah
Mohammad Reza Pahlavis White Revolutiona program of supposed reforms
designed primarily to strengthen and legitimize the Pahlavi dynasty. Upon release
from custody, Bahonar abstained from further activism until the Islamic Revolution of 19781979 drove the shah into exile and established Khomeini as Irans de
facto ruler. For his service in the revolution, Bahonar was named to lead the new
governments ministry of culture and Islamic guidance, essentially responsible for
censoring any media disapproved by Muslim leaders in Tehran. From that post, he
also directed a purge of all secular influence from Iranian universities.
The outbreak of war with Iraq, in September 1980, hampered but did not
derail the ultraconservative Iranian Cultural Revolution. Mayhem on the home
front escalated as the MEKfounded by leftist Iranian students in 1965 to
oppose Shah Pahlavishifted focus to attack to attack Khomeinis rigid theocracy and its political organ, the Islamic Republican Party (IRP). Irans first
elected president, Abulhassan Banisadr, took office in February 1980 but was
impeached in June 1981 for bucking clerical authority. One week after his
removal, MEK militants bombed IRP headquarters, killing 70 high-ranking
members. In that tense atmosphere, presidential successor Mohammad-Ali
Rajai chose Mohammad-Javad Bahonar as his running mate. They won the
election with 91 percent of the popular vote, but survived less than four weeks
after taking office on August 4, 1981.
28
BALBINUS
BALBINUS
Emperor Balbinus of Rome, assassinated by his palace guards in 238 C.E. (Getty Images)
of the Second Parthian Legion. The senate then approached 79-year-old Gordian, regional governor of North Africa, who demurred until his son was accepted as co-emperor. Accordingly, Gordian I and II were named to rule in
tandem, but they reigned for only 36 days. Gordian II died fighting soldiers
loyal to Maximus at the Battle of Carthage, and Gordian I hanged himself
on learning of his sons demise. Next, on April 22, the senate elected elderly
members Balbinus and Pupienus as co-emperors, a decision so unpopular
with Gordian loyalists that they thronged Romes streets, pelting both men
with sticks and stones. As a pacifying measure, senators named Marcus Antonius Gordianus Pius Augustus, 13-year-old grandson of Gordian I, to nominally reign as Caesar, thus presumably defusing anger against Balbinus and
Pupienus.
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B A L E WA , A B U B A K A R TA FAWA
That stopgap measure failed to guarantee smooth governance, however. Dissension simmered between Balbinus and Pupienus from the first day of their
joint reign, each emperor fearing assassination by the other. Seeking to crown
their election with military laurels, thereby achieving some legitimacy, they
planned an ambitious dual campaign, Balbinus plotting to subjugate the Carpians (inhabiting the eastern region of present-day Moldavia), and Pupienus
targeted the Parthians (occupying northeastern Iran). Collaborating on logistics failed to heal the rift between the emperors, however. Balbinus and Pupienus were engaged in yet another bitter quarrel on July 29, when disgusted
Praetorian Guards burst in and hacked both men to death.
With Gordian III still too young to rule, control of the empire was ceded to
aristocratic families who directed Romes affairs through the senate. Gordian
married Furia Sabinia Tranquillina, daughter of the newly appointed praetorian prefect Timesitheus, who assumed de facto rule of Rome until his death in
243. The following year, Gordian died combating Persian invaders at the Battle
of Misiche. Quickly deified by the senate, he was succeeded by Marcus Julius
Philippus Augustus, also called Philip the Arab.
Further Reading
Frey, Oliver. Complete Chronicle of the Emperors of Rome. Ludlow, United Kingdom:
Thalamus Publishing, 2005.
Grant, Michael. The Roman Emperors: A Biographical Guide to the Rulers of Imperial Rome
31 BCAD 476. New York: Charles Scribners Sons, 1985.
Kerrigan, Michael. Dark History of the Roman Emperors. London: Amber Books, 2012.
Potter, David. Emperors of Rome: Imperial Rome from Julius Caesar to the Last Emperor.
London: Quercus Books, 2008.
Scarre, Chris. Chronicle of the Roman Emperors: The Reign-by-Reign Record of the Rulers
of Imperial Rome. London: Thames & Hudson, 1995.
B A L E WA , A B U B A K A R TA FAWA
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B A N D A R A N A I K E , S O L O M O N W E S T R I D G E W AY D I A S
B A N D A R A N A I K E , S O L O M O N W E S T R I D G E WAY D I A S
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B AU T I S TA G I L L GA R C A D E L B A R R I O, J UA N
as a wealthy businessman and heavy drinker (an offense for Buddhist monks),
who had engaged in a sexual affair with Minister of Health Wimala Wijewardene, the only female member of Bandaranaikes cabinet. Convicted of murder
and sentenced to death in 1961, Buddharakkitha saw his sentence commuted
to life imprisonment on appeal. He died in prison, from a heart attack, in
1967. Talduwe Somarama was hanged on July 7, 1962. A third conspirator,
businessman H. P. Jayawardena, also received a life sentence.
Further Reading
De Alwis, Malathi. Gender, Politics, and the Respectable Lady. In Unmaking the
Nation: The Politics of Identity & History in Modern Sri Lanka. Colombo, Sri Lanka:
Social Scientists Association, 1995.
Manor, James. The Bandaranaike Legend. In The Sri Lanka Reader: History, Culture,
Politics. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2011.
Manor, James. The Expedient Utopian: Bandaranaike and Ceylon. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1990.
Tambiah, Stanley. Buddhism Betrayed? Religion, Politics, and Violence in Sri Lanka. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 1992.
Weiss, Gordon. The Cage: The Fight for Sri Lanka and the Last Days of the Tamil Tigers.
New York: Bellevue Literary Press, 2012.
B E C K E T, T H O M A S
taking office on November 25 with cousin Jos Higinio Uriarte y Garca del
Barrio as vice president. Their administration initiated use of paper currency
and substantially increased taxation, while adopting the Argentine Civil Code
in a bid to stabilize Paraguays ravaged economy. Another statute, the Tobacco
Law of April 1875, granted the government a five-year monopoly on tobacco
exports while barring private dealers from the trade. The same law imposed a
three-year government monopoly on trading in salt and soap. Those measures
were predictably unpopular, as was the border treaty signed with Argentina on
February 3, 1876, surrendering Misiones Province and adjacent territory, plus
some islands in the Paran River. Bautistas establishment of a National College
in Asuncin failed to offset criticism of his other policies.
General Germain Serrano, former minister of the interior, led an insurrection against Bautistas regime at Caacup in December 1875, but that uprising collapsed with the death of Serrano and other rebel leaders. Conspiracies
against the president continued, however, with Don Juan Silvano Godoi hatching the plot that finally succeeded in April 1877. Following Bautistas assassination, Silvano spent 18 years in Buenos Aires, finally returning to Paraguay in
1895. Six years later he was appointed general director of the National Library
of Paraguay.
Vice President Higinio Uriarte completed Bautistas four-year term, succeeded by Cndido Pastor Bareiro Caballero, former Paraguayan charg
daffaires in Europe. Under his administration, Paraguay reclaimed some territory from Argentina's Ro de la Plata basin, subsequently named the Presidente
Hayes Department, after U.S. president Rutherford Hayes, who helped negotiate the transition.
Further Reading
Bethell, Leslie. The Cambridge History of Latin America, Vol. 5: c. 18701930. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1986.
Lewis, Paul. Political Parties and Generations in Paraguays Liberal Era, 18691940. Chapel
Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1993.
Tuohy, John. Biographical Sketches from the Paraguayan War18641870. Charleston,
SC: CreateSpace, 2011.
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B E C K E T, T H O M A S
B E C K E T, T H O M A S
Meanwhile, Henry II had decided to crown his son, Henry the Young, as
kinga move that required approval from Canterburys archbishop. Becket
resisted, whereupon the coronation proceeded without him in June 1170,
performed by archbishop of York Roger de Pont Lvque, joined by bishop
of London Gilbert Foliot and bishop of Salisbury Josceline de Bohon. Becket
excommunicated all three in November, whereupon the three fled to Normandy. At that point, Henry uttered his famous rhetorical question, transcribed in various histories as Will no one rid me of this turbulent priest? or
What miserable drones and traitors have I nourished and brought up in my
household, who let their lord be treated with such shameful contempt by a
low-born cleric? Whatever the precise wording, Beckets assassins interpreted
Henrys words as a royal command and proceeded to kill Becket upon his return to England.
Pope Alexander III canonized Becket on February 21, 1173. Two months later,
French noblemen led a rebellion against Henry II in France (see sidebar), prompting Henry to perform acts of penance at Beckets tomb and at the Church of
St. Dunstans, Canterbury, in July 1174. Beckets killers fled to North Yorkshire
and were excommunicated in March 1171 by Pope Alexander, who further sentenced them to 14 years exile in Jerusalem. They were never charged in England,
nor required to forfeit any of their lands. Thomas Beckets remains were exhumed
in 1220 and transferred to a shrine at Canterbury Cathedrals Trinity Chapel.
REVOLT OF 11731174
Henry the Young mourned Thomas Beckets assassination as the slaying
of his surrogate father. Married by that time to a daughter of French king
Louis VII (also first husband of young Henrys mother, Eleanor of Aquitaine), young Henry was 18 in April 1173, when the Counts of Flanders and
Boulogne rose against his father, invading Normandy. Young Henry joined
in the attack, while William the Lion, king of Scots, launched an offensive
in Northumberland. Henry II defeated those offensives, but the rebellion
continued as the Earl of Leicester raised an army of Flemish mercenaries
and crossed from Normandy to England, joining forces with Hugh Bigod,
1st Earl of Norfolk. That thrust also failed, when it was met by superior
forces under Richard de Luci, chief justiciar of England. Even then, fighting continued until July 1174, when Henry II returned from France and
pacified most opponents with public acts of penance for Beckets slaying.
Henry and his son reconciled in September 1174, but the younger Henry
led a new rebellion in 1183. He died from dysentery in June of that year,
during a campaign against his father and brother Richard, later called The
Lionheart.
37
38
39
40
Klein, Herbert. A Concise History of Bolivia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003.
Scheina, Robert. Latin Americas Wars: The Age of the Caudillo, 17911899. Dulles, VA:
Potomac Books, 2003.
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B E N T, C H A R L E S
Mickolus, Edward, and Susan Simmons. The Terrorist List. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger,
2011.
Woodworth, Paddy. Dirty Wars, Clean Hands: The ETA, the GAL, and Spanish Democracy.
Cork: Cork University Press, 2001.
Zulaika, Joseba. Terrorism: The Self-Fulfilling Prophecy. Chicago: University of Chicago
Press, 2009.
BHUTTO, BENAZIR
Embudo Pass on January 29, and at Taos on February 35, 1847. Rebels repulsed a second force under Captain Israel Hendley at Mora, on January 24, but
were routed by Captain Jesse Morins troops on February 1. Pueblo rebel leader
Toms Romero was captured and jailed at Taos, shot dead in his cell by Private John Fitzgerald on February 8 without the formality of trial. A subsequent
court-martial convicted Jose Montoya and 14 other rebels on charges of murder
and treason against the territorial government. Montoya and five more rebels
were hanged on April 9, 1847, with the remainder executed two weeks later.
Meanwhile, combat between insurgents and occupying troops continued at Red
River Canyon (May 2627), Las Vegas ( July 6), and Cienega Creek ( July 9).
Further Reading
Crutchfield, James. Tragedy at Taos: The Revolt of 1847. Dallas: Republic of Texas Press,
1995.
Dunbar-Ortiz, Roxanne, and Simon Ortiz. Roots of Resistance: A History of Land Tenure
in New Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2007.
Durand, John. The Taos Massacres. Elkhorn, WI: Puzzlebox Press, 2004.
Flint, F. Harlan. Hispano Homesteaders, The Last New Mexico Pioneers, 18501910. Santa Fe,
NM: Sunstone Press, 2012.
Sides, Hampton. Blood and Thunder: The Epic Story of Kit Carson and the Conquest of the
American West. New York: Anchor Books, 2006.
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B H U T T O, B E N A Z I R
B I N L A D E N , O S A M A B I N M O H A M M E D B I N AWA D
that killed 136 other victims and wounded 450. Two weeks later, on November 3, President Pervez Musharraf declared a nationwide state of emergency,
briefly placing Bhutto under house arrest until public outrage forced her release. Bhutto proceeded with her plan to win a third term as prime minister,
aborted by the suicide attack that claimed her life.
Al-Qaeda field commander Saeed al-Masri claimed responsibility for Bhuttos assassination, whereas the Pakistani government spokesmen named Taliban leader Baitullah Mehsud as the attacks planner. Bhuttos family and the
PPP disputed both claims, blaming opponents in the militaryintelligence
community. A U.S. drone aircraft killed Mehsud at the home of his second
wifes father, on August 5, 2009, and another killed al-Masri with his wife and
three children on May 21, 2010. An antiterrorism court in Rawalpindi ordered
ex-president Musharrafs arrest on February 12, 2011, charging him with complicity in Bhuttos assassination, and the Sindh High Court charged him with
treason on March 8, 2011. At the time of this writing, he remains in London,
battling extradition.
Further Reading
Bhatia, Shyam. Goodbye Shahzadi: A Political Biography of Benazir Bhutto. New Delhi:
Lotus Roli Books, 2008.
Bhutto, Fatima. Songs of Blood and Sword: A Daughters Memoir. New York: Nation
Books, 2010.
Hughes, Libby. Benazir Bhutto: From Prison to Prime Minister. Lincoln, NE: iUniverse, 2000.
Hussain, Zahid. Frontline Pakistan: The Path to Catastrophe and the Killing of Benazir
Bhutto. London: I.B. Tauris, 2008.
United Nations Security Council. Report of the United Nations Commission of Inquiry
into the Facts and Circumstances of the Assassination of Former Pakistani Prime Minister
Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto. Blue Ridge Summit, PA: United Nations Publications, 2009.
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B I N L A D E N , O S A M A B I N M O H A M M E D B I N AWA D
26 children. By the time of his first marriage, bin Ladens father and a halfbrother were partners with future U.S. president George H. W. Bush in the
Carlyle Group, a U.S.-based global asset management firm. In 1979, bin Laden
received a degree in civil engineering from King Abdulaziz University, then
moved to Pakistan, joining the CIA-assisted mujahideen resistance to Soviet occupation of Afghanistan. In August 1988, six months before the Soviet withdrawal, bin Laden organized al-Qaeda (The Base, in Arabic) to lift the word
of God, to make his religion victorious. In August 1990, following Iraqs invasion of Kuwait, bin Laden offered to defend Saudi Arabia in the event of an
attack. FBI agents raided the New Jersey home of al-Qaeda associate El Sayyid
Nosair two months later, discovering plans to bomb Manhattan skyscrapers.
Nosair subsequently confessed his involvement in the November 7, 1990,
murder of controversial rabbi Meyer Kahane.
Bin Laden, meanwhile, broke with the Saudi government over its U.S.
ties and was banished to Sudan in 1992, and stripped of his Saudi citizenship in 1994. In 1995, he joined in an abortive plot to kill Egyptian president Hosni Mubarak. May 1996 found bin Laden back in Afghanistan,
where he issued a declaration of war against the United States three months
later, declaring that the evils of the Middle East arose from Americas attempt to take over the region and from its support for Israel. Saudi Arabia
had been turned into an American colony. With Taliban support, he effectively seized control of Ariana Afghan Airlines, using it to shuttle terrorists
around the world.
Mayhem ensued, beginning with al-Qaedas bombing of the Gold Mihor
Hotel in Yemen, killing two persons on December 29, 1992. Principals in the
February 1993 World Trade Centers bombing were linked to al-Qaeda, though
the attack was not an official bin Laden project. Bin Laden financed the Luxor
massacre of November 17, 1997, which killed 62 civilians at an Egyptian archaeological site, and coordinated the bombings of U.S. embassies in Nairobi,
Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, killing 223 persons and wounding more
than 4,000. In October 2000, al-Qaeda suicide bombers struck the destroyer
USS Cole in Aden, killing 17 seamen and injuring 39. Investigation of the 1998
embassy bombings placed bin Laden on the FBIs most wanted list, with a $6
million reward for information leading to his capture (subsequently increased
to $25 million).
On September 11, 2001, al-Qaeda members executed the worst terrorist
strikes in U.S. history, hijacking four airliners and using them as vehicles for
suicide attacks. Targets included New Yorks World Trade Centers, the Pentagon, and the White House, but passengers aboard the plane en route to strike
the presidential residence overpowered their kidnappers, crashing the jet into
a field near Shanksville, Pennsylvania. The days grim toll included 2,996 dead,
with more than 6,000 injured. On the same day, bin Ladens half-brother Shafig
B I N L A D E N , O S A M A B I N M O H A M M E D B I N AWA D
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B I S H O P, M A U R I C E R U P E R T
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B I S H O P, M A U R I C E R U P E R T
Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet and spoke publicly on paranormal subjects, declaring 1978 The Year of the UFO. Bishop and the NJM deposed
Gairy on March 13, 1979, suspending Grenadas constitution and ruling by
decree in the name of a Peoples Revolutionary Government, inviting Cuban
teachers, technicians, and physicians to help improve the countrys standard of living. Even then, the socialist reforms were not enough for hard-line
Marxists in the NJM, who rallied around Bernard Coard to unseat Bishop
in 1983.
Following Bishops execution, General Hudson Austin of the Peoples Revolutionary Army named himself chairman of a military junta. To forestall protests, Austin imposed a four-day total curfew, warning that any person found
away from home without official sanction would be shot on sight. Word soon
reached Washington that Cuban soldiers and construction workers were building a new 10,000-foot landing strip, presumably for use by military aircraft.
On October 23, President Ronald Reagan initiated Operation Urgent Fury,
invading Grenada with 7,300 U.S. troops and 353 supporting forces from various Caribbean nations. At a reported cost of 113 dead and 533 wounded, invaders toppled the juntaand incidentally rescued a number of U.S. medical
students from St. Georges University. The United Nations General Assembly,
by a vote of 108 to 9, condemned the invasion as a flagrant violation of international law.
In the wake of that invasion, Hudson Austin, Bernard Coard, his wife Phyllis, and various others were arrested on charges of murdering Bishop. At trial
in 1986, Austin, Coard, and six others were sentenced to death, but their penalty was later commuted to life imprisonment. In February 2007, Londons Judicial Committee of the Privy Council ordered resentencing of the defendants,
and in June their prison terms were reduced to 30 years. Austin and two others were released on December 18, 2008. Bernard Coard was the last to leave
prison, on September 5, 2009.
Further Reading
Adkin, Mark. Urgent Fury: The Battle for Grenada. Philadelphia: Trans-Atlantic Publications, 1989.
Brizan, George. Grenada: Island of Conflict. New York: Macmillan Caribbean, 1998.
Gilmore, William. The Grenada Intervention: Analysis and Documentation. New York:
Facts on File, 1984.
Marcus, Bruce, and Michael Taber. Maurice Bishop Speaks: The Grenada Revolution and
Its Overthrow 197983. Atlanta: Pathfinder Press, 1983.
Sandford, Gregory, and Richard Vigilante. Grenada: The Untold Story. Toronto: Madison
Books, 1984.
Seaga, Edward. The Grenada Intervention: The Inside Story. Kingston, Jamaica: University of the West Indies, 2009.
B O B R I K O V, N I K O L AY I VA N O V I C H
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BOLLES, DON
BOLLES, DON
Back in civilian life, he joined the Associated Press, working in New York,
New Jersey, and Kentucky before Republic editor Eugene Pulliam hired him
in 1962. From sports reporting, Bolles quickly advanced to the investigative
beat, probing Mafia influence on Arizona dog and horse racing, revealing
bribery and kickbacks on the state tax and corporation commissions, exposing
real-estate swindles, and spotlighting a conflict-of-interest scandal involving
state legislators. In 1974, he was honored as Arizona Press Club Newsman of
the Year.
But by the next year, colleagues noted signs of disillusionment and burnout. Bolles requested and received a transfer from the crime beat to city government and the state legislature. It should have been less hazardous, but the
fatal bombing and Bolless final words suggested he was still probing organized
crime. Although the motive for his death remains obscure, early suspicion focused on Kemper Marley, Arizonas godfather of land fraud and a longtime
partner in the liquor trade with John Hensley, father-in-law of Senator John
McCain. Marley was never charged, however, though police did net a clutch
of suspects.
On the day Bolles died, Phoenix detectives arrested John Harvey Adamson, a
racing-dog owner and the informant who stood Bolles up on June 2. On January 15, 1977, Adamson confessed planting a remote-control bomb in Bolless
car, on orders from contractor Max Dunlap, assisted by plumber James Robison.
Adamson agreed to provide evidence on behalf of the state in exchange for a
20-year sentence, providing testimony that convicted Dunlap and Robison of
murder on November 6, 1977. Both men were sentenced to death in January
1978, but marathon appeals ensued. Arizonas Supreme Court ordered a new
trial in February 1980, but Adamson balked at testifying a second time. Murder
charges against both defendants were dismissed in June 1980, and authorities
revoked Adamsons plea bargain and charged him with first-degree murder. Convicted in October 1980 and sentenced to death the following month, Adamson
saw his sentence reduced to life imprisonment on appeal in May 1986 and again
(after its reinstatement) in December 1988.
Meanwhile, prosecutors refiled murder charges against Robison in November 1989, and against Dunlap in December 1990. They were granted
separate trials, with Dunlap convicted in April 1993 (receiving life with no
parole for 25 years), and jurors acquitted Robison in December 1993. On
cross-examination at his trial, Robison admitted asking a fellow inmate to
kill Adamson, a separate crime that earned him five years in federal prison
following a July 1995 guilty plea. John Adamson left prison on August 12,
1996, and entered the federal Witness Protection Program, then emerged
from hiding in the early 21st century. Robison was paroled in 1998, at age 76.
Dunlap died in prison on July 21, 2009. No suspects have been positively
named to date as instigators of the bombing.
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EMPRISE CORPORATION
The company named as such by Don Bolles in his dying remarks was
founded in Buffalo, New York, in 1915. Its creatorsbrothers Charles,
Louis, and Marvin Jacobsoperated concession stands in various sporting
venues and theaters, expanding from the 1920s through the 1950s with
financial support that included interest-free loans from recognized Mafia
bosses in Cleveland and Detroit. Emprise, in return, occasionally granted
loans to mobsters, including Las Vegas godfather Moe Dalitz. Business
flourished under the firms original name, and later as Sportservice. In
1939, the company acquired its first racetrack, reborn in 1980 as Delaware
North Companies Gaming & Entertainment. In 1987, Delaware North acquired Sky Chefs, gaining a foothold in airports nationwide. Six years later,
it won the contract to provide visitor services in Yosemite National Park.
In 1995, the company assumed management of Floridas Kennedy Space
Center Visitor Complex. Delaware North entered the European market in
2006, with a contract for Londons Emirates Stadium, followed by another
for Wembley Stadium in 2007. By 2010, the company owned several casinos and had assumed management of RMS Queen Mary, permanently
docked at Long Beach, California. No link between the firm and the assassination of Don Bolles has been established.
Further Reading
Headly, Lake. Loud and Clear: The Don Bolles Murder Case. New York: Henry Holt,
1990.
Kaiser, Robert Blair. Desert Injustice. n.p. Amazon Digital Services, 2011.
Tallberg, Martin. Don Bolles: An Investigation into His Murder. New York: Popular
Library, 1977.
Wendland, Michael. The Arizona Project: How a Team of Investigative Reporters Got
Revenge on Deadline. Riverside, NJ: Sheed Andrews and McMeel, 1977.
B O R G I A , G I O VA N N I
failed to reappear next day, a search began and authorities found a Tiber boatman who had seen a man leading a horse with an apparent body draped across
its saddle. Moments later, after someone said, My lord, there came a splash.
Officers dragged the river and retrieved Borgias body, torn by nine stab wounds,
with 30 gold ducats still in his purse.
Giovanni Borgiaalso known as Juan or Joanwas the son of Pope
Alexander VI. Clerical vows of celibacy notwithstanding, Alexander also
sired Giovannis siblings Cesare, Lucrezia, and Gioffre. Different records cite
his year of birth as 1474 and 1476, with most historians today accepting the
latter date, which makes Cesare the oldest Borgia son and Giovanni the second of four children. In September 1493, Borgia married Maria Enriquez de
Luna, Spanish fiance of his deceased elder half-brother Pier Luigi de Borgia,
1st Duke of Ganda.
In the atmosphere of 15th-century Rome, motives for Borgias murder were
plentiful. Some observers suspected brother Cesare, Duke of Valentinois, noting that Giovannis death cleared the way for Cesare to launch a long-awaited
military career in the Italian War of 14991504. Others suspected that the
murder may have sprung from Giovannis dalliance with Sancha of Aragon,
illegitimate daughter of King Alfonso II of Naples. Sancha had married the
younger Borgia brother Gioffre in 1494, but still enjoyed romantic liaisons
with Cesare and Giovanni. Further confusing matters, Sanchas brother Alfonso married Lucrezia Borgia in 1498 and was murdered in 1500, allegedly
on orders from Cesare. By that time, as historian Barbara Tuchman observed,
In the bubbling stew of Romes rumors, no depravity appeared beyond the
scope of the Borgias. Even Pope Alexander was not immune from suspicion: humorist Jacopo Sannazaro dubbed him a fisher of men, referring to
Giovannis discovery in the Tiber.
Although no sure verdict is possible in Giovannis slaying, the House of Borgia is indelibly linked to murder. Historian Johann Burchard (ca. 14501506)
wrote of Cesare: One day he went so far as to have the square of St. Peter enclosed by a palisade, into which he ordered some prisonersmen, women and
childrento be brought. He then had them bound, hand and foot, and being
armed and mounted on a fiery charger, commenced a horrible attack upon
them. Some he shot, and others he cut down with his sword, trampling them
under his horses feet. In less than half-an-hour, he wheeled around alone in a
puddle of blood, among the dead bodies of his victims, while his Holiness and
Madam Lucrezia, from a balcony, enjoyed the sight of that horrid scene.
Like other famous assassination victims, Giovanni Borgia survives in popular fiction. His murder is a central feature of Mario Puzos novel The Family
(2001), and is portrayed in various films and television series: the 2010 animated short film Assassins Creed: Ascendance; the French/German series Borgia
(2011); and the second season of Showtimes series The Borgias (2012).
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Further Reading
Cloulas, Ivan. The Borgias. Danbury, CT: Franklin Watts, 1989.
Hibbert, Christopher. The Borgias and Their Enemies: 14311519. New York: Mariner
Books, 2009.
Johnson, Marion. The Borgias. New York: Penguin, 2002.
Mallett, Michael. The Borgias: The Rise and Fall of the Most Infamous Family in History.
Chicago: Academy Chicago Publishers, 2005.
B O U D I A F, M O H A M E D
of silence (omert) in exchange for leniency at trial. Mafiosi killed Rocco Chinnici in
July 1983, followed by Palermo chief of police Antonino Cassar in August 1985,
ex-mayor Giuseppe Insalaco in January 1988, Magistrate Rosario Livatino in September 1990, Supreme Court prosecutor Antonio Scopelliti in August 1991, and Salvo
Lima, another ex-mayor, in March 1992. On May 21, 1992, a half-ton car bomb
killed Giovanni Falcone, his wife, and three bodyguards on the highway between Palermon International Airport and the citys center.
Borsellino, serving since 1986 as chief prosecutor of Marsala, knew that he
was on the Mafias hit list. In his last interview, taped on the day of Falcones
assassination, Borsellino announced plans to probe links between the Mafia
wealthy Italian businessmen such as future prime minister Silvio Berlusconi.
Curiously, that interviewtaped by French journalistsdid not air in Italy
until 2000, with 20 minutes cut from its original 50-minute length.
Authorities named Mafia boss Salvatore Tot Riina, alias The Beast, as
the mastermind of the Falcone and Borsellino murders. He remained at large,
in hiding, until Carabinieri officers surprised him at traffic light in Palermo,
on January 15, 1993. Police credited informer Baldassare Di Maggio, Riinas
former chauffeur, with directing them to Riina, a revelation that led to the
murders of several Di Maggio relatives. At his first trial, in October 1993,
Riina was convicted of ordering hits on brothers Pietro and Vincenzo Puccio,
resulting in a life sentence. In 1998, he was convicted of Salvo Limas murder.
Meanwhile, in 1996, Giovanni Bruscanamed as the hit man who planted
the Falcone bombwas captured and turned informer. His testimony added further life terms to Riinas slate, for ordering the murders of Falcone and
Borsellino.
Palermo International Airport was subsequently renamed FalconeBorsellino
Airport, featuring a memorial to the slain magistrates by sculptor Tommaso
Geraci. Borsellinos sister Rita ran for president in the Sicilian regional election
of 2006, but lost to incumbent Salvatore Tot Cuffarowho was convicted of
collaboration with the Mafia in January 2008, receiving a five-year sentence.
Further Reading
Dickie, John. Cosa Nostra: A History of the Sicilian Mafia. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.
Maran, A.G.D. Mafia: Inside the Dark Heart. New York: Thomas Dunne Books, 2010.
Seindal, Ren. Mafia: Money and Politics in Sicily 19501997. Copenhagen: Museum
Tusculanum Press, 1998.
Stille, Alexander. Excellent Cadavers: The Mafia and the Death of the First Italian Republic.
New York: Vintage, 1996.
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BUBACK, SIEGFRIED
formed in 1988. In January 1992, Algerias military junta invited Boudiaf to return
from exile, accepting leadership of a new High Council of State, a figurehead
group hastily created to defuse popular opposition.
Boudiaf accepted the post, then surprised his junta sponsors by calling for
substantive reform, with an end to military rule. The civil war continued, and
although Boudiaf was presented as a victim of Muslim violence, his widow and
other observers had doubts. Rumors spread that Boudiaf had tried to open
dialogue between the government and ISF, while launching an investigation
into state corruption. That campaign indicted retired Major General Mustapha
Beloucif for embezzling $6.6 million. The lead investigator in that effort was
murdered several days before Boudiafs assassination.
Authorities clung to their portrayal of Lembarek Boumarafi as a crazed
lone assassin. Convicted of murder and sentenced to death on June 3, 1995,
Boumarafi lost his appeal before Algerias Supreme Court in March 1997.
Thus far, no report of his execution has surfaced. Mohamed Boudiaf is venerated as a martyr in Algeria today, with the countrys largest airport named in
his honor.
Further Reading
Burgat, Francois. Face to Face with Political Islam. London: I.B. Tauris, 2005.
Roberts, Hugh. The Battlefield: Algeria 19882002, Studies in a Broken Polity. London:
Verso, 2003.
Stone, Martin. The Agony of Algeria. New York: Columbia University Press, 1997.
Stora, Benjamin. Algeria, 18302000: A Short History. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 2001.
Sueur, James Lee. Between Terror and Democracy: Algeria Since 1959. London: Zed
Books, 2010.
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BUBACK, SIEGFRIED
German attorney general Siegfried Buback, shot by the Red Army Faction. (SVEN SIMON/
dpa/Corbis)
B U S H , G E O R G E WA L K E R
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B U S H , G E O R G E WA L K E R
released from custody on September 19, 2003. Although President Bush was
never in actual danger, spokesmen for the U.S. Park Police said that Picketts
shots would have reached the White House if his view had not been obstructed.
A more serious attempt on Bush apparently occurred on September 11,
2001the day when coordinated terrorist strikes by al-Qaeda claimed 2,996
lives in New York and Pennsylvania. On that day, Bush was in Florida, lodged
at Colony Beach and Tennis Resort on Longboat Key, in preparation for a public appearance in Sarasota. While the president went jogging with Secret Service agents, a van occupied by several men of apparent Middle Eastern descent
arrived at the lodge, claiming they were scheduled for a poolside interview
with Bush. No such appointment was registered, and the still-unidentified
men were turned away. Authorities speculated that the strangers intended to
kill Bush, as a similar party had slain anti-Taliban militia leader Ahmad Shah
Massoud in Takhar Province, Afghanistan, only two days earlier. Although
nothing was provedand Secret Service agents failed to detain the men after
questioning themwitnesses subsequently claimed sightings of 9/11 skyjacking ringleader Mohamed Atta at the Longboat Key Holiday Inn, near the
Colony Beach, on September 7, 2001. That day, coincidentally or otherwise,
was the date when White House spokesmen announced Bushs upcoming visit
to Sarasota.
The last reported attempt on President Bush occurred in Tbilis, Georgia,
on May 10, 2005. Bush was speaking to an audience in Freedom Square, accompanied by his wife and Georgian president Mikheil Saakashvili, when
ethnic Armenian Vladimir Arutyunian tossed a hand grenade toward the podium. The grenade struck a bystander and fell short of its mark, then failed
to explode. Although it was live, and Arutyunian had pulled its pin, a handkerchief he wrapped around the grenade to conceal it from view prevented
the safety levers release to produce detonation. Arutyunian escaped from the
scene, but was caught on film by a tourists camera and subsequently identified by FBI agents, acting in concert with Georgian authorities. Cornered at
his mothers home on July 20, 2005, Arutyunian engaged in a shootout with
police, killing Zurab Kvlividze, chief of the interior ministrys counterintelligence department, before he was wounded and captured. Arutyunian initially confessed, then refused to speak at his trial, stitching his lips shut on
one occasion. On January 11, 2006, he received a life prison term without
possibility of parole.
George W. Bush was born on July 6, 1946, the grandson of a U.S. senator.
His father, George H. W. Bush, served variously in Congress (19671971), as
U.S. ambassador to the United Nations (19711973), as director of the Central
Intelligence Agency (19761977), as vice president (19811989), and as president (19891993). The younger Bush, commonly known by his middle initial, served as governor of Texas from 1995 to 2000, then won the presidency
B U S H , G E O R G E WA L K E R
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C
CAESAR, GAIUS JULIUS (100 BCE44 BCE)
On March 15, 44 BCE, Roman chief of state Julius Caesar kept a scheduled appointment with the senate, some 40 to 60 of whose members had conspired
to kill him, thereby ending his seven-week reign as dictator in perpetuity. As
Caesar entered the chamber, Tillius Cimber approached him with a petition
for the recall of Cimbers exiled brother, while more conspirators crowded
around in support. The crowd drew knives, with Servilius Casca reportedly
striking first. Caesar received 23 wounds, but historian Gaius Suetonius
Tranquillus reports that only oneto the chestwas fatal. His account, and
that of historian Lucius Mestrius Plutarchus, records no dying words from
Caesar. The dying dictators comment Et tu, Brute?supposedly addressed
to friend-turned-killer Marcus Junius Brutuswas an apocryphal remark
added posthumously, already well known by the time it was echoed in
William Shakespeares play Julius Caesar.
Gaius Julius Caesar was born on July 13, 100 BCE, into the gens Julia, an
ancient patrician family that claimed descent from the goddess Venus by way
of Iulus, son of the mythical Trojan prince Aeneas. Four different explanations
are offered for the cognomen (third name) Caesar: Pliny the Elder asserts that
it derived from an ancestor born by caesarean section, whereas the Augustan
history speculates that the first Caesar either had gray eyes (Latin oculiscaesiis),
thick hair (Latin caesaries), or had killed an elephant (Moorish caesai) at some
point in time. Julius Caesar indirectly supported the last theory by minting
coins impressed with images of elephants.
Caesar came of age in an era of turmoil, marked by war and the political
purges of dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla. With his fathers death in 85 BCE,
16-year-old Caesar became head of the family, promoted the following year to
serve as a high priest of Jupiter. As a nephew of Gaius Marius and son-in-law
of Lucius Cornelius Cinnaboth enemies of SullaCaesar was targeted for
eradication, stripped of his wealth and priesthood, driven into exile. He returned to Rome in 78 BCE, with Sulla safely dead, and labored to restore his fortune as a legal advocate, earning renown for captivating oratory.
In 75 BCE, while crossing the Aegean Sea, Caesar was taken prisoner by Sicilian pirates. After he was ransomed for a price of 50 talents (3,550 pounds)
of gold, Caesar raised a fleet, captured his kidnappers, and had them crucified.
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CALIGULA
Back in Rome by 46 BCE, Caesar was reelected as consul, this time without
sharing the office. His subsequent election as dictator in perpetuity, in February 44 BCE, focused opposition from supporters of the late republic and set the
wheels in motion for his murder. Ironically, many Romans resented the aristocratic plot against Caesar, a sentiment Mark Antony used to stir up riotous
mobs. Gaius Octavian, Caesars grandnephew and sole heir led the disaffected
populace in a new round of civil warfare that ultimately doomed the republic
Caesars assassins had tried to save.
Further Reading
Freeman, Philip. Julius Caesar. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2008.
Goldsworthy, Adrian. Caesar: Life of a Colossus. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
2006.
Parenti, Michael. The Assassination of Julius Caesar: A Peoples History of Ancient Rome.
New York: The New Press, 2003.
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CALIGULA
Chaerea hated Caligula for the emperors relentless insults, focused chiefly on
insinuations of effeminacy after Chaerea had suffered a genital wound while
serving Caligulas father, General Germanicus. This day, after a furious exchange of words, Chaerea stabbed Caligula, with other soldiers joining in to
inflict 30 wounds. Hours later, conspirators also killed Caligulas wife, Milonia
Caesonia, and their daughter, Julia Drusilla, thus extinguishing the royal line.
Caligulaborn Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus Germanicus on August 31,
12 CEwas a member of Romes Julio-Claudian dynasty, founded by Julius
Caesar and ending with Nero. His popular name, translated from Latin as
little soldiers boot, refers to his father Germanicus, one of Romes best-loved
military champions. Following the death of Germanicus at Antioch in October 19, widow Agrippina the Elder returned to Rome and became embroiled
in a feud with Emperor Tiberius, whom she blamed for killing Germanicus
(his adopted son). That 10-year conflict decimated Agrippinas family and
ended with her own death in prison, leaving Caligula as her only surviving
son. When Tiberius died in March 37 CE, Caligula succeeded his adoptive
grandfather as emperor.
His reign was controversial, to say the least. Contemporary sources from
37 CE and 38 CE describe him as a moderate and exemplary ruler, whereas
later documents portray him tyrannical, perverse, and possibly insane. Historian Suetonius reports that 160,000 animals were sacrificed in celebration
during the first three months of Caligulas reign, and Philo described the first
seven months as completely blissful. Caligula granted bonuses to Roman
troops, repealed the convictions of alleged traitors prosecuted under Tiberius,
recalled some prominent Romans from exile, and staged lavish entertainment
in Rome, including gladiatorial contests.
On the other hand, he executed his cousin and adopted son Tiberius Gemellus (an act that drove their mutual grandmother to suicide), along with
father-in-law Marcus Junius Silanus and brother-in-law Marcus Aemilius Lepidus, sparing uncle Claudius to serve as a public laughingstock. Caligula also
exiled his sisters, Julia Livilla and Agrippina the Younger. Financial crises and
famines ensued, and Caligulas relations with the Roman senate deteriorated.
Aspiring to divinity by 40 CE, Caligula adopted the garb of various gods and
demigods from mythology, naming himself as Jupiter in certain public documents and posing as a sun god on newly minted coins. Royal scandals multiplied, involving adultery, sexual perversion, and murders committed for
sadistic pleasure. On occasion, he paraded his wife in the nude before visitors,
threatening to torture and kill her as an odd form of affection. The exile of
his sisters followed accusations that Caligula had forced them into incest.
Surrounded by enemies, Caligula ensured his own destruction by publicly
humiliating Cassius Chaerea. He mocked Chaereas high-pitched voice, compelled Chaerea to kiss his hand while forming and moving it in an obscene
C A L I N E S C U , A R M A N D
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C A L I N E S C U , A R M A N D
their driver. The killers then proceeded to invade the headquarters of Radio
Romnia, holding employees at gunpoint for a bungled attempt to broadcast
news of Calinescus death.
A native of Pites ti, the son of an affluent veterinarian and landowner, Armand Calinescu was born on June 4, 1893. He studied law and philosophy
at the University of Bucharest, then earned a PhD in economics and political
science from the University of Paris. Rejected by Romanias National Liberal
Party for his leftist views, C a linescu joined the opposing Peasants Party and
won elections to the Chamber of Deputies in 1926, serving there for 11 years.
In 1931, he led a move to outlaw the Iron Guard, earning him the hatred of its
leaders. In December 1937, he accepted appointment as Prime Minister Octavian Gogas minister of the interiora move resulting in Ca linescus expulsion
from the Peasants Party. A stroke killed Goga in May 1938, thus leading to the
dissolution of his government. Calinescu retained his post under King Carol II,
and then replaced Prime Minister Miron Cristea at his death, on March 6, 1939.
Regarded as a man of steel who could defeat the Iron Guard, C a linescu
ordered sweeping arrests of its leaders in May 1939, resulting in an estimated
300 deaths. On September 1, in Copenhagen, Gestapo agents and representatives from Fascist Italy met with Iron Guard members and Mihail Sturdza
Romanias ambassador to Denmark and a friend of exiled Iron Guard leader
Horia Sima. Together, as later described by Iron Guard turncoat Mihai Vrfureanu, they planned to murder Calinescu, King Carol, and General Gavrila
Marinescu, among other Romanian leaders. Dumitru Dumitrescu received Gestapo training for the project, then returned home through Hungary to lead the
murder team on September 21.
Harsh repression of the Iron Guard followed Calinescus death. His assassins
were executed, their corpses displayed with a placard reading De acumnainte,
aceastava fi soartatradatorilor de tara (From now on, this shall be the fate of
those who betray the country), and another 253 Iron Guard members were
killed without trial in various towns. The movement subsequently triumphed,
briefly, in alliance with pro-Nazi prime minister Ion Antonescu, beginning in
September 1940, but its failure to unseat him in a coup on January 24, 1941,
doomed the Iron Guard in Romania. Sima and other leaders fled to Germany,
organizing a government in exile, while the regime at home collaborated in the
Holocaust. Antonescu was executed for war crimes on June 1, 1946.
Further Reading
Ancel, Jean. The History of the Holocaust in Romania. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
Press, 2011.
Dogaru, Mircea. History of the Romanians. Bucharest: Amco Press, 1996.
Georgescu, Vlad. The Romanians: A History. London: I.B. Tauris, 1991.
Hitchens, Keith. Rumania 18661947. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994.
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Phillips Jr., William, and Carla Phillips. A Concise History of Spain. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
CARLOS I OF PORTUGAL
U.S. senator Redfield Proctor (former secretary of war), and William Randolph
Hearst used his newspaper chain to agitate for U.S. intervention.
Seemingly oblivious to world opinion, Cnovas imposed the tactics used in
Cuba on dissident Spaniards at home. In June 1896, after a bomb exploded
during a Corpus Christi procession in Barcelona, Cnovas ordered the arrest of
300 anarchists, socialists, and trade unionists. Confined at Montjuc Fortress,
87 were condemned and executed, and others suffered brutal torture, some of
them driven insane. Seventy-one defendants were acquitted of all charges
but Cnovas still deported them to Ro de Oro, a Spanish colony in West Africa
(now Western Sahara).
It was during this period of turmoil that Michele Angiolillo traveled from
Paris to seek revenge against Cnovas. He was executed by garotte, at Bergara,
on August 20, 1897. The New York Times reported that he died bravely, with
his pulse quiet and unaltered, whereas Spanish newspapers suppressed details of his execution.
Further Reading
Barton, Simon. A History of Spain. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
Pierson, Peter. The History of Spain. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1999.
Ross, Christopher. Spain Since 1812. London: Hodder Education, 2009.
Trask, David. The War with Spain in 1898. New York: Macmillan, 1981.
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C A R R E R O B L A N C O, L U I S
executed Madero in February 1913, installing himself as president, and Carranza drafted the Plan of Guadalupe, raising a Constitutional Army with support from rebel leaders including Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata. As that
armys Primer Jefe (First Chief ), he forced Huertas surrender in August 1914,
officially succeeding him on August 14.
The winning coalition soon dissolved, Zapata first deserting Carranza in
September 1914, when Carranza refused to institute the sweeping reforms
Zapata demanded. Villa soon followed, citing issues of his own, and fighting
resumed among the former allies. Victorious by January 1915, Carranza instituted his own program of reform, including propagation of a new constitution,
ratified in 1917. He was determined to retire with that accomplishment, when
his term expired in 1920, but insisted that Mexicos next president should be a
civilian. lvaro Obregn and other generals opposed that plan, prompting intrigue that culminated with Carranzas April assassination.
Adolfo de la Huerta served as Mexicos provisional president until December 1, 1920, when Obregn officially secured the office, with Huerta demoted
to secretary of the treasury. Obregn charged General Herrero with Carranzas
murder, but he was acquitted on grounds that the actual triggerman could not
be identified. Herrero still spent seven months in the military prison at Santiago Tlaltelolco, fighting treason charges, then was released with a dishonorable
discharge from the army. Curiously, Obregn later reinstated him as a general,
leaving President Lzaro Crdenas to make Herreros dismissal permanent, in
the 1930s.
Further Reading
Boot, Max. The Savage Wars of Peace: Small Wars and the Rise of American Power. New
York: Basic Books, 2002.
Gibbon, Thomas. Mexico Under Carranza: A Lawyers Indictment of the Crowning Infamy
of Four Hundred Years of Misrule. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, Page & Co., 1919.
Richmond, Douglas. Venustiano Carranzas Nationalist Struggle, 18931920. Lincoln:
University of Nebraska Press, 1984.
Stout, Joseph. Border Conflict: Villistas, Carrancistas and the Punitive Expedition,
19151920. Fort Worth: Texas Christian University Press, 1999.
C A R R E R O B L A N C O, L U I S
to church each Sunday. Tunneling beneath the road over a fivemonth period, the team planted
176 pounds of explosives stolen
from a government arsenal. As
Carrero Blancos car passed on
December 20, 1973, the bombers detonated their charge,
launching the vehicle 65 feet
in the air, over one five-story
building, to land on the secondfloor balcony of a Jesuit college.
Carrero Blanco died in the blast,
with a bodyguard and his chauffeur. The ETA claimed responsibility on January 22, 1974.
A native of Santoa, born
on March 4, 1904, Luis Carrero Blanco entered the Spanish
Naval Academy in 1918, subsequently participating in the
Rif War of 19241926, against
Moroccan Berber tribesmen. He Spanish prime minister Luis Carrero Blanco died at
initially supported the Second the hands of Basque separatists. (Bettmann/Corbis)
Spanish Republic when civil
war broke out in 1936, then defected in June 1937 to serve as a naval officer
with Francos rebel forces. Rising through the ranks and gaining influence in
Francos Falange Party, Carrero Blanco became a cabinet minister in 1957, a
vice admiral in 1963, and a full admiral in 1966. In 1967, he succeeded General Agustn Muoz Grandes as Spains vice president and heir apparent to post
of Caudillode Espaa (Leader of Spain) upon Francos demise.
ETA spokesman Julen Agirre justified Carrero Blancos assassination in a
manifesto that declared:
The execution in itself had an order and some clear objectives. From the beginning of 1951 Carrero Blanco practically occupied the government headquarters
in the regime. Carrero Blanco symbolized better than anyone else the figure of
pure Francoism and without totally linking himself to any of the Francoist tendencies, he covertly attempted to push Opus Dei into power. A man without
scruples conscientiously mounted his own State within the State: he created a
network of informers within the Ministries, in the Army, in the Falange, and also
in Opus Dei. His police managed to put themselves into all the Francoist apparatus. Thus he made himself the key element of the system and a fundamental
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piece of the oligarchys political game. On the other hand, he came to be irreplaceable for his experience and capacity to manoeuvre and because nobody
managed as he did to maintain the internal equilibrium of Francoism.
Franco survived and controlled Spain through puppet presidents until November 1975. Carrero Blancos killers eluded police, but the teams leader,
Jos Bearan Ordeana, was himself assassinated with a car bomb in December 1978, a reprisal carried out by allied neo-fascist groups including Argentine Anticommunist Alliance and Italys National Vanguard, with collaboration
from Spains Naval Intelligence Service.
Further Reading
Agirre, Julen. Operation Ogro: The Execution of Admiral Luis Carrero Blanco. New York:
Ballantine, 1976.
Anderson, Wayne. The ETA: Spains Basque Terrorists. New York: Rosen Publishing, 2003.
Clark, Robert. The Basque Insurgents: ETA, 19521980. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1984.
Kurlansky, Mark. The Basque History of the World. New York: Penguin Books, 2001.
Woodworth, Paddy. Dirty War, Clean Hands: ETA, the GAL and Spanish Democracy.
Cork, Ireland: Cork University Press, 2001.
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assassination plots in February 1963 and CIA agent William Harvey resumed
meetings with Rosselli in April. President Lyndon Johnson privately suspected
that attacks on Castro prompted Cuban retaliation in November 1963, with
the assassination of President John F. Kennedy ( JFK).
Be that as it may, efforts to murder Castro did not end with JFKs administration. The last known attempt on Castros life occurred in 2000, during a
visit to Panama. Cuban terrorist and ex-CIA agent Luis Posada Carriles placed
200 pounds of high explosives under a podium where Castro was scheduled
to speak, but Cuban security personnel discovered the bomb and defused it.
Posada and three accomplices were imprisoned for that attempt, later pardoned by outgoing president Mireya Moscoso in August 2004. Posada was
subsequently convicted by Venezuelan prosecutors in absentia for the October
1976 bombing of Cubana Flight 455, which killed 73 persons, and for a series
of 1997 bombings in Cuban hotels and nightclubs. Detained in Texas during
2005, Posada avoided extradition thanks to a superseding U.S. indictment and
trial, ending with his acquittal on April 8, 2011.
Although deadly serious, some of the plots against Castro assumed the aspect of black comedy. Supplied with poison pills, presidential lover Marita Lorenz hid them in a jar of cold cream, only to have them dissolve. She balked at
forcing the cream into Castros mouth while he slept, and finally confessed to
the plot. Castro, bemused, offered her his own pistol, whereupon Lorenz tearfully replied, I cant do it, Fidel.
Over time, Castros longevity became a running joke among his enemies.
Fidel himself once remarked, If surviving assassination attempts were an
Olympic event, I would win the gold medal. One apocryphal story, recounted
in New Yorker magazine, described a friend presenting Castro with a Galpagos
tortoise. On hearing that his new pet might live for 100 years, Castro declined
the gift, saying, Thats the problem with pets. You get attached to them and
then they die on you.
Further Reading
Bohning, Don. The Castro Obsession: U.S. Covert Operations against Cuba, 19591965.
Washington, DC: Potomac Books, 2005.
Breuer, William. Vendetta! Fidel Castro and the Kennedy Brothers. New York: John Wiley &
Sons, 1997.
Escalante, Fabin. The Cuba Project: CIA Covert Operations 195962. New York: Ocean
Press, 2004.
Hinckle, Warren, and William Turner. The Fish Is Red. New York: Harper and Row, 1981.
Russo, Gus. Live By The Sword: The Secret War against Castro and the Death of JFK. Baltimore: Bancroft Press, 1998.
Von Tunzelmann, Alex. Red Heat: Conspiracy, Murder, and the Cold War in the Caribbean.
New York: Henry Holt, 2011.
C ATA RG I U, BA R B U
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Further Reading
Hitchins, Keith. The Romanians 17741866. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996.
Jelavich, Barbara. Russia and the Formation of the Romanian National State 18211878.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984.
the final years of Prohibition, Chicago insiders dubbed him Ten-percent Tony,
a reference to the share of cash he skimmed from local rackets and corrupt government deals. Where Mayor Thompson had allied himself with mobster
Al Caponeconvicted of tax evasion six months after Cermaks election
Cermak cast his lot with rival gangster Roger Touhys syndicate. On December 19, 1932, a police squad led by Detective Sergeants Harry Lang and Harry
Miller raided Capone successor Frank Nittis headquarters at the La Salle Hotel.
Lang shot Nitti three times, then gave himself a superficial wound and called
the shooting self-defense. Nitti surprised his would-be killers by surviving and
beat a charge of attempted murder in February 1933, when Sergeant Miller testified that Lang had received $15,000 to kill Nitti. Another member of the raiding party testified that Nitti was unarmed when shot by Lang. As a result, Lang
and Miller were fired and fined $100 each for simple assault.
Cermak was shot within days of that verdicts return. Miami prosecutors portrayed Giuseppe Zangara as a delusional immigrant and quasi-anarchist who
blamed chronic stomach pain on wealthy public figures. FDR was named as
his primary target, though he also appeared to despise Republican incumbent
Herbert Hoover. Gossip columnist Walter Winchell, coincidentally present at
the Miami shooting scene, later surmised that Cermak was Zangaras primary
target, marked for death after offending Chicago mobsters. The usual twist
to that story paints Cermak as a martyred reformer, but if gangsters were involved, retaliation for the attempted police assassination of Frank Nitti seems
a more likely motive.
Cermaks gangland ally, Roger Touhy, was indicted for kidnapping Missouri
brewer William Hamm in August 1933, but jurors acquitted him three months
later and the blame for that abduction was later (rightly) placed on the Barker
Karpis outlaw gang. FBI agents arrested Touhy again in December 1933, this
time for the faked kidnapping of Chicago felon Jacob Factor. Convicted on
that charge and sentenced to 99 years, Touhy was freed in 1959 after a federal
judge determined that Factor was never kidnapped. The case was a frame-up
concocted by Nitti and company, with aid from corrupt prosecutors. Soon after
his release, Touhy was gunned down in Chicago. His dying words: The bastards never forget.
Cermaks daughter, Helena, married Otto Kerner Jr., who served as governor
of Illinois from 1961 to 1968, then as a judge of the U.S. Court of Appeals for
the Seventh Circuit. Kerner resigned that position in July 1974, following his
conviction on 17 counts of bribery, conspiracy, perjury, and other charges. He
received a three-year prison term but was released early upon diagnosis of terminal cancer and died in Chicago on May 9, 1976.
The controversy surrounding Cermaks death makes it a natural subject for
fiction and drama. The first effort, a film billed as an imaginative biography
of Cermak, was hastily released on June 30, 1933, casting the mayor as an
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inadvertent hero for saving FDR. Cermak also got the hero treatment in a twopart episode of The Untouchables, aired on February 25 and March 3, 1960,
then recycled later that same year as a full-length TV movie, The Gun of Zangara. Cermaks rise to power was portrayed in Jeffrey Archers novel Kane and
Abel (1979), and best-selling mystery author Max Allan Collins solved the
case four years later, blaming Frank Nitti in True Detective (1983). Unexpectedly, Cermaks murder also inspired a November 1998 episode of the science
fiction TV series, Babylon 5, titled Objects in Motion.
Further Reading
Allsop, Kenneth. The Bootleggers: The Story of Prohibition. New York: Arlington House, 1970.
Bergreen, Laurence. Capone: The Man and the Era. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1994.
Gottfried, Alex. Boss Cermak of Chicago: A Study of Political Leadership. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962.
CHAI N MU RDERS ( I R AN )
Humble, Ronald. Frank Nitti: The True Story of Chicagos Notorious Enforcer. Fort Lee,
NJ: Barricade Books, 2008.
Lindberg, Richard. To Serve and Collect: Chicago Politics and Police Corruption from the
Lager Beer Riot to the Summerdale Scandal, 18551960. Carbondale: Southern Illinois
University Press, 1998.
Russo, Gus. The Outfit: The Role of Chicagos Underworld in the Shaping of Modern
America. New York: Bloomsbury, 2001.
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CHAI N MU RDERS ( I R AN )
Ahmad Madani, the shahs former defense minister, poisoned with a gift of
candy in Paris on January 1, 1986.
Ahmadhamed Monfared, another ex-colonel, shot in Turkey by two men
with silenced pistols on October 24, 1986.
Vali Mohammad, a former marine officer under the shah, shot in Pakistan
on November 12, 1986.
Ali Akbar Mohammadi, former pilot for Chairman of Parliament Ali
Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, killed by two gunmen in Hamburg, Germany,
on January 16, 1987.
Hamid Reza Chitgar, First Secretary of Hezb Kaar (Labor Party), killed at
an apartment in Vienna, Austria, on May 19, 1987, with his corpse found
a week later. Suspect Ali Amiztab allegedly lured Chitgar from Paris to Vienna, after a two-year correspondence from Iran.
Alireza Hassanpour Sharifzadeh and Faramarz Aqai, killed at their homes
in Karachi on July 8, 1987, in an attack with rocket launchers and machine guns that left 33 other persons wounded. Pakistani border guards
detained nine members of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard as suspects.
Exiled dissident Mohammad Hassan Mansouri, killed with a companion
at his home in Istanbul, by two gunmen, on July 25, 1987.
Ahmad Talebi, former fighter pilot in the shahs air force, shot by two assassins in Geneva, Switzerland, on September 10, 1987.
Ali and Noureddin Nabavi Tavakoli, father and son royalists, shot in their
London home on October 3, 1987.
Javad Haeri, stabbed by two men at his home in Istanbul on December 1,
1987.
Behrouz Bagheri, son of a general in the shahs army, killed by a bomb at
his shop in Paris on November 28, 1987.
Ataollah Bayahmadi, ex-colonel with military intelligence, killed in his
Dubai hotel room on June 4, 1989.
Abdulrahman Ghassemlou, leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party of
Iran (KDPI), ambushed at a meeting with Iranian officials in Vienna, on
July 13, 1989. Also killed in that shooting were KDPI members Abdollah
Ghaderi, Fadal Mala, and Mamoud Rassoul. Austrian police released the
suspects, then expelled them from the country.
Gholam Keshavarz, exiled member of the Worker-Communism Unity
Party of Iran, killed in Cyprus in August 1989.
Bahman Javadi, a member of Komalah (a Kurdish political party), killed
in an August 26, 1989, shooting in Cyprus that also wounded party member Youssef Rashidzadeh.
CHAI N MU RDERS ( I R AN )
Komalah member Sadiq Kamangar, murdered at his office in Iraq on September 4, 1989.
Exiled royalist Hadj Balouch Khan, shot by members of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard in Taftan, Pakistan, on February 16, 1990.
Dr. Kazem Rajavi, Irans first ambassador to the United Nations after the
1979 revolution and elder brother of Massoud Rajavi, leader of the National Council of Resistance, killed in a village near Geneva, Switzerland,
on April 24, 1990.
Ali Kashefpour, a member of the KDPIs Central Committee, kidnapped in
Turkey and tortured to death on July 15, 1990.
Effat Qazi, daughter of Kurdish dissident leader Gazi Mohammed, killed
by a letter bomb addressed to her activist husband in Sweden, on September 6, 1990.
Political refugee Gholam Reza Nakhai, beaten to death in a Turkish hotel
room on October 1, 1990.
Cyrus Elahi, a member of the opposition monarchist group Derafsh-e
Kaviani (Flag of Freedom), shot at his home in Paris on October 23, 1990.
KDPI members Ahad Aqa and Khaled Hosseinpour, killed by a bomb
planted at party headquarters in Iraq on January 1, 1991.
Abdolrahman Boroumand, executive committee member of the National Resistance Movement of Iran, stabbed on a Paris street, on April 8,
1991.
Dr. Shapour Bakhtiar, last prime minister under the shah and founder of
the National Resistance Movement, stabbed to death in Paris with his secretary, Soroush Katibeh, on August 7, 1991. Killers Nasser Ghasemi Nejad
and Gholam Hossein Shoorideh Shirazi escaped to Iran, and a thirdAli
Vakili Radwas captured in Switzerland, extradited to France, and sentenced to life imprisonment.
Saeed Yazdanpanah, member of the Revolutionary Union of Kurdish People, was fatally stabbed at his home in Iraq, on September 19, 1991, along
with his secretary Cyrus Katibeh.
Nareh Rafizadeh, wife and sister-in-law of exiled royal intelligence agents,
shot outside her home in New Jersey, on March 26, 1992.
Exiled dissident Seifollah Seimanpour, machine-gunned in Iraq on May 1,
1992.
KDPI member Shahpour Firouzi, shot with automatic weapons in Iraq on
May 31, 1992.
Union of Iranian Communists member Kamran Mansour Moqadam,
machine-gunned in Sulaymaniyah, Iraq, on June 3, 1992.
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CHAI N MU RDERS ( I R AN )
MIRO member Ali-Akbar Ghorbani, kidnapped from his home in Istanbul on June 4, 1992, and tortured to death. Suspects in custody later confessed and led police to his grave.
Exiled singer Fereydoun Farrokhzad, beheaded at his home in Bonn, Germany, on August 8, 1992. The attackers also severed his tongue.
KDPI leader Dr. Sadeq Sharafkandi, shot with aides Homayoun Ardalan,
Fattah Abdollahi, and Nouri Dehkordi at a Berlin restaurant on September
17, 1992. Two Iranians were convicted in April 1997, and the court issued
an arrest warrant for Ali Fallahian, then Irans minister of intelligence.
Abbas Golizadeh, former bodyguard to the shah, kidnapped from home
in Istanbul on December 26, 1992, and still missing, presumed dead.
MIRO member Gholam-Hossein Kazemi, ambushed and shot while driving between the groups camps in Iraq, on January 21, 1993.
Heybatollah Naroui and Delaviz Naroui, exiled Naroui tribal chiefs from
Balochistan, killed at their home in Karachi, Pakistan, on March 9, 1993.
Mohammad Hossein Naghdi, spokesman for the National Council of Resistance of Iran, shot in Rome on March 16, 1993.
Mohammad Ghaderi, a former KDPI member, kidnapped from home in
Kirshahir, Turkey, on August 25, 1993. His mutilated corpse was found
10 days later.
KDPI member Bahram Azadifar, shot at his home in Ankara on August 28,
1993, by two men disguised as Turkish police officers.
Hossein Barazandeh, an engineer and close aide of expatriate scholar Dr.
Ali Shariati, reported missing after he left a Quran recitation session in
Mashhad on January 3, 1995. His body was found the next day, with his
death attributed to cardiac arrest, but colleagues believed he was poisoned.
Ahmad Khomeini, younger son of Iranian ruler Ayatollah Khomeini, pronounced dead from a heart attack on March 17, 1995, one month after
publicly criticizing regime hardliners. Outside observers claim the ministry of intelligence killed him with cyanide.
MIRO members Effat Haddad and Fereshteh Esfandiari, shot in Baghdad
on May 19, 1995.
Ahmad Mir Alaei, signatory of an open letter criticizing the Islamic Republic, reported missing en route to deliver a speech at the medical school
in Isfahan, on October 24, 1995. An unknown caller canceled his appearance, and Alaei was found six hours later, another victim of cardiac
arrest.
Javad Saffar and Jalal Mobinzadeh, kidnapped and killed in Mashhad,
Iran, on January 1, 1996.
CHAI N MU RDERS ( I R AN )
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succeed Canute as Sverker II. Canutes four sons were exiled, but returned with
Norse support in 1205 to face Sverker II in the Battle of lgars. All but Erik
Knutsson died there, and he fled once again, but returned a second time with
more Norwegians in 1208, defeating Sverker II at the Battle of Lena. Crowned
Eric X thereafter, he disposed of Sverker once and for all two years later, at Gestilren. A sudden fever claimed his life in April 1216.
Further Reading
Kent, Neil. A Concise History of Sweden. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008.
Moberg, Vilhelm. A History of the Swedish People from Prehistory to the Renaissance.
Vol. 1. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2005.
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CHINNICI, ROCCO
CHINNICI, ROCCO
Promoted to chief prosecutor in 1979, upon the murder of predecessor Cesare Terranova, Chinnici organized the Antimafia Pool, a group of investigating magistrates that included Paolo Borsellino, Giuseppe Di Lello, Giovanni
Falcone, and Leonardo Guarnotta. One of their leading targets was Michele
Greco, head of the Sicilian Mafia Commission, known as The Pope for his
ability to mediate feuds between rival mob bosses. Indicted with 14 other mafiosi on July 9, 1983, for the September 1982 murder of Carabinieri general
Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa, Greco fled into hiding and plotted the eradication of his enemies. The bomb that killed Chinnici was triggered by Giuseppe
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Pino Greco, Micheles nephew and enforcer, subsequently murdered in September 1985, while still a fugitive from justice.
Police captured Michele Greco on February 20, 1986, in time for him to join
354 codefendants for a Maxi Trial in Palermo. He was convicted of ordering 78
murders, including Chinnicis, and received a life prison term on December 16,
1987. An appellate court freed Greco on February 27, 1991, but his sentence
was reinstated in February 1992. He died in prison, still claiming innocence,
on February 13, 2008.
Further Reading
Jamiesen, Alison. The Antimafia: Italys Fight against Organized Crime. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2000.
Orlando, Leoluca. Fighting the Mafia and Renewing Sicilian Culture. Jackson, TN: Encounter Books, 2003.
Schneider, Jane, and Peter Schneider. Reversible Destiny: Mafia, Antimafia, and the
Struggle for Palermo. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003.
Seindal, Ren. Mafia: Money and Politics in Sicily 19501997. Copenhagen: Museum
Tusculanum Press, 1998.
Stille, Alexander. Excellent Cadavers: The Mafia and the Death of the First Italian Republic.
New York: Vintage Books, 1995.
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Bill Clinton was born William Jefferson Blythe III, in Hope, Arkansas, on August 19, 1946. His father died in an auto accident before Clintons birth, and his
mother later remarried, with Clinton assuming his stepfathers surname. Scholarships enabled Clinton to attend Georgetown Universitys Edmund A. Walsh
School of Foreign Service, where he obtained a BS degree in 1968, followed by a
Rhodes Scholarship to University College, Oxford, in England. Clinton entered
Arkansas politics in 1974, losing a congressional race, then was elected as the
states attorney general (1976) and as governor (1978). Defeated by gubernatorial challenger Frank White in 1980, Clinton rebounded to win a second term,
unseating White in 1984thereby securing a reputation as the comeback kid.
Reelections as governor followed in 1986 and 1990. In 1992, Clinton defeated
incumbent President George H. W. Bush, and successfully defended that office
against challenger Bob Dole in 1996.
Despite Clintons 1996 reelection by some eight million votes in a threeparty race (including independent candidate Ross Perot), his White House tenure was beset by bitter controversy and dissension. First Lady Hillary Clinton
blamed a vast right-wing conspiracy for the attacks, and although extremist groups certainly played a role, fueled by flamboyant talk-show hosts, the
president contributed to his own difficulties as private behavior turned public.
In 1998, a Republican Congress led by Clinton foe (and presidential hopeful)
Newt Gingrich of Georgia voted to impeach Clinton for testifying falsely under
oath about a sexual affair with White House intern Monica Lewinsky. The U.S.
Senate acquitted Clinton in February 1999, and despite that sordid episode, he
left Washington in January 2001 with the highest end-of-office approval rating of any U.S. president since World War II. Subsequent public opinion polls
rank him high among all former presidents, ranging from second to fourth in
popularity.
See also: bin Laden, Osama bin Mohammed bin Awad (19572011).
Further Reading
Gormley, Ken. The Death of American Virtue: Clinton vs. Starr. New York: Crown, 2010.
Malanowski, Jamie. Did Osama Try to Kill Bill Clinton? True/Slant. December 21, 2009.
http://trueslant.com/jamiemalanowski/2009/12/21/did-osama-try-to-kill-bill-clinton.
Summary Statement of Facts (the September 12, 1994 Plane Crash and the October 29,
1994 Shooting) Background Information on the White House Security Review. http://
prop1.org/park/pave/rev6.htm.
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opponents from the Irish Republican Army (IRA; see sidebar). En route from
Bandon to Cork, the column stopped at the village of Balnam Blth (The
Mouth of Flowers) to ask directions, inadvertently receiving advice from
Dinny Long, an IRA supporter. Long directed Collins and his men along a
route guarded by hostile troops under Liam Deasy, an officer in the IRAs 3rd
Cork Brigade. When the ambush party opened fire at 8 P.M., Collins ordered
his men to stop and return fire. The skirmish lasted 20 minutes, and Collins
was the sole fatality, struck in the head by a rifle shot. Participants in the firefight later named the triggerman as Denis (Sonny) ONeill, a former British
army marksman turned IRA sniper.
Michael Collins was born at Sams Cross, near Clonakilty, in West County
Cork, on October 16, 1890. His father was a retired member of the Fenian
Brotherhood, which opposed British rule of Ireland in the latter part of the
19th century. On his death bed, Michael Sr. reportedly predicted that his
son would do great work for Ireland. At first, however, Michael Jr. seemed
to serve the British. Leaving school at age 15, he worked for the Royal Mail
from 1906 to 1910, then moved to London as a messenger for Horne and
Company, a stockbroking firm. Unknown to his employers, though, he
joined Londons Gaelic Athletic Association, and through it, the covert revolutionary Irish Republican Brotherhood. After a stint with J.P. Morgan &
Company in New York, he returned to Ireland in time for the Easter Rising
of April 1916.
While that revolt failed to throw off British rule, landing Collins in custody at Frongoch internment camp in Wales, he escaped execution and was
freed in December 1916, later joining in the Irish War of Independence that
began on January 21, 1919. By then, he was a leading figure in Sinn Fin (We
Ourselves), a nationalist party, and director of its paramilitary Irish Volunteers, created to secure and maintain the rights and liberties common to the
whole people of Ireland. With the outbreak of war, that group expanded to
become the IRA, battling British troops and the Black-and-Tan Royal Irish
Constabulary.
In December 1919, Britains House of Commons introduced a Better Government of Ireland Bill, proposing two Irish parliaments: one for the six
northern counties of Ulster, and another for 26 southern counties of a proposed Irish Free State. That proposal of division split public opinion in Ireland, with strongest support drawn from Ulsters Protestant majority. It also
split the IRA, one faction willing to settle for partial victory, while the other
opposed any treaty. With the war for independence still ongoing, the AntiTreaty IRA began attacks on treaty supporters in June 1922, touching off the
Irish Civil War. As a defender of the existing provisional government, Michael
Collins took the field against his former IRA comrades, and thus went to his
death. Despite ongoing opposition, the treaty dividing Ireland was ratified in
December 1922. It took another five months to conclude the civil war, but
mayhem had become an ingrained habit, continuing with troubles spanning
eight more decades.
Ranked as one of Irelands greatest popular heroes, Michael Collins has been
portrayed several times on screen and stage. Beloved Enemy, a 1936 feature
film, cast Brian Aherne as Dennis Riordan in a fictionalized version of Collinss life (including survival of the final ambush by IRA rivals). Collins had his
real name restored for The Treaty, a 1991 film for television starring Brendan
Gleeson and Michael Collins (1996), with Liam Neeson in the title role. The
Cork Opera House commissioned a musical about Collins in 2005, staged for
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the first time in 2009. In the interim, playwright Mark Kenny penned Allegiance in 2006, depicting a meeting between Collins (played by Michael Fassbender) and Winston Churchill (portrayed by Mel Smith).
Further Reading
Coogan, Tim Pat. Michael Collins: The Man Who Made Ireland. Boulder, CO: Roberts
Rinehart, 1996.
Dwyer, T. Ryle. Michael Collins: The Man Who Won the War. Blackrock, Ireland: Mercier
Press, 2009.
Hittle, J.B.E. Michael Collins and the Anglo-Irish War: Britains Counterinsurgency Failure.
Dulles, VA: Potomac Books, 2011.
MacKay, James. Michael Collins: A Life. Edinburgh: Mainstream, 1997.
OConnor, Frank. The Big Fellow: Michael Collins and the Irish Revolution. Dublin: Clonmore & Reynolds, 1965.
OConnor, Ulick. Michael Collins and the Troubles: The Struggle for Irish Freedom 19121922.
New York: W. W. Norton, 1996.
D
DANILO I, PRINCE OF MONTENEGRO
(18261860)
On August 13, 1860, while boarding a ship at Kotor, Montenegro, Prince
Danilo I was shot and fatally wounded by Todor Kadic,
a chief of the Bjelopavlici
tribe. Danilo died the following day, and although Kadic refused to explain the
killing, various theories were advanced. Some authors claim that Kadic was
enraged by Danilos adulterous affair with Kadi c s wife. Others claim he acted
to avenge atrocities committed on his kinsmen by Danilos troops. Another
theory claims that Austrian authorities recruited him to kill Danilo, fearing that
the prince would forge an alliance with Russian czar Alexander II. The truth
remains obscure.
A native of Njegui, born on June 29, 1871, Danilo was born into the House
of Petrovic-Njego,
hereditary rulers of Montenegro from 1696 to 1918. In October 1851, with the death of vladika (prince-bishop) Petar II Petrovic-Njego,
the senate proclaimed Petar IIs elder brother, Pero Tomov Petrovic,
to succeed
him. Danilo trumped that choice with popular appeal, having negotiated peace
between the warring Crmnica and Katunjani tribes, thereby winning recognition from all Serb bratzvos (clans) except the contentious Bjelopavlici.
At the
same time, he secured endorsement from Russian emperor Nicholas I and was
ordained as vladika Danilo II in Vienna, Austria. Returning to Montenegro in
1852, Danilo accommodated senators by permitting Montenegros change to a
secular principality, whereupon he became knyaz (prince) Danilo I.
That same year, he declared war on the Ottoman Empire, which claimed
jurisdiction over Montenegro. That struggle dragged on for seven years, ending in Montenegrin victory when Danilos elder brother, Grand Duke Mirko
Petrovic-Njego,
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Petrovic chief among them. A plot was organized to oust Danilo and replace
him with exiled rival Stevan Perovic Cuca, but Danilo sent assassins to kill
Cuca in Istanbul. He failed to reckon with the vengeful Bjelopavlici,
though,
and thereby met his end.
Nephew Nikola Mirkov Petrovic-Njego
succeeded Danilo as Prince Nicholas I, pursuing a series of administrative, educational, and military reforms.
In 1900, he proclaimed himself Montenegros first (and only) king. Five years
later, bowing to popular pressure, he granted the nation its first constitution.
Deposed and exiled in 1918, Nicholas maintained his futile claim to the throne
until his death, in Antibes, in March 1921.
Further Reading
Boehm, Christopher. Blood Revenge: The Enactment and Management of Conflict in Montenegro and Other Tribal Societies. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1984.
Morrison, Kenneth. Montenegro: A Modern History. London: I.B. Tauris, 2009.
Roberts, Elizabeth. Realm of the Black Mountain: A History of Montenegro. Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 2007.
Stevenson, Francis. A History of Montenegro. London: Jarrold & Sons, 1914.
President Mohammed Daoud Khan of Afghanistan, killed during a military coup. (Associated Press)
the king was also murdered, in Kabul. Daoud was thereafter tutored in politics
by an uncle, Prince Hashim Khan, and studied in France. He served two terms
as governor of the Eastern Province, in 19341935 and 19381939, with an
intervening term as governor of Kandahar. In 1939, as a lieutenant general,
he assumed command of the Kabul Army Corps, holding that post until his
promotion to minister of defense (19461948), ambassador to France (1948),
then minister of the interior (19491951). Back in uniform by 1951, he served
as commander of the Central Forces in Kabul until September 1953, when he
began a decade as prime minister.
As prime minister, Daoud courted antagonism with his plan to reunite the
Pashtun people (ethnic Afghans) of Pakistan with their ancestral homeland,
a move that simultaneously angered Pakistan and worried non-Pashtun minorities in Afghanistan, such as the Tajiks and Uzbeks. Pakistan closed its borders with Afghanistan in 1961, damaging the Afghan economy and pushing
Daouds regime into closer alliance with the Soviet Union as the countrys foremost trading partner. In 1962, armed with Russian tanks, planes, and artillery, Daoud invaded Pakistans Bajaur region, but was repulsed by superior
forces. That crisis was defused with Daouds forced resignation in March 1963,
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DELIGIANNIS, THEODOROS
Tarver, H. Michael, and Julia Frederick. The History of Venezuela. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2005.
Trinkunas, Harold. Crafting Civilian Control of the Military in Venezuela: A Comparative
Perspective. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009.
DESSALINES, JEAN-JACQUES
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D E S S A L I N E S, J E A N -J AC Q U E S
warrior who granted his enemies no quarter. That March, Toussaint convened
a constitutional assembly, and by July had forged a document that made him
president for life, while reaffirming loyalty to France.
In Paris, Napoleon Bonaparte felt pressure to restore slavery in SaintDomingue. In December 1801, he sent his brother-in-law, General Charles
Leclerc, to restore French control on the island. Leclerc arrived with 40,000
troops in February 1802, arrested Louverture in May, and shipped him back to
France, where he later died in prison. Yellow fever killed Leclerc in November,
leaving Donatien-Marie-Joseph de Vimeur, vicomte de Rochambeau, in command of French forces. Dessalines defeated Rochambeau in November 1803,
at Vertires, and Napoleons army surrendered on December 4.
Dessalines declared Saint-Dominguenow Haitian independent nation
on January 1, 1804. The following month, he launched a campaign to eradicate the islands white minority, killing at least 3,000 persons (some accounts
say 5,000, including 1,700 whites and various loyal servants) by April 22,
when the campaign ceased. On September 22, Dessalines named himself as
emperor, with his official coronation occurring at Cap-Franais on October 6.
A constitution, published on May 20, 1805, established him as emperor for life
with the right to name his successor.
Under Dessaliness reign, whites were forbidden to own property, and a
harsh regimen of caporalisme agraire (agrarian militarism) was imposed, requiring that all black males work either as soldiers or plantation laborers. Dessalines also retained strict control of foreign trade, specifically export of sugar
and coffee, favoring British and American buyers over French. Dissension simmered until 1806, when conspirators Alexandre Ption and Henri Christophe
succeeded in eliminating Dessalines.
After the assassination, Ption and Christophe suffered a falling out. Both
hoped to rule in the late emperors place, resulting in the division of Haiti in
1810. Ption ruled the southern Republic of Haiti as president (transformed
to president for life in 1816), and Christophe proclaimed himself king of the
northern kingdom of Haiti. Ption suspended his realms legislature in 1818,
while seizing plantations from the landed gentry and granting parcels to peasants, a tactic that earned him the label Papa Bon-Cur (Good-hearted Father). Ption died from yellow fever in March 1818, succeeded by president
for life Jean-Pierre Boyer, and King Christophe committed suicide in October
1820. Haiti was reunified that same month, with full independence recognized
by France in 1825.
Although widely reviled in life for his despotic rule, Jean-Jacques Dessalines was rehabilitated in the early 20th century, emerging as a national icon.
The city of Dessalines is named in his honor, as is Haitis national anthem, La
Dessalinienne (The Dessalines Song). His great-grandson, Cincinnatus Leconte,
ruled briefly as president from August 1911 to August 1912.
DEVI, PHOOLAN
Further Reading
Dubois, Laurent. Avengers of the New World: The Story of the Haitian Revolution. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005.
Girard, Philippe. Haiti: The Tumultuous HistoryFrom Pearl of the Caribbean to Broken
Nation. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
Girard, Philippe. The Slaves Who Defeated Napoleon: Toussaint Louverture and the Haitian War of Independence 18011804. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2011.
Nicholls, David. From Dessalines to Duvalier: Race, Colour and National Independence in
Haiti. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1996.
Popkin, Jeremy. You Are All Free: The Haitian Revolution and the Abolition of Slavery.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
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DEVI, PHOOL AN
she joined a gang of dacoits (bandits) and married its leader, Vikram Mallah.
The band soon raided her ex-husbands home and left him near death, with a
letter threatening other men who married young girls.
From that point, Devi joined enthusiastically in bandit raids across Uttar
Pradesh and neighboring Madhya Pradesh, robbing trains, looting high-caste
villages, and kidnapping wealthy victims for ransom. Over time, a rift developed between gang members of the mallah caste and rival Thakur Rajputs,
considered divine by some elements of Indian society. In September 1979,
Thakar brothers Shri and Lala Ram killed Vikram Mallah, seized control of
the gang, and left Devi at Behmai, where she endured three weeks of rape and
torture by their fellow clansmen. Upon escaping, she built a new gang and set
off on a quest for revenge, pursing Shri and Lala Ram while killing any other
men she met along the way, suspected of abusing women or children. Whenever I heard of it, Devi explained, I crushed the serpent they used to torture
women. I dismembered them.
On February 14, 1981, Devi returned to Behmai with her gang, disguised as
police; the gang executed 22 Thakur men and looted the village. She eluded police for two years, forcing the resignation of Vishwanath Singh, chief minister of
Uttar Pradesh, then surrendered in February 1983 on condition that she would
not face execution. Charged with 48 criminal counts, Devi spent 11 years in jail
awaiting trial; she was released in 1994, when Chief Minister Mulayam Singh
Yadav dismissed all charges. A film released that same year, Bandit Queen, dramatized Devis life and elevated her to folk hero status, although she protested
its inaccuracies and even threatened suicide until producers paid her 40,000.
In 1996, Devi won election to the Lok Sabha from Mirzapur, in Uttar Pradesh,
as a member of the Bharatiya Janata (Indian Peoples) Party, vowing to protect
the weaker sections of society. Her candidacy and successful reelection bid
in 1999 were bitterly opposed by widows of the Behmai massacre, and on
a broader scale by the Kshatriya Swabhimaan Andolan Samanvay Committee (KSASC), representing the military and ruling elite of the Vedic-Hindu social system. Ostensibly repulsed by the election of a once-indicted felon, the
KSASC also opposed Devis commitment to providing drinking water, electricity, schools, and hospitals to the poor, further exacerbated by her stand on
equal rights and opportunities for women.
The course of justice for Devis killers has been as slow and tortuous as her
own prosecution for the Behmai massacre (still officially unsolved at this writing, with a score of suspects awaiting trial). Sher Singh Rana escaped from
jail on February 17, 2004, with aid from an accomplice dressed as a policeman, and was not recaptured until April 20, 2006. Another suspect in Devis
assassination, Shravan Kumar, was not arrested until July 2004. Their longdelayed trial was transferred to a fast track court in January 2009, but was
still ongoing three years later. On January 24, 2012, Sher Singh Rana received
I N I C , Z O R A N
official permission to campaign from his jail cell, for a seat in the Uttar Pradesh
Assembly.
Further Reading
Devi, Phoolan. The Bandit Queen of India. Guilford, CT: Lyons Press, 2006.
Sen, Mala. Indias Bandit Queen: The True Story of Phoolan Devi. New York: HarperCollins, 2001.
Shears, Richard, and Isobelle Gidley. Devi: The Bandit Queen. London: Allen & Unwin,
1984.
I N I C , Z O R A N ( 1 9 5 2 2 0 0 3 )
Serbian prime minister Zoran indi
c had official business to perform on
March 12, 2003, specifically a meeting with Anna Lindh, Swedens minister of
foreign affairs, and colleague Jan Karlsson, minister for development cooperation, migration, and asylum policy. Despite an attempt on his life three weeks
earlier, indi
c chose to walk from his home in Belgrade to the National Assembly building, accompanied only by bodyguard Milan Veruovic.
At 12:23 P.M.,
Zvezdan Jovanovica
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114
I N I C , Z O R A N
Meanwhile, nearly lost in the regions nightmare of civil war and ethnic
cleansing, Yugoslavia suffered a series of assassinations: Defense Minister
Pavle Bulatovic on February 7, 2000; Socialist Party officer ika Petrovic on
April 26, 2000; and ex-president Ivan Stambolic on August 25, 2000. Those
deaths and others were later blamed on Red Berets, acting in concert with the
Zemun Clan, a Belgrade organized-crime family.
indi
c played a leading role in the so-called Bulldozer Revolution that
unseated President Miloevic in October 2000, and thereafter he was chosen as prime minister, assuming office on January 25, 2001. He advocated
pro-democratic reforms and opposed civic corruption, a stance that placed
him at odds with the Zemun Clan and their Red Beret allies. On February 7,
2003, Zemun Clan member Dejan Milenkovic tried to ram indi
cs car with
a truck in New Belgrade, but indi
c escaped injury. A friendly judge released
Milenkovic,
explaining that he was a salesman whose absence imperiled his
business.
Serbian police continued their hunt for conspirators after Zvezdan Jovanovic
confessed to shooting indi
c.
On March 27, 2003, officers killed Zemu Clan
members Dusan Spasojevic and Mile Lukovic in a Belgrade suburb, during a
fierce shootout with automatic weapons. Roughly 1,000 other suspects were
detained, including Red Berets and members of Serbias secret police. Suspicion
quickly focused on Red Beret ex-commander Milorad Ulemek, alleged ringleader of the plots to kill indi
c and Ivan Stambolic,
as well as a bungled attempt to slay Serb opposition leader Vuk Drakovic in October 1999 and June
2000. Suspect Aleksandar Simovic was not apprehended until November 2006.
Finally, on May 23, 2007, Belgrade's High Court Special Department for
Criminal Acts of Organised Crime convicted Ulemek, Simovic,
and 10 other
defendants on charges of murdering indi
c. Ulemek and Zvezdan Jovanovic
received 40-year prison terms, and the othersincluding five still at large,
tried in absentiadrew sentences ranging from 8 to 35 years.
Anna Lindh, the Swedish minister of foreign affairs (and presumed future
prime minister), was herself assassinated on September 10, 2003, by an attacker who stabbed her repeatedly as she shopped, unprotected, in the ladies department of Stockholms Nordiska Kompaniet department store. Her
slayinglike that of Swedish prime minister Olof Palme in 1986remains officially unsolved.
Further Reading
Cox, John. The History of Serbia. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2002.
Gagnon, V. P. Jr. The Myth of Ethnic War: Serbia and Croatia in the 1990s. Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 2004.
Judah, Tim. The Serbs: History, Myth and the Destruction of Yugoslavia. New Haven, CT:
Yale University Press, 2010.
Stojanovic, Svetozar. Serbia: The Democratic Revolution. Amherst, NY: Humanity Books,
2003.
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D O E, SA M U E L K A N YO N
winning 75 percent of the vote from a populace hoping for peace. Instead, they
found themselves dwelling in a pariah state, as Taylor used blood diamonds
and illegal timber exports to finance the Revolutionary United Front in Sierra
Leones civil war. Bloodshed resumed in Liberia during April 1999, when exiles
fighting as the Organization of Displaced Liberians invaded the country from
Guinea. In June 2003, the Special Court for Sierra Leone indicted Charles Taylor for war crimes. Taylor resigned in August and fled to Nigeria, but he was
captured in March 2006 and convicted at The Hague on April 26, 2012.
Meanwhile, Prince Johnson returned to Liberia in March 2004, but left
again in April, citing death threats. He won a senate seat from Nimba County
in 2005, and sought the presidency in 2011, but failed to unseat incumbent
Ellen Johnson Sirleaf.
See also: Tolbert, William Richard, Jr. (19131980).
Further Reading
Ellis, Stephen. The Mask of Anarchy Updated Edition: The Destruction of Liberia and the
Religious Dimension of an African Civil War. New York: New York University Press,
2006.
DOLLFUSS, ENGELBERT
Meredith, Martin. The Fate of Africa: A History of the Continent Since Independence. New
York: Public Affairs, 2011.
Waugh, Colin. Charles Taylor and Liberia: Ambition and Atrocity in Africas Lone Star
State. London: Zed Books, 2011.
Williams, Gabriel. Liberia: The Heart of Darkness. Victoria, BC: Trafford, 2006.
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DUBS, ADOLPH
DUBS, ADOLPH
officers drew guns and directed him to the government-owned Kabul Hotel,
two miles away. Arriving there, the gunmen removed their targetU.S. ambassador Adolph Spike Dubsfrom the car and marched him into the hotels
lobby. While three fired shots into the ceiling, the fourth made a phone call
to the Afghan foreign ministry, announcing, Weve got the ambassador. Proclaiming themselves members of the Settam-e-Melli (National Oppression)
movement, the kidnappers demanded release of imprisoned leader Badruddin
Bahes, in exchange for Dubs. Minister of national defense Hafizullah Amin
denied that Bahes was in government custody, and refused to negotiate with
terrorists in any case. Three hours after the abduction, Afghan security forces
and Russian advisors stormed Room 117 of the hotel, killing Dubs and his
kidnappers in a brief firefight.
Adolph Dubs was born in Chicago on August 4, 1920, earned a degree in
political science from Beloit College in 1942, and served in the U.S. Navy
during World War II. After the war, he completed his graduate studies in
political science at Georgetown University, then Foreign Service studies at
Harvard and at Washington University in St. Louis, Missouri. From there,
he joined the United States Foreign Service as a career diplomat, filling posts
in Canada, Germany, Liberia, Russia, and Yugoslavia, while earning a reputation as an expert on the Soviet Union. After the Saur Revolution of April
1978 brought the Khalq (masses) faction of the Peoples Democratic Party
to power in Afghanistan, Dubs was appointed ambassador to that perpetually
troubled nation.
Washington did not replace Dubs with a new ambassador. The Kabul embassy was closed in 1989, with no new ambassador appointed until 2002,
following occupation of the country by U.S. troops. Meanwhile, in 1992, defecting Soviet major Vasili Mitrokhin arrived in the United States with 25,000
pages of classified documents, including reports that KGB advisor Sergei Batrukihn recommended the failed rescue attempt over U.S. protestsand authorized execution of one captured gunman before he could be questioned by
U.S. investigators. In March 1992, President Mohammad Najibullah offered
to appoint a high-level investigative commission when an official appeal is
made to us by the U.S. State Department. In an interview with the Los Angeles Times, he added, I do not have so much hope, but we will begin the work.
My personal view is that there has been no document from the very beginning.
But of course, when we look, something will be found. At least we will achieve
something.
In fact, Najibullah left office the following month and was killed by Taliban opponents in 1996. The promised investigation never occurred. Vasili Mitrokhin published six volumes of KGB history and documents in the United
States between 1999 and 2005, known collectively as the Mitrokhin Archive,
with the final installment appearing after his death.
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120
Further Reading
Ansary, Tamim. Games without Rules: The Often-Interrupted History of Afghanistan. New
York: Public Affairs, 2012.
Barfield, Thomas. Afghanistan: A Cultural and Political History. Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 2012.
Fitzgerald, Paul, and Elizabeth Gould. Invisible History: Afghanistans Untold Story. San
Francisco: City Lights Books, 2009.
Tomsen, Peter. The Wars of Afghanistan: Messianic Terrorism, Tribal Conflicts, and the
Failures of Great Powers. Philadelphia: Public Affairs, 2011.
D U D AY E V, D Z H O K H A R M U S AY E V I C H
On November 14, 1933, King Carol II named Duca as prime minister, replacing Alexandru Vaida-Voevod of Transylvania. Duca clashed immediately
with the Iron Guard, ordering thousands of its members arrested for acts of violence preceding general elections scheduled for December 2029, 1933. That
action led directly to his murder by the three Nicadori, as an act of retaliation.
His murder was the first major Romanian assassination since that of Barbu
Catargiu in 1862, but it would not be the last.
With the Nicadori imprisoned, Iron Guardists formed a new death squad,
Decemviri, so called because it had 10 members. On July 16, 1936, they killed
Iron Guard defector Mihai Stelescu at a Bucharest hospital, where he had
checked in for an appendectomy. After shooting Stelescu at least 38 times (some
accounts say 200), they dismembered his corpse with axes and danced around
the ward in celebration until they were arrested. They were killed by guards,
together with the Nicadori, in November 1938. Another team, the Ra zbunatori
(Avengers), assassinated Prime Minister Armand C a linescu in 1939.
The Iron Guard ultimately gained control of Romania and struck back at its
enemies on November 26, 1940, executing at least 14 prisoners at Jilava penitentiary. Those slain included ex-prime minister Gheorghe Arges anu, former
justice minister Victor Iamandi, former Bucharest police prefect Gabriel Marinescu, former gendarmerie inspector general Ioan Bengliu, former chief of
secret police Mihail Moruzov, Colonel Vasile Zeciu (who organized the 1938
executions), Majors Aristide Macoveanu and Iosif Dinulescu (who carried
them out), and Staff Sergeant Srbu (who personally strangled Nicolae Constantinescu). Following the massacre, the killers thanked the prisons warden
for assisting them, then held a brief ceremony at Constantinescus grave.
Further Reading
Frantz, Douglas, and Catherine Collins. Death on the Black Sea. New York: HarperCollins, 2003.
Hitchens, Keith. Rumania 18661947. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994.
Petreu, Marta. An Infamous Past: E. M. Cioran and the Rise of Fascism in Romania. Chicago:
Ivan R. Dee, 2005.
Riley, Dylan. The Civic Foundations of Fascism in Europe: Italy, Spain, and Romania,
18701945. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2010.
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D U D AY E V, D Z H O K H A R M U S AY E V I C H
location. The fighters fired two laser-guided missiles, and the ITAR-TASS news
agency subsequently announced that Dudayev died in the resulting explosions.
Chechen guerrilla commander Shamil Basayev confirmed Dudayevs death,
whereas Interfaxa nongovernmental Russian news agencycontradicted
that report, quoting Saipudi Khasanov, Dudayevs private secretary, as saying
that the president is alive and working as usual. Claims of Dudayevs survival
continued into 2003, but no evidence of a faked death has yet been produced.
Dzhokhar Dudayev was born at Yalkhoroy, a village named for its dominant
clan in the former ChechenIngush Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, on
February 15, 1944. Days after his birth, the regions entire population was deported to the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic on orders from Russian dictator Joseph Stalin, living in exile until 1957. Following repatriation, Dudayev
studied to become an electrician, then joined the Russian army in 1962. Four
years later, he graduated from the Higher Military Aviation School for Pilots at
Tambov, then joined the Communist Party and thereby gained admission to
the Soviet Air Force Academy. Ultimately rising to the rank of major general,
he served in Afghanistan during 19861987, winning the Order of the Red
Banner and the Order of the Red Star for bravery. From 1987 to 1990, Dudayev commanded a unit of long-range nuclear bombers based at Tartu, Estonia, where he appeared to sympathize with nationalist dissidents, ignoring
orders to muzzle the Estonian media.
Retired from military service by May 1990, Dudayev returned to Chechnya and entered politics, winning election to the executive committee of the
separatist All-National Congress of the Chechen People (NCChP). Dissolution
of the Soviet Union in 1991 encouraged militant action, prompting NCChP
members to seize the local Supreme Soviet on September 6. A hasty referendum created the Chechen Republic of Ichkeria on November 1, with Dudayev
elected as its first president. Conflict between Ingush and Ossetian ethnic factions split the republic in June 1992, leaving the state of Ichkeria to declare
independence from the rest in June 1993. President Dudayev dissolved parliament and demanded withdrawal of all Russian troops from Chechnya.
The resultant First Chechen War erupted on December 1, 1994, when Russian bombers decimated Dudayevs air force at Grozny airport. A full-scale
invasion proceeded 10 days later, with Russian troops capturing Grozny, driving Dudayevs into hiding at a missile silo near the historic Chechen capital
of Vedeno. Although some native Muslims questioned their presidents faith,
based on his prior actions in Afghanistan, Dudayev appointed Akhmad Kadyrov as chief mufti of Ichkeria, followed by a declaration of jihad against Russian forces. Muslim volunteers from other nations bolstered Chechen ranks,
and the war dragged on, killing more than 23,000 soldiers and an estimated
100,000 civilians. Fighting continued for another four months after Dudayevs
assassination, ending with the Khasavyurt Accord on August 30, 1996.
D U D AY E V, D Z H O K H A R M U S AY E V I C H
123
E
EARP, MORGAN SETH (18511882)
The Wild Wests most famous gunfight occurred in Tombstone, Arizona, on
October 26, 1881. At 3:00 P.M. that Wednesday, the Earp brothersMorgan,
Virgil, and Wyatt, all local or federal lawmanjoined gambler John Doc Holliday to, as they later claimed, disarm a group of outlaws including William
Claiborne, Ike and Billy Clanton, and Frank and Tom McLaury. Claiborne
and Ike Clanton fled the battleground before the shooting started. When the
gun smoke cleared, with 30 shots fired in as many seconds, Billy Clanton and
both McLaury brothers were dead, and Holliday and two of the Earps suffered
flesh wounds. Ike Clanton charged the Earps and Holliday with murder, but a
month-long preliminary hearing exonerated them. Two months later, on December 28, unidentified gunmen shot Virgil Earp in an ambush, leaving him
with one arm permanently crippled. On March 18, 1882, at 10:50 P.M., an
unseen sniper killed Morgan Earp at a Tombstone billiards parlor, in the presence of Wyatt and three other witnesses. Recalling a family promise to share
any visions observed near the moment of death, Morgan gasped to Wyatt,
I cant see a damned thing.
Morgan Earp was born in Pella, Idaho, on April 24, 1851, the fourth of six
sons in a family today regarded as iconic Western figures. Eldest brother Newton Earp was satisfied to farm and raise a family after his service in the Civil
War, but his brothers passed into history, often lionized in fabricated tales of
derring-dofrom early dime novels to Hollywood filmsthat cast them as heroes. The truth, unearthed by slow degrees since the 1960s, is rather different.
James Earp, second oldest of the brothers, was a saloon keeper by preference, married in 1873 to a Wichita prostitute, but he also dabbled in law
enforcement as a deputy marshal in Dodge City, Kansas. Morgan joined him
there, also as a deputy, in 1875, followed by brother Wyatt in 1876 and Virgil in 1877. While arresting drunks, the brothers also managed gambling dens
and brothels in Dodge, earning a reputation as the fighting pimps for their
belligerence. James was the first to pull up stakes and move to Tombstone, in
1879, followed in 1880 by the other three and youngest brother Warren Earp.
Again, they settled in as gamblers, saloon keepers, and panderers, and Virgil
doubled as a deputy U.S. marshal for the eastern portion of Pima County, subsequently named as Tombstones city marshal. In that post, he deputized Morgan and Wyatt to help him enforce the Earps brand of law and order.
126
E A R P, M O R G A N S E T H
E A R P, M O R G A N S E T H
The day after that shootout, March 25, Tucsons grand jury indicted Pete
Spence, Frank Stilwell, Indian Charlie Cruz, Frederick Bode, and John Doe
Fries for Morgan Earps murder. Cruz and Spence were dead by then, and Fries
was absconding, but Spence and Bode faced trial on April 2. The prosecutor
called Spences wife, whereas defense attorneys objected to her evidence as
hearsay and insisted that a wife should not be forced to testify against her husband. The judge agreed, then dismissed the charges for lack of evidence.
Around the same time, Earps posse left Arizona for New Mexico Territory,
moving on from there to Colorado, beyond the reach of sheriff Behan. Denver police arrested Doc Holliday on May 15, 1882, for extradition to Tucson,
but Wyatt Earp persuaded friend Bat Mastersonthen marshal of Trinidad,
Coloradoto wangle Hollidays release from custody. Two months later, the
Cowboy gunman was shot and killed near Chiricahua Peak, in Arizonas Cochise County. His slayer was never identified, and whereas some researchers
blame Doc Holliday, court records from Pueblo County, Colorado, place Holliday there on July 11, 14, and 18, 1882.
Although Wyatt was unquestionably the most famous Earp brotherthanks
in large part to dime novels and his own self-promotional skillsMorgan also
appears in various film and television portrayals of the familys often-fictionalized
adventures. Actors who have portrayed him include Harvey Stephens in Tombstone, the Town Too Tough to Die (1942); Ward Bond in My Darling Clementine
(1946); Peter Graves in Wichita (1955); DeForest Kelley in Gunfight at the O.K.
Corral (1957); Sam Melville in Hour of the Gun (1967); Rex Holman in Spectre
of the Gun, a Star Trek episode originally aired on October 25, 1968; Philip
Shafer in Doc (1971); Bill Paxton in Tombstone (1993); Ray Boyle in Wyatt Earp:
Return to Tombstone (1994); Linden Ashby in Wyatt Earp (1994); and Austin
Nicols in an episode of HBOs Deadwood series, Leviathan Smiles, originally
aired on July 30, 2006. To date, the O.K. Corral gunfight and its aftermath
have been depicted in at least nine feature films since 1939, plus various documentaries. Perspectives on the conflict differ radically, and there seems little
doubt that controversy will continue.
Further Reading
Guinn, Jeff. The Last Gunfight: The Real Story of the Shootout at the O.K. CorralAnd
How It Changed the American West. New York: Simon & Schuster, 2012.
Marks, Paula. And Die in the West: The Story of the O.K. Corral Gunfight. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1996.
Roberts, Gary. Doc Holliday: The Life and Legend. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons,
2006.
Tefertiller, Casey. Wyatt Earp: The Life behind the Legend. New York: John Wiley & Sons,
1997.
Waters, Frank. The Earp Brothers of Tombstone. Lincoln, NE: Bison Books, 1976.
127
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EDMUND I
EDMUND I (922946)
On May 26, 946, King Edmund I of England celebrated St. Augustines Mass
Day at Pucklechurch, a village in South Gloucestershire. While feasting with
other nobles, Edmund cast his eyes over the crowd and saw an exiled thief
named Leof (or Leofa, in some accounts) seated among the revelers. Recognizing the uninvited diner as an atrocious robber he had banished six years
earlier, Edmund rushed to arrest Leof himself. Grabbing the bandit by his hair,
he threw Leof to the floor, but was stabbed in the chest when Leof drew a hidden dagger. As Edmund lay dying, his attendants mobbed the killer, reportedly
tearing him limb from limb.
Born at Wessex in 922, Edmund was the son of King Edward the Elder and
his third wife, and half-brother to Aethelstan, first king of a unified England
from 927 to 939. In 937, he fought at Aethelstans side in the Battle of Brunanburh, defeating the combined forces of Norse-Gael king Olaf Guthfrithsson,
Constantine II of Scotland, and Owen I of Strathclyde. At Aethelstans death,
on October 27, 939, Edmund
succeeded him as king.
Olaf Guthfrithsson, still
smarting from his previous defeat, conquered Northumbria
and part of Mercia (now the
Midlands), but Edmund began
recapturing that territory after
Olaf died in 941. Four years
later, he conquered Strathclyde,
then ceded it to King Malcolm I of Scotland in return
for a pledge of mutual military
support. Those campaigns
as well as Edmunds revival of
monasteries in England, and his
role in restoring Louis IV to the
throne of Franceearned him
recognition in his lifetime as Edmund the Deed-doer, Edmund
the Just, and Edmund the Magnificent. In retrospect, his primary achievement as king was
the establishment of a safe borKing Edmund I of England, murdered by an exiled der and peaceful relations with
bandit at a feast. (Getty Images)
Scotland, to the north.
E D WA R D T H E M A R T Y R
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E D WA R D T H E M A R T Y R
earthly relatives would not avenge him, but his Heavenly Father has much
avenged him.
The eldest son of King Edgar the Peaceable, born circa 962, Edward was
crowned at Edgars death in July 975, supported by Archbishops Dunstan and
Oswald, despite protests from his younger half-brother, dubbed thelred the
Unready. Hostile noblemen lfhere of Mercia and thelwine of East Anglia
soon took advantage of young Edwards weakness to seize lands bestowed by his
father to various Benedictine monasteries, briefly threatening a civil war that is
sometimes called the anti-monastic reaction to Edgars close relations with the
church. The appearance of a comet in the heavens seemingly encouraged many
superstitious folk to join church leaders in supporting Edwards coronation.
If so, his succession did not help clerical reformers who had supported his father. Corrupt secular clerics, banished under Edgar, soon returned and routed
their opponents from various English monasteries, and nobles forced beleaguered
abbots to surrender leases granted under Edgar. Although few documents remain
from Edwards reign, it is known that he reversed his fathers policy of minting
coins only at Westminster. That change, coupled with his inability to halt quarrels
between rival lords in the hinterlands, leaves an impression of weakness and disorganization for his short tenure as king.
Following Edwards murder, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle declared that he was
buried at Wareham, in Dorset, without any royal honors. Archbishop Wulfstan II, writing between 1010 and 1016 in his Sermo Lupi ad Anglos (Sermon
of the Wolf to the English), goes further yet, stating that Edwards corpse was
burned. Something must have remained, because his corpse was reburied with
high ceremony in February 980, at Shaftesbury Abbey in Dorset, then moved
again in 1001 to a more prominent place at the same abbey. His portrayal as a
martyr apparently springs from Edwards support of his fathers policy toward
the church, as portrayed in clerical writings. King Henry VIII dissolved Englands monasteries in the 16th century, but monks concealed Edwards remains
to avert desecration. Archaeologists recovered and tentatively identified his
bones in 1931. A dispute arose, as to who should claim the relics, with claims
filed by Shaftesbury abbey and the Russian Orthodox Church outside Russia.
Edwardif it was Edwardspent decades in a Surrey bank vault, before he
was finally consigned to Wokings Brookwood Cemetery, in September 1984.
Further Reading
Fell, Christine. Edward, King and Martyr. Leeds: University of Leeds School of English,
1971.
Higham, Nick. The Death of Anglo-Saxon England. Stroud, United Kingdom: Sutton,
1997.
Panton, Kenneth. Historical Dictionary of the British Monarchy. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow
Press, 2011.
EISNER, KURT
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ELISABETH OF AUSTRIA
the rebellion continued until August 1919, with adoption of the Weimar Constitution declaring Germany a democratic parliamentary. Eisner did not live to
see that transient victory, however, as German backlash over the harsh Treaty
of Versailles led to his partys electoral defeat in January 1919, overwhelmed by
the conservative Bavarian Peoples Party.
Anton Arco-Valley was convicted of Eisners murder and sentenced to death
in January 1920, but a friendly right-wing judge commuted his sentence to five
years in prison, and the state prosecutor declared, If the whole German youth
were imbued with such a glowing enthusiasm we could face the future with
confidence. Arco-Valley remained in Cell 70 at Stadelheim Prison until 1924,
when he was released to make room for recently convicted Adolf Hitler. Placed
on probation until 1927, Arco-Valley was then pardoned and apparently retired from public life, although Third Reich leaders later decorated him as a
hero of the [Nazi] movement. Hitler seemed ambivalent toward Arco-Valley,
writing that Eisners death only hastened developments and led finally to the
Soviet dictatorship, or to put it more correctly, to a passing rule of Jews, as
had been the original aim of the instigators of the whole revolution. Perhaps
ironically, Arco-Valleys elder brother married a cousin of Raoul Wallenberg, a
Swedish diplomat who rescued thousands of Jews from Nazi-occupied Hungary during World War II.
Further Reading
Grunberger, Richard. Red Rising in Bavaria. Galway, Ireland: M.W. Books, 1973.
Luhrssen, David. Hammer of the Gods: The Thule Society and the Birth of Nazism. Dulles,
VA: Potomac Books, 2012.
Mitchell, Allan. Revolution in Bavaria, 19181919: The Eisner Regime and the Soviet
Republic. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1965.
ELISABETH OF AUSTRIA
133
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ELISABETH OF AUSTRIA
1889 (found with his murdered mistress, Baroness Marie Alexandrine von Vetsera). She avoided having any other children, and was heard to say, Children
are the curse of a woman, for when they come, they drive away Beauty, which is
the best gift of the gods. On the day of her assassination, Elisabeths trademark
corset initially prevented her from realizing that she had been stabbed.
On receiving news of his wifes death, Franz Joseph feared that it was suicide. An autopsy proved otherwise, after which the postmortem instruments
and photographs were destroyed on orders from the emperor. Meanwhile,
Luigi Lucheni was detained while fleeing from the scene of the attack, and his
discarded weapon was recovered on September 11. In custody, Lucheni said
he had chosen his toolused to file the eyes of industrial needlesbecause he
lacked 12 francs to purchase a stiletto. Committed to the propaganda of the
deed, he declared, I am an anarchist by conviction . . . I came to Geneva to
kill a sovereign, with object of giving an example to those who suffer and those
who do nothing to improve their social position; it did not matter to me who
the sovereign was whom I should kill . . . It was not a woman I struck, but an
Empress; it was a crown that I had in view.
At trial in October 1898, Lucheni was enraged to hear that Geneva had abolished capital punishment. Seeking martyrdom, he penned a letter demanding
trial in the Canton of Lucerne, where executions were still permitted, signing
the note, Luigi Lucheni, anarchist, and one of the most dangerous. Instead,
he was sentenced to life imprisonment and began work on a lengthy memoir.
After guards seized that manuscript, in October 1910, Lucheni hanged himself
in his cell.
Despite Luchenis insistence that he acted alone, Elisabeths murder inspired
the International Conference of Rome for the Social Defense against Anarchists,
held between November 24 and December 21, 1898, with delegates from 21
nations attending. After defining anarchism as as any act that used violent
means to destroy the organization of society, all participating countries agreed
to create special agencies to conduct surveillance on suspected anarchists, ban
membership in anarchist organizations, restrict civilian access to explosives,
limit press coverage of anarchist activities, and impose mandatory capital punishment for killing heads of state.
Empress ElisabethSisi to her friends, frequently misspelled Sissi for
some unknown reason in fictional workshas proved irresistible to authors
of stage productions, films, novels, and television programs. Stage productions
based on her life include Fritz Kreislers comic operetta Sissi (1932); Jean Cocteaus play LAigle deux ttes (The Eagle with Two Heads), written in 1943 and
first produced in 1946; Kenneth MacMillans ballet Mayerling (1978); the musical Elisabeth (1992); and Maurice Bjarts 1993 ballet Sissi, limpratice anarchiste (Sissi, Anarchist Empress). Feature films include Kaiserin Elisabeth von
sterreich (1921), coauthored by Elisabeths niece, Marie Larisch; The King Steps
ERIC V OF DENMARK
Out (1936); Cocteaus The Eagle with Two Heads (1948); Sissi (1955); SissiThe
Young Empress (1956); SissiFateful Years of an Empress (1957); Forever My
Love (1962); Mayerling (1968); Michelangelo Antonionis The Mystery of Oberwald (1981); and Sisi/Last Minute (1991). Fictionalized television portrayals of
Elisabeth include Fall of Eagles (1974); Princess Sissi (1997); Sissi, limpratrice
rebelle (2004); The Crown Prince (2006); and Sisi (2009). Elisabeth also appears
as a character in at least three novels: Stars in My Heart, by Barbara Cartland
(1981); Spangle, by Gary Jennings (1987); and Elisabeth: The Princess Bride, by
Barry Denenberg (2003).
Further Reading
Buschek, Alfred. Elisabeth, Empress of Austria. Concord, MA: Infinity Publishing, 2010.
Cunliffe-Owen, Marguerite. Martyrdom of an Empress. Whitefish, MT: Kessinger Publishing, 2005.
Hamann, Bridget. The Reluctant Empress. Berlin: Ullstein Taschenbuch, 2000.
Haslip, Joan. The Lonely Empress: Elisabeth of Austria. Phoenix, NY: Phoenix Press,
2000.
Stephan, Renate. Empress Elisabeth of Austria, 18371898: The Fate of a Woman Under
the Yoke of the Imperial Court. Vienna: Austria Imperial, 1998.
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end. Jarimar might have pressed farther, but he was slain by a rural farmers
wife, whereupon his leaderless army withdrew.
Queen Margaret, meanwhile, faced a new challenge from Duke Valdemar of
southern Jutland, supported by German allies. Their combined might defeated
Danish forces at the Battle of Lo Heath, capturing both Margaret and Eric in
1261, compelling Margaret to cede royal property in Jutland as the price of
their release. Archbishop Erlandsen, meanwhile, persisted in his efforts to depose the queen and Eric, until Pope Urban IV intervened.
As an adult monarch, Eric aggravated other Danish nobles by attempting to
reduce their personal authority, breaking his promises at every turn, and by
seducing any woman who aroused him, regardless of age or marital status. He
earned the nickname Klippingfrom the common medieval practice of cutting coins to reduce their valueas a demonstration of popular opinion that
he had cheated or short-changed both his subjects and the Danish monarchy
itself. Historians remain undecided as to which of his unfortunate character
traits contributed the most to Erics murder.
One point of broad agreement is that the conviction of his supposed assassins
was probably a miscarriage of justice. Although Stig Andersen Hvide had ample
reason to wish Eric dead, no evidence placed him or any of his codefendants at
the scene of the crime. Neither was the accused permitted to testify in their own
defense, or to call supporting witnesses, rights clearly granted to them under
Danish law. Even their motive was dubious, because all nine were intimates of
Eric and actually stood to lose influence at his death. Convicted nonetheless,
Andersen settled on the island of Hjelm and raised a band of pirates who terrorized the Danish coast until his death in December 1293. Count Nielsen retired
to Halland and allied himself with King Eric II of Norway, but his influence declined as Eric II and successor Haakon V lost interest in conquering Denmark.
Twelve-year-old Eric VI succeeded his father as king of Denmark in 1286,
with his motherqueen consort Agnes of Brandenburgruling as regent until
1294. Unrest persisted, and his reign continued Denmarks Age of Decay, including further conflict with the church and rival noblemen.
Further Reading
Jespersen, Knud. A History of Denmark. Houndsmill, Hampshire, United Kingdom:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2004.
Jordan William. Europe in the High Middle Ages. London: Penguin Books, 2004.
rebellious nobles on September 30, 1568. The rebels chose Erics half-brother,
Duke John of Finland, to replace him on the throne, while Eric was imprisoned, shuttled around various castles in Sweden and Finland over the next
eight years. He died on February 25, 1577, after consuming a meal of pea
soup that was said to be poisoned. A document signed by King John III and Sir
Bengt Bengtsson Gilt, a Swedish judge, empowered Erics jailers to poison him
if anyone tried to release him from custody, but his cause of death remained
uncertain until 1958, when exhumation and autopsy revealed lethal levels of
arsenic in Erics remains.
Born at Stockholms Tre Kronor (Three Crowns) Castle on December 13,
1533, Eric lost his motherqueen consort Catherine of Saxe-Lauenburg
seven weeks before his second birthday. Rumors spread that Erics father,
Gustav I, had murdered Catherine with a hammer, but a 20th-century examination of her skeleton revealed no evidence of homicide. Gustav married
Swedish noblewoman Margaret Leijonhufvud in 1536, and she bore him seven
children, including two future kings. At Gustavs death, in September 1560,
Swedens parliament elected Eric as the nations next monarch.
Whereas Gustav had satisfied himself with ruling an independent kingdom,
Eric sought to build an empire in the Baltic region and by seizing territory
from Estonia. By 1563, when those ambitions sparked the Northern Seven
Years War, with Sweden battling a coalition of Denmark, Norway, the Free
City of Lbeck, and the PolishLithuanian Union, Erics mental instability had
grown apparent to his family and other members of his court. Arbitrary rule,
marked by fits of personal violence, reached its nadir in July 1566, when a
group of concerned nobles gathered in Stockholm to discuss Erics increasingly erratic behavior. Learning of their treason, Eric invited them to Svartsj
Palace, where they were confined and placed on trial, convicted, and subsequently murdered in their cells on May 24, 1567.
That massacre, during which Eric personally stabbed one of the prisoners to death, paved the way for the rebellion that dethroned Eric in 1568. Although his life was spared, the order for jailers to kill him if escape seemed
imminent suggests the danger that was seen in his attempting to regain the
throne. John III ruled Sweden for another 15 years after his brothers death in
custody, also assuming the title Grand Prince of Finland in 1581. His son, Sigismund III Vasa, was crowned king of Poland in September 1587, thereby resolving one of Swedens foreign conflicts. At Johns death, in November 1592,
Sigismund succeeded him as Swedens king. He tried to rule from Poland,
while restoring strict Roman Catholicism to his homeland, but that effort led
to his defeat at Battle of Stngebro, in September 1598. Thereafter, Sigismund
ruled Sweden from abroad, but he returned to Poland and was then officially
deposed in July 1599.
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E R I M , I S M A I L N I H AT
Further Reading
Bain, Robert. Scandinavia: A Political History of Denmark, Norway and Sweden from 1513
to 1900. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1905.
Robert, Michael. The Swedish Imperial Experience, 15601718. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1984.
Turkish prime minister Ismail Erim, shot by members of the Revolutionary Left in Istanbul. (Bettmann/Corbis)
E R I M , I S M A I L N I H AT
to 1943, when he was named as legal advisor to the Turkish ministry of foreign affairs. In 1945, he joined Turkeys delegation to the founding conference
of the United Nations, and was elected to represent Kocaeli Province in Turkeys parliament, as a member of the Republican Peoples Party. Appointed as
minister of public works in June 1948, Erim held that post until January 1949,
when he was elevated to the job of deputy prime minister.
Erims party lost its parliamentary majority in May 1950, whereupon he
became chief political editor for the newspaper Ulus (Nation). When that
paper shut down in 1953, Erim published his own, Yeni UlusHalk (New
NationPopulist). In 1956, he was elected as Turkeys representative to the
European Commission of Human Rights, and also participated in negotiations over Cyprus, held in London. His involvement with Cyprus continued
through 1959, when Erim led Turkeys committee on preparation of a new
Cypriot constitution.
Turkeys military coup of May 27, 1960, toppled the ruling Democrat Party,
but the junta restored civilian government in October 1961. Erim was reelected to parliament from Kocaeli Province, and began nine years of service
as Turkeys representative to the Council of Europe, winning election as that
bodys deputy secretary general. In 1969, he was appointed as a member of
the United Nations International Law Commission, at The Hague. Meanwhile,
political mayhem continued in Turkey, capped by another military coup on
March 12, 1971. Two weeks later, the ruling junta chose Erim as a neutral
prime minister, seated to form a coalition government for national unity. That
effort proved fruitless, and mass resignation of his cabinet led Erim to resign
on December 3, 1971. President Cevdet Sunay restored Erim to his post eight
days later, but poor health led Erim to resign for good on April 17, 1972.
Violence on right and left accelerated through the remainder of the 1970s,
with 5,388 political murders recorded by 1978. At the time of Erims death,
planning was underway for Turkeys third coup dtat, initially scheduled
for July 11, 1980, then pushed back to August 26, and yet again to September 12. On that final date, General Kenan Evren, army chief of staff, seized
Turkish airwaves and declared martial law nationwide in the name of the
National Security Council. Later investigation revealed that Evren had solicited
support from other army officers a full year earlier, beginning on September 11, 1979. The generals of Turkeys War Academy had voted to support the
coup on December 21, 1979, with a formal proposal for the plandubbed
Operation Flagdrafted in March 1980.
In June 1981, the junta appointed 160 persons to draft a new constitution for
Turkey, which was approved by public referendum in June 1982. Democratic
elections resumed in November 1983, but although the generals sought to dictate terms of their own retirement, they were not entirely successful. Another
referendum, in September 2010, launched an investigation of the coup and led
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to the foundation of a Specially Authorized Ankara Deputy Prosecutors Office in June 2011. In January 2012, indictments were filed against ex-generals
Evren and Tahsin Sahinkaya, the only coup leaders still living. Charged with
the deaths of 191 political prisoners, the defendants were scheduled to face
trial in April 2012.
Further Reading
Ahmad, Feroz. The Making of Modern Turkey. London: Routledge, 1993.
Hale, William. Turkish Politics and the Military. London: Routledge, 1993.
Zrcher, Eric. Turkey: A Modern History. London: I.B. Tauris, 2005.
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Further Reading
Evers, Myrlie, and William Peters. For Us, the Living. Oxford: University Press of Mississippi, 1996.
Massengill, Reed. Portrait of a Racist. New York: St. Martins Press, 1994.
Nossiter, Adam. Of Long Memory: Mississippi and the Murder of Medgar Evers. Boston:
Addison-Wesley, 1994.
Vollers, Maryanne. Ghosts of Mississippi: The Murder of Medgar Evers, the Trials of Byron
De La Beckwith, and the Haunting of the New South. New York: Back Bay Books, 1995.
Williams, Michael. Medgar Evers: Mississippi Martyr. Little Rock: University of Arkansas
Press, 2011.
E WA R T- B I G G S , C H R I S T O P H E R T H O M A S
occupied by British ambassador to Ireland Christopher Ewart-Biggs and others. The blast killed Ewart-Biggs and civil servant Judith Cooke, while wounding driver Brian ODriscoll and passenger Sir Brian Cubbon, then Northern
Irelands highest-ranking government official as permanent undersecretary of
state. Irish Taoiseach (prime minister) Liam Cosgrave declared the bombing an
atrocity [that] fills all decent Irish people with a sense of shame, and British
prime minister James Callaghan branded the killers a common enemy whom
we must destroy or be destroyed by. Authorities detained 13 suspected PIRA
members after the assassination, but no convictions were obtained and the
crime remains officially unsolved.
Christopher Ewart-Biggs was born in Thanet, Kent, on August 5, 1921, the
son of a captain in the Royal Engineers. He attended Wellington College, in
Berkshire, and University College, Oxford, prior to the outbreak of World
War II. Enlisting with the British armys Queens Own Royal West Kent Regiment, he participated in the Second Battle of El Alamein (October 1942), and
was wounded there, losing his right eye to shrapnel. Thereafter, Ewart-Biggs
wore a false eye partially disguised by a smoked-glass monocle that became his
personal trademark.
Leaving the army for a career in diplomatic service, Ewart-Biggs next found
his life at risk in Algeria, where he served as British consul in early 1961,
during transition from French colonial rule to independence. Perhaps fortunately, diehard colonialists operating as the Organisation de larme secrte (Secret Army Organization) focused most of their homicidal energy on French
president Charles de Gaulle, and Ewart-Biggs left Algiers unscathed, while an
estimated 50,000 persons were slain by lynch mobs in the wake of liberation.
Ireland was another danger zone for British diplomats in 1976, when
Ewart-Biggs replaced Sir Arthur Galsworthy as ambassador to Dublin. The latest
round of Northern Irelands troubles had begun in May 1966, when a loyalist paramilitary group, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF), publicly declared war
on the Irish Republican Army. A campaign of sectarian murders targeting Catholics ensued, followed by rioting between loyalists and republicans in Belfast
and elsewhere. A split in IRA ranks spawned the new PIRA in December 1969,
pursuing a policy of armed resistance against right-wing terrorists, police, and
British occupation forces. By spring 1974, the PIRA had expanded its bombing
campaign to England and the Republic of Ireland, with lethal blasts in Dublin,
Monaghan, and West Yorkshire. A PIRA truce, announced in February 1975,
foundered in January 1976, as Ambassador Galsworthy prepared to retire. The
UVF renewed hostilities by executing six Catholic civilians in County Armagh,
whereupon PIRA gunmen killed 10 Protestants in the same district. As Britains
new ambassador to Ireland, appointed in July, Ewart-Biggs became an irresistible target.
Following her husbands murder, Jane Ewart-Biggs entered politics as a
member of the Labour Party and became a Life Peer in the House of Lords, in
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E WA R T- B I G G S, C H R I S T O P H E R T H O M A S
May 1981. There, she campaigned to improve Anglo-Irish relations, and also
served in 1984 as president of the United Nations Childrens Fund (UNICEF).
Outside of politics, in 1977, she established the Christopher Ewart-Biggs Memorial Prize, awarding 5,000 annually to a book, a play, or a piece of journalism that promotes peace and reconciliation in Ireland, a greater understanding
between the peoples of Britain and Ireland, or closer cooperation between
partners of the European Community.
Further Reading
Bishop, Patrick, and Eamonn Mallie. The Provisional IRA. London: Corgi, 1987.
Coogan, Tim. The IRA. New York: Palgrave, 2000.
McKearney, Tommy. The Provisional IRA: From Insurrection to Parliament. London: Pluto
Press, 2011.
Shanahan, Timothy. The Provisional Irish Republican Army and the Morality of Terrorism.
Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2008.
F
FAISAL BIN ABDUL-AZIZ AL SAUD
(19061975)
On March 25, 1975, while entertaining petitions from his subjects at the royal
residence in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, King Faisal greeted visitors from neighboring
Kuwait. His half-brothers son, Prince Faisal bin Musa'id bin Abdul-Aziz, was
also present, having recently returned from the United States. As King Faisal
leaned in to kiss his nephew, Prince Faisal drew a pistol and shot his uncle
twice, in the chin and ear. A bodyguard slashed at the prince with a sheathed
sword, while Oil Minister Ahmed Zaki Yamani shouted orders to spare the
princes life. King Faisal reached the hospital alive, but surgeons could not save
his life. Despite reports that he forbade Prince Faisals execution with his dying
breath, the assassin was convicted of murder on June 18, 1975, and publicly
beheaded the same afternoon, before a crowd of thousands. His brother, Bandar, served a year in prison on suspicion of conspiracy, and was then released.
Born in Riyadh, in April 1906, Faisal was the third son of Abdul-Aziz ibn
Saud, first king of Nejd and Hejaz from 1926 to 1932, then first king of Saudi
Arabia from August 1932 until his death in November 1953. Son Saud bin
Abdul-Aziz Al Saud assumed the throne, and younger brother Faisal graduated from service as governor of Hijaz (appointed by their father in 1925) to
become minister of foreign affairs, also commanding an army unit that participated in the SaudiYemeni War of early 1934. Vast wealth derived from oil
in the wake of World War II sent King Saud on an epic spending spree that,
coupled with his evident incompetence in foreign affairs, appeared to threaten
both the monarchy and the nation.
In 1958, senior members of the royal family and high-ranking Muslim clerics persuaded Saud to make Faisal prime minister, with sweeping executive
powers. Faisal curbed spending, then resigned his post in December 1960,
in a dispute with Saud over the level of authority granted to Saudi Arabias
Council of Ministers. He was reinstalled as prime minister in 1962, but conflicts with his brother continued, prompting Saud to abolish the office by
royal decree. In January 1963, while Saud sought medical treatment abroad,
Faisal replaced key office holders with his own supporters and placed his
brother Abdullah in charge of the National Guard. Saud returned to find himself outnumbered and outgunned, pressured to accept a purely ceremonial
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FA I S A L I I O F I R AQ
role and Faisal assumed command of the country. Saud resisted until March
1964, when Faisal was appointed as regent, formally replacing his brother as
king on November 2, 1964.
As king, Faisal balanced the nations budget, increased oil production, and
supported selective modernization of Saudi Arabias government, including
the establishment of a judicial system and civil service, a modern welfare system, creation of administrative regions, and pursuance of five-year plans for
economic development. Faisal had already established the nations first television station, although broadcasts were delayed until 1965. A year later, one of
his ultraconservative nephewsPrince Khalid ibn Musaid, brother of Faisals
assassinwas killed by police while attacking a Saudi television station he
condemned as decadent. In 1969, Faisal arrested hundreds of army officers,
announcing that they had conspired to depose him by force. Closely allied
with the United States, he reportedly learned of the budding coup from agents
of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA).
Journalists suggested three possible motives for Faisals assassination. One
school of thought suggested that Prince Faisal acted belatedly to avenge his
brothers killing by police, nine years earlier. The Lebanese newspaper An-Nahar
speculated that his death was retribution for deposing King Saud in 1964. A rival
paper, Al-Bayrak, alleged that King Faisal had restricted his nephewassassins
foreign travels, based on concern over Prince Faisals drinking and drug abuse
while outside the country. A fourth theory, popular with anti-American elements,
claimed that the CIA had used Prince Faisal to eliminate the king. No motive for
the agencys decision to assassinate a seeming friend was ever clarified.
King Faisal was succeeded by a younger brother, Khalid bin Abdul-Aziz
Al Saud, who reigned until his death from heart failure in June 1982. Another brother, Fahd bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud, then occupied the throne until
his death from pneumonia in August 2005. The countrys present king, brother
Abdullah bin Abdul-Aziz Al Saud, maintains his familys longstanding alliance
with the United States.
Further Reading
Beling, Willard. King Faisal and the Modernisation of Saudi Arabia. Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1980.
de Gaury, Gerald. Faisal: King of Saudi Arabia. Louisville, KY: Fons Vitae, 2008.
Stefoff, Rebecca. Faisal. Louisville, KY: Fons Vitae, 2008.
Vassiliev, Alexi. King Faisal of Saudi Arabia: Personality, Faith and Times. London: Saqi
Books, 2013.
FA I S A L I I O F I R A Q
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FA L C N , R A M N L O R E N ZO
By the time Faisal assumed his throne, rebellion was already brewing inside
his army. A corps of pan-Arab Free Officers, inspired by those who toppled
Egypts monarchy in 1952, fomented uprisings in Hayy and Najaf in 1956. In
February 1957, a coalition of the Arab Socialist Baath Party, Iraqs Communist
Party, and the National Democrats organized a Front of National Union, supported by a parallel Supreme Committee of Free Officers within the Iraqi officer corps, which ultimately served as the spearhead of rebellion against King
Faisal.
Following destruction of the monarchy, a revolutionary council was established, with General Qasim serving as prime minister and minister of defense,
and Colonel Abdul Salam Arif became deputy prime minister, minister of the
interior, and commander in chief of the army. A three-man Sovereignty Council was created, with representatives from Iraqs three largest ethnic groups:
Muhammad Mahdi Kubbah spoke for Shiite Muslims; Muhammad Najib arRubaI represented Sunnis; and Khalid al-Naqshabandi served as spokesman
for the Kurds. Despite those measures, and announcement of a temporary
constitution on July 27, 1958, an era of political upheaval followed the July
revolution. In March 1959, the New York Times declared Iraq confused and
unstable, plagued by cross currents of communism, Arab and Iraqi nationalism, anti-Westernism and the positive neutrality of President Gamal Abdel
Nasser of the United Arab Republic.
That instability resulted in ultimate triumph for the Baath Party, which led a
coup against President Qasim in February 1963, supported by the U.S. Central
Intelligence Agency. Party chief Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr seized office as prime
minister, advanced to the presidency and chairmanship of the Revolutionary
Command Council in July 1968, then was replaced by fellow Baathist Saddam
Hussein in July 1979.
Further Reading
de Gaury, Gerald. Three Kings in Baghdad: The Tragedy of Iraqs Monarchy. London: I.B.
Tauris, 2008.
Khadduri, Majid. Independent Iraq, 19321958. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1960.
Tripp, Charles. A History of Iraq. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.
FA L C N , R A M N L O R E N Z O
through the window. Its explosion fatally wounded both Falcn and Lartigau,
both victims dying before they reached the nearest hospital. Arrested at the
scene, Radowitzky described his attack as retribution for the Semana Roja (Red
Week) in May 1909, when Falcns police shot and brutalized striking workers in Buenos Aires. Convicted of murder and sentenced to death, 18-year-old
Radowitzky secured commutation of his sentence to indefinite imprisonment
by proving that he was a minor.
A native of Buenos Aires, born on August 30, 1855, Ramn Falcn was
among the first enrollees at Brazils National Military College, graduating with
honors in 1873. He subsequently served as aide-de-camp to President Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, then joined in General Julio Argentino Rocas Conquest of the Desert campaign during 18781879, annihilating native villages
whose land was coveted by wealthy cattle ranchers. As General Roca explained
the campaign: Our self-respect as a virile people obliges us to put down as
soon as possible, by reason or by force, this handful of savages who destroy our
wealth and prevent us from definitely occupying, in the name of law, progress
and our own security, the richest and most fertile lands of the Republic.
On a lighter note, in 1887, Falcn founded the Club de Gimnasia y Esgrima
La Plata, today the Western Hemispheres oldest soccer club, still in existence
today. Retiring from the army as a colonel, in 1898, he was elected to Argentinas Chamber of Deputies as a member of the ruling National Autonomist
Party. In 1906, with the outbreak of organized labor unrest, President Jos
Figueroa Alcorta chose Falcn to lead the Polica de la Capital and crush insurgent movements.
To that end, Falcn employed the tactics he had learned in military service, while annihilating aboriginal tribesmen. During the Buenos Aires Tenants
Strike of July 1907, he fielded mounted troops armed with sabers against unarmed protesters, and drove rent strikers from their homes with high-pressure
hoses. On May 1, 1909, members of the anarchist Argentine Regional Workers Federation (FORA) staged a May Day demonstration in the capital, where
Falcns shock troops killed 11 marchers and wounded more than 100. That
incident sparked a general strike, and led in turn to Falcns Red Week of unbridled violence, coupled with anti-Semitic propaganda against Russian Jewish
instigators and enforced censorship of newspaper reports on police brutality.
On Falcns orders, police also shut down FORAs newspaper, La Protesta Humana, and La Vanguardia, published by the Socialist Party of Argentina. Benito
Villanueva, president of Argentinas senate, later intervened to reduce the long
prison terms handed out to demonstrators jailed in May 1909, but President
Alcorta and members of the Buenos Aires Stock Exchange staged a rally in the
chiefs support.
Following Falcns assassination, President Alcorta declared a nationwide
state of siege and signed a Law of Social Defense, permitting deportation of
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the temples entrance, fleeing with their victims severed limbs into Guangdong
Province.
Joao Ferreira do Amaral was born in Lisbon, Portugal, on March 4, 1803,
the eldest son of a sergeant in the Portuguese Legion who had joined Napoleons invasion of Russia in 1812 and lost his life there. Ferreira subsequently
joined the Portuguese navy as a midshipman, advancing to the rank of commander by 1821. That same year, he was wounded in a naval engagement with
Brazilian rebels, requiring amputation of one arm. After the surgery, performed
while Ferreira smoked a cigar, he reportedly tossed his severed limb overboard
with a shout of Viva Portugal!
That incident and other exploits marked Ferreira for further advancement.
By 1839, he was designated Captain of Sea and War (equivalent to full captain in the U.S. or British navies), and a knight fidalgo (son of somebody
i.e., an important person) of the Portuguese Royal household. After serving
as a legislator for Angola in Portugals Chamber of Deputies, Ferreira was appointed to serve as governor of Macau on April 21, 1846. Within a month
of taking office, he imposed a poll tax, property tax, and ground rent on all
Chinese residents of the colony. Protests from Beijing were immediate and
prolonged, ending only when Ferreira expelled Qing officials en masse from
Macau.
Ferreiras assassination prompted demands for retribution from Portugal,
echoed by supporting statements from the U.S., British, and Spanish consulates in nearby Hong Kong. It also triggered the Baishaling Incident, as Chinese imperial troops mobilized on the border separating mainland Guangdong
Province from Macau. On August 25, Second Lieutenant Vicente Nicolau de
Mesquita staged a preemptive strike against a Chinese fort at Baishaling, capturing the garrison of 400 soldiers and 20 cannons with a force of only 36 Portuguese troops. Authorities in Guangdong forestalled further attacks by arresting
and executing Shen Zhiliang. In the process, they also recovered Ferreiras
missing arms and legs, returning them to the Portuguese colonial government.
Guangdong villagers buried Shen under a headstone calling him a fighter for
justice, whereas the Portuguese stamped the seal of their nations royal family on a stone outside the Lin Fong Temple. Perhaps surprisingly, given conditions in the colony, Ferreira was the only one of 189 Portuguese rulers killed in
Macau by their Chinese subjects, during 450 years of colonial rule.
Further Reading
Ng, Maria. Pilgrimages: Memories of Colonial Macau and Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong
Kong University Press, 2009.
Yik-yi Chu, Cindy. Foreign Communities in Hong Kong, 1840s1950s. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.
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F O R D, G E R A L D R U D O L P H , J R .
who had kidnapped his daughter), fired a .38-caliber revolver at Ford as the
president left San Franciscos St. Francis Hotel. A bystander deflected the shot,
which struck a wall six inches from Fords head and ricocheted to wound a
taxi driver. As Moore explained her act: The government had declared war
on the left. Nixons appointment of Ford as vice president and his resignation
making Ford president seemed to be a continuing assault on America. I didnt
want to kill anybody, but there comes a point when the only way you can
make a statement is to pick up a gun. I do regret I didnt succeed, and allow
the winds of change to start. I wish I had killed him. I did it to create chaos.
Like Fromme, Moore was sentenced to life, paroled in December 2007 after
serving 32 years.
Gerald Ford was born Leslie Lynch King Jr., in Omaha, Nebraska, on July 14,
1913. His parents separated 16 days after his birth, and divorced when he was
five months old. His mother remarried in 1916, to Gerald Rudolff Ford, and
applied the same name to her son, although her new husband never adopted
the child. In later life, Ford changed the spelling of his middle name to the
more conventional Rudolph and kept the Junior.
Ford graduated from the University of Michigan in 1934, working as a boxing and basketball coach. Yale Law School rejected him in 1935, then reconsidered three years later, after Ford had spent a year of study at his alma maters
law school. He earned his LLB in 1941, was admitted to Michigans bar that
same year, then joined the U.S. Navy following the Japanese attack on Pearl
Harbor. Discharged as a lieutenant commander in 1946, he returned to Michigan and entered politics as a Republican, winning the first of 12 congressional
terms in 1948. During 19631964 he served on the Warren Commission, appointed to investigate the assassination of President John Kennedy, and critics of that investigation cite Fords close friendship with FBI Director J. Edgar
Hoover to support claims of a whitewash, suggesting that Ford was Hoovers
man on the commission. From January 1965 to December 1973, Ford served
as House Minority Leader.
In October 1973, President Nixon nominated Ford to succeed Vice President Spiro Agnew, who had resigned and later pled no contest to taxevasion charges. The House confirmed Ford on December 6, and Nixon
subsequently resigned in August 1974, leaving Ford as president. He remains the only Oval Office occupant in U.S. history who was never elected
as president or as vice president by the Electoral College. On September 8,
1974, when Ford pardoned Nixon for any and all crimes committed during
his presidency, many observers railed against the appearance of a corrupt
bargain between Ford and Nixon. Ford, for his part, described Nixons humiliation as a tragedy in which we all have played a part. It could go on and
on and on, or someone must write the end to it. I have concluded that only
I can do that, and if I can, I must.
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Lingering controversy over that pardon, coupled with various domestic and
foreign issues, ensured that Ford would be a one-term president. He agreed reluctantly to seek another term, but floundered in debates with former Georgia
governor Jimmy Carter, despite Carters own missteps in the public eye. On
election day, Ford carried 27 states to Carters 23, but he failed to secure an
electoral majority. Ford remained active in the Republican Party after his defeat, and lived longer than any other U.S. president, dying in December 2006
at the age of 93 years and 165 days.
Further Reading
Bravin, Jess. Squeaky: The Life and Times of Lynette Alice Fromme. New York: St. Martins
Press, 1997.
Brinkley, Douglas. Gerald R. Ford. New York: Times Books, 2007.
Livesy, Clara. The Manson Women: A Family Portrait. Florham Park, NJ: Richard
Marek, 1980.
Mollenhoff, Clark. The Man Who Pardoned Nixon: A Documented Account of Gerald Fords
Presidential Retreat from Credibility. New York: St. Martins Press, 1976.
Sanders, Ed. The Family. New York: Thunders Mouth Press, 2002.
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on statements from surviving SLA members professing his innocence. According to Little, Who actually pulled the trigger that killed Foster was Mizmoon
[Patricia Monique Soltysik]. Nancy [Ling Perry] was supposed to shoot Blackburn, [but] she kind of botched that and DeFreeze ended up shooting him with
a shotgun. Patricia Hearst, testifying at her own trial, named Soltysik and SLA
member Emily Yolanda Harris as Fosters killers. Harris served eight years in
prison for Hearsts kidnapping, and received another seven-year term in 2003,
after pleading guilty to second-degree murder related to an April 1975 bank
holdup. No charges were filed against her in the Foster case.
Further Reading
Bryan, John. This Soldier Still at War: The True Story of Joe Remiro and the Symbionese Liberation Army. London: Quartet Books, 1976.
McCorry, Jesse. Marcus Foster and the Oakland Public Schools. Berkeley: University of
California Press, 1978.
McLellan, Vin, and Paul Avery. The Voices of Guns. New York: Putnam, 1977.
Payne, Les, Tim Findley, and Carolyn Craven. The Life and Death of the SLA: A True
Story of Revolutionary Terror. New York: Ballantine Books, 1976.
Spencer, John. In the Crossfire: Marcus Foster and the Troubled History of American School
Reform. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2012.
Vaso Cubrilovi
c,
standing nearby with a pistol and bomb, likewise did noth
ing as his target came and went. The third man in line, Nedeljko Cabrinovi
c,
threw his bomb, but it bounced off the folded convertible roof of Franz Ferdinands car, detonating beneath the next car in line and wounding 20 people.
Cabrinovi
c instantly swallowed a cyanide pill and leaped into the Miljacka River,
but the poison failed to kill him and a furious mob dragged him from the
water, beating him before police arrested him and hauled him off to jail. The
motorcade, meanwhile, sped past assassins Cvjetko Popovic,
Gavrilo Princip,
and Trifun Grabe and reached the town hall without further incident.
FRANZ FERDINAND
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FR ANZ FERDINAND
Triple Entente. Over the next four years, the global conflict would claim an estimated 16.6 million lives, with countless more wounded or missing.
All of the conspirators in Ferdinands assassination were eventually captured.
Twenty-five defendants faced trial at Sarajevo in October 1914, with 16 con
victed. Danilo Ilic,
Veljko Cubrilovi
c,
and Mihaijlo Jovanovic were sentenced
to death and hanged in February 1915. Two other condemned defendants,
Jakov Milovic and Nedjo Kerovic,
won commutation of their sentences to life
imprisonment and 20 years, respectively. The others receiving prison terms in
cluded Mitar Kerovic (life); Nedeljko Cabrinovi
c,
Gavrilo Princip, and Trifko
Grabe (20 years); Vaso Cubrilovic (16 years); Cvjetko Popovic (13 years);
FRANZ FERDINAND
Lazar Djukic and Ivo Kranjcevic (10 years); Cvijan Stjepanovic (7 years); and
Marko Perin and Branko Zagorac (3 years).
A second trial disposed of four more plotters in March 1917. Muhamed
Mehmedbaic,
who had failed to throw his bomb as planned, received a 15-year
sentence, but was pardoned in 1919. Three Serbian soldiers linked to the conspiratorial Black Hand movementColonel Ljuba Vulovic,
Captain Dragutin
Dimitrijevic,
and Rade Malobabicwere
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G
GADDAFI, MUAMMAR (19422011)
On February 17, 2011, mass protests erupted in Libya against the regime of
Brotherly Leader Muammar Gaddafi, the nations dictator since 1969. The
states brutal response, including alleged importation of Ghanaian mercenaries,
prompted all-out civil war and intervention by elements of the North Atlantic
Treaty Organization (NATO). Officially deposed and stripped of international
recognition by mid-July, Gaddafi fought on from hiding until October 20,
when his troops made a last-ditch stand against opponents from the National
Transitional Council (NTC) in the Battle of Sirte. That morning, NATO aircraft
intercepted a satellite phone call from Gaddafi and fired on his motorcade, two
miles outside of Sirte. With their vehicles disabled, Gaddafi and others sought
refuge in nearby houses, where they were quickly surrounded by NTC soldiers.
Conflicting accounts of Gaddafis demise claim that he was wounded by gunfire
or grenade shrapnel, then captured alive, whereupon he was beaten, stabbed,
and shot at close range, with his body displayed on the hood of a car. Gaddafis
son, Mutassim, died in the same engagement.
Born in Qasr Abu Hadi, near the site of his desperate last stand, in June
1942, Muammar Muhammad Abu Minyar al-Gaddafi attended a Muslim elementary school, participated in anti-British demonstrations during the 1956
Suez Crisis, and graduated from the Benghazi Military University Academy in
1966, before pursuing further studied in Europe. He attended Britains Royal
Military Academy Sandhurst, then returned to Libya and joined the armys
engineering corps, rising to the rank of lieutenant in 1969. On September 1
of that year, while King Idris was touring Greece, Gaddafi led a bloodless
military coup dtat that abolished the Libyan monarchy. Assuming the rank
of colonel, Gaddafi proclaimed himself head of state, ruling for the next
42 years under ever-changing titles that included chairman of the Revolutionary Command Council, prime minister, secretary general of the General
Peoples Congress, and Brotherly Leader and Guide of the Revolution.
Once in power, Gaddafi ordered evacuation of U.S. and British military bases
in Libya, demanded an increased share of Western oil drilling proceeds from
50 to 79 percent, expelled Italian settlers, and replaced the Gregorian calendar
with an Islamic version, renaming the months to suit himself (August became
Hannibal, July became Nasser, and so on). After a lengthy contemplative
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GADDAFI, MUA M M AR
Rebels killed Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi in February 2011. (Associated Press)
exile, Gaddafi published The Green Book, dictating his views on Islamic law
and advocating direct rule by Peoples Committees, while he retained power
as head of state and commander in chief of the armed forces. Using oil profits
to develop his country, Gaddafi increased Libyas literacy rate from 10 to 90
percent, established equal rights for women and blacks, and added 20 years
to average life expectancy through improved medical care. The reverse side of
that coin included cases of arbitrary arrest and detention under Law 73, which
restricted freedom of expression. Between 1980 and 1987, Libyan agents murdered at least 25 dissident expatriates, and at home, Gaddafi launched repressive campaigns against Libyas Berber minority.
In foreign affairs, Gaddafi sought to unify the Arab states of North Africa as a
single Great Islamic State of the Sahel. To that end, he invaded Chad, fought
a brief war with Egypt, and organized an Islamic Legion to agitate for Muslim
rule as far afield as Lebanon, Syria, Uganda, and Palestine. Gaddafis intelligence service also supported terrorist actions abroad, including various raids
on Israel and the bombing of Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland,
GADDAFI, MUAMMAR
163
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decree went unrecognized by London and the world at large. More prison time
followed for Gandhi, marked by hunger strikes in custody, but it remained for
World War II to crack the British Empire, with India winning independence in
August 1947. Almost immediately, sectarian riots between Hindus, Sikhs, and
Muslims claimed an estimated half-million lives, climaxed by partition of the
country and creation of Pakistan as a primarily Muslim state.
Prior to his murder, Gandhi survived several other assassination attempts.
The first, a bombing of his motorcade in Pune on June 25, 1934, wounded
nine persons and remains officially unsolved today, with no surviving record of
police investigation. Ten years later, in May 1944, Nathuram Godse led a group
of 15 to 20 young men who rushed at Gandhi, Godse brandishing a knife, during a prayer meeting at Panchgani. The crowds prevented Godses gang from
reaching Gandhi, who followed his longstanding policy of refusing to press
criminal charges.
Nathuram Godse led another group that obstructed Gandhis passage from
Sevagram to Mumbai on September 9, 1944. Caught with another dagger,
Godse was released again, after uttering threats to kill Gandhi. Eight days before Gandhis actual murder, at Birla House in New Delhi, the Godse brothers
and five others detonated a bomb attached to a podium where Gandhi was
scheduled to speak, but its premature blast caused no damage. Confessions secured by police in that case were responsible for most of the charges filed after
Gandhis slaying on January 28, 1948.
In 1982, Sir Richard Attenborough produced and directed an epic motion
picture charting the life of Mohandas Gandhi. Starring Ben Kingsley, Gandhi
was nominated for 11 Academy Awards and won eight, including Best Picture,
Best Director, Best Actor in a Leading Role, Best Original Screenplay, Best Film
Editing, Best Art Direction, Best Cinematography, and Best Costume Design.
Further Reading
Brown, Judith. Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1991.
Fisher, Louis. The Life of Mahatma Gandhi. New York: HarperCollins, 1997.
Lelyveld, Joseph. Great Soul: Mahatma Gandhi and His Struggle with India. New York:
Vintage Books, 2011.
Wolpert, Stanley. Gandhis Passion: The Life and Legacy of Mahatma Gandhi. Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2001.
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GA N D H I, R A J I V R AT N A
some 5,000 Tamil civilians, but the violence continued unabated. Investigators
generally agree that Gandhis promise to resume policing of Sri Lanka led directly to his death.
Six months after the assassination, in November 1991, Schweizer Illustrierte
(Swiss Illustrated) magazine published an expos on black money stashed by
15 leaders of various Third World nations. Gandhi was among those named,
accused of hiding 2.5 billion Swiss francs in Zurich. Critics raised the issue in
parliament a month later, but Gandhis name was subsequently expunged from
the record of those proceedings. Another posthumous scandal broke in 1992,
when two newspapersThe Hindu and The Times of Indiaalleged that Gandhi had received cash payments from the Soviet KGB. Russias new government confirmed the payments as an action necessary for the Soviet ideological
interest.
Despite those blemishes to his record, Gandhi holds the Bharat Ratna, Indias highest civilian award, thus far bestowed on 41 recipients (as of 2011).
The list also includes Gandhis grandfather and mother.
Further Reading
Kaarthikeyan, D. R., and Radhavinod Raju. Triumph of Truth: The Rajiv Gandhi AssassinationThe Investigation. Elgin, IL: New Dawn Press, 2004.
Mehta, Ved. Rajiv Gandhi and Ramas Kingdom. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press,
1996.
Nugent, Nicholas. Rajiv Gandhi: Son of a Dynasty. London: BBC Publications, 1991.
Sharma, Rajeev. Beyond the Tigers: Tracking Rajiv Gandhis Assassination. New Delhi: Kaveri Books, 1998.
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only grazed their target, but Rayos blade split the presidents skull and nearly
severed one arm. Soldiers arriving on the scene shot Rayo as he fled, but the
other three conspirators escaped. Peruvian currency found in Rayos pockets
suggested a murder for hire, and although no other plotters were identified, officials declared that Garca Moreno was slain by members of a secret society,
presumably Freemasons.
Born in Guayaquil, Ecuador, on December 24, 1821, Gabriel Garca Moreno
was the son of an aristocratic Spanish merchant. He studied law and theology
at the University of Quito, preparing himself for the priesthood. He proceeded
to the minor orders and shaved his head in the traditional clerical tonsure, but
friends persuaded him to seek a secular career instead. At graduation from the
university, in 1844, he was admitted to the bar and simultaneously operated as
a freelance journalist, in opposition to the liberal regime of President Vicente
Ramn Roca.
Returning from travels abroad in 1856, Garca Moreno found Ecuadors government in the hands of liberal, anticlerical elements, on the verge of civil
war with strictly religious members of the Conservative Party. Garca Moreno
joined Jernimo Carrin and Pacfico Chiriboga in opposing incumbent president Francisco Garcia Robles, and General Guillermo Franco, commanding
the district of Guayas, sought to seize power for himself, bargaining with Peruvian president Ramn Castilla to trade land for military support. Defeated at
the Battle of Guayaquil, in September 1860, Franco fled to Peru, and Garca
Moreno assumed command of a provisional government in Quito. Similar governing bodies seized control in the provinces of Cuenca, Guayas, Loja, Caar,
and Azuay. That chaos was resolved, and Ecuador reunified, in January 1861,
with Garca Morenos election as interim president. A general election, held
four months later, confirmed him as president for a full four-year term.
Garca Morenos conservatism and outspoken support for the Catholic
Church alienated liberals throughout Ecuador and beyond, but he maintained
iron-fisted control. Vice President Rafael Carvajal Guzmn succeeded Garca
Moreno in August 1865, but lasted only two months before he was replaced
by Jernimo Carrin. The seesaw world of Ecuadorean politics saw Garca
Moreno reelected as president in January 1869, deposed in May of that same
year, then elected once again in August 1869. That year, he drafted a new constitution making Catholicism the nations official religion, welcomed fugitive
Jesuit priests from neighboring countries, and signed a law banning secret societies, which Freemasons viewed as a personal attack on their order. Liberals also condemned his use of Indian slave labor to build new roads and other
public works.
Perhaps anticipating his own murder, Garca Moreno wrote to Pope Piius IX,
seeking a special blessing prior to his scheduled inauguration in August 1875.
That letter read:
I wish to obtain your blessing before that day, so that I may have the strength
and light which I need so much in order to be unto the end a faithful son of our
Redeemer, and a loyal and obedient servant of His Infallible Vicar. Now that the
Masonic Lodges of the neighboring countries, instigated by Germany, are vomiting against me all sorts of atrocious insults and horrible calumnies, now that the
Lodges are secretly arranging for my assassination, I have more need than ever
of the divine protection so that I may live and die in defense of our holy religion
and the beloved republic which I am called once more to rule.
While prescient, that plea failed to protect him from his enemies.
Further Reading
Berthe, Augustine. Garcia Moreno. London: Burns and Oates, 1889.
Henderson, Peter. Gabriel Garca Moreno and Conservative State Formation in the Andes.
Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008.
Larson, Brooke. Trials of Nation Making: Liberalism, Race, and Ethnicity in the Andes,
18101910. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004.
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G A R F I E L D, J A M E S A B R A M
within 16 years, Congress took no steps to mount a special guard over the
president until after the murder of William McKinley, in 1901.
Further Reading
Ackerman, Kenneth. Dark Horse: The Surprise Election and Political Murder of James A.
Garfield. New York: Avalon Publishing, 2004.
Millard, Candice. Destiny of the Republic: A Tale of Madness, Medicine and the Murder of a
President. New York: Anchor Books, 2012.
Peskin, Allan. Garfield. Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1978.
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174
and condemned, Salan being tried in absentia (captured in April 1962). President de Gaulle granted the rebels amnesty in July 1968, with Challe and Zeller
restored to their former ranks in November 1982.
Meanwhile, the OAS made multiple attempts to kill de Gaulle in France.
Whereas some accounts claim 44 murder conspiracies in all, two in particular stand out. On September 8, 1961, de Gaulle and his wife traveled 150
miles by car from Paris to their country home, La Boisserie, in Colombeyles-Deux-Eglises. At one point on the road, a propane tank packed with 100
pounds of plastic explosive lay concealed under a sand pile, with a canister
containing 15 liters of napalm. Detonated by remote control as de Gaulle
sped past in his chauffeur-driven Citron DS, the bomb spewed burning
gasoline across the highway, but the de Gaulles and their driver escaped
injury.
On August 22, 1962, OAS member Jean-Marie Bastien-Thiry, a lieutenant
colonel in the French air force, staged another ambush for de Gaulle in PetitClamart, a suburb of Paris. In an eerie replay of the last attempt, de Gaulle and
his wife were en route once more to Colombey-les-Deux-Eglises, when OAS
thugs sprayed their car with submachine guns, firing 187 bullets. Once again,
the sturdy Citron DS saved its passengers, despite four flattened tires and a
shattered rear window. Two police escorts died in the fusillade, but President
de Gaulles sole injury was a scratch on one finger, suffered while brushing
broken glass from his jacket.
Bastien-Thiry was traveling in England, on OAS business, when his men
botched the ambush. Police arrested him on his return to France, and he faced
trial by court-martial with two accomplices, convened on January 28, 1963.
Bastien-Thirys defense team included Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour, a far-right
politician who would challenge de Gaulle for the presidency in 1965, placing
mafia boss hires a killer to assassinate the U.S. vice president. A British newspaper, The Guardian, dubbed international terrorist Ilich Ramrez
Snchez The Jackal in 1975, after police raiders found a copy of Forsyths novel in the fugitives London apartment. Twenty years later, a Hebrew translation turned up in the possession of Yigal Amir, right-wing
assassin of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. At the time, police suggested that Amir used the novel as a how to manual for murder, though
in fact he used a pistol to kill Rabin at close range, rather than employing
a sniper rifle.
fourth in a field of six candidates. The defense adopted a two-pronged strategy, first claiming that Bastien-Thiry only planned to capture de Gaulle and
hold him for trial on hypothetical charges, simultaneously claiming that his
death would have been justified as payback for the genocide of European residents in newly independent Algeria. Convicted on March 3, Bastien-Thiry was
condemned with codefendants Alain de La Tocnaye and Buisines Prevost. De
Gaulle later pardoned Tocnaye and Prevost, the actual shooters, but BastienThiry died before a firing squad on March 11, 1963.
The OAS dissolved after Bastien-Thirys execution, but some of its members
remained active as terrorists, linked to the murders of Parisian leftists Henri
Curiel in 1978 and Pierre Goldman in 1979, but the last known plot against de
Gaulle was hatched by a group of radical students in Paris. On July 1, 1966
the same day de Gaulle was featured on the cover of Time magazinethe president prepared to leave France for a visit to the Soviet Union. Parked along the
Boulevard Montparnasse, his route to Orly Airport, a car packed with nearly
a ton of dynamite waited to detonate by remote control, but the signal never
came. The would-be bombers, members of a self-styled National Resistance
Council, were arrested the night of June 30, during a robbery intended to raise
money for their flight abroad after they killed the president.
Further Reading
Aussaresses, Paul. The Battle of the Casbah: Terrorism and Counter-Terrorism in Algeria,
19551957. New York: Enigma Books, 2010.
Fenby, Jonathan. The General: Charles de Gaulle and the France He Saved. New York:
Simon and Schuster, 2010.
Lacouture, Jean. De Gaulle: The Ruler 19451970. New York: HarperCollins, 1991.
Le Sueur, James. Uncivil War: Intellectuals and Identity Politics during the Decolonization
of Algeria. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2005.
Williams, Charles. The Last Great Frenchman: A Life of General De Gaulle. New York:
John Wiley & Sons, 1993.
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G AV I R I A C O R R E A , G U I L L E R M O
The philosophy of nonviolence brings spirits closer, brings souls closer, brings
human beings closer and will allow us, together, to build true roads to social
transformation. Nonviolence is not simply saying no to violence, because if so it
would end up being confused with passively accepting suffering, injustice and
abuse. Nonviolence is a way to overcome violence, investigating and discovering just means to oppose injustice. Nonviolence is not only about neutralizing all
forms of direct violence, but also all manifestations of structural violence, because
it builds peace through justice and solidarity and helps to prevent future forms
of violence, by offering methods and models of peaceful struggle to those social
groups left out and sacrificed by unbalanced power and systemic maladjustment.
If you are reading this letter it is surely because the FARC were not able to listen or understand my message. If I have been murdered, my spirit will be praying for peace in Colombia. In this case I hope that Anbal, my brother, will take
up the flag I have been carrying to build a new Antioquia.
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capital. While at Nanpo, the rebels attacked Shidebalas party, killing the emperor and his companion Baiju, recently named to succeed Temuder as grand
councilor.
Born on February 22, 1303, Shidebala was the oldest son of Ayurbarwada
Buyantu Khan, Emperor Renzong of Yuan, who had captured the throne by
devious means. Ayurbarwadas elder brother, Khayishan, had ruled as Klg
Khan, Emperor Wuzong of Yuan, from June 1307 until January 1311, when
terminal illness forced him to confront his own mortality. Ayurbarwada promised that if Khayishan named him successor to the throne, Ayurbarwada would
anoint Khayishans eldest son as crown prince and next in line to rule. When
Khayishan died, however, Ayurbarwada banished his sons to the hinterlands
and purged the court of any loyal adherents to the former emperor. Formally
crowned in April 1311, Ayurbarwada ruled for eight years, dying from natural
causes on March 1, 1320.
Successor Shidebaladubbed Gegeen (enlightened) Khanintended to
continue various political reforms initiated by his father, but he inherited
Grand Councilor Temuder, formerly dismissed for corruption in 1317, but
reinstated by the new emperors powerful grandmother, Empress Targi, upon
the death of her son Ayurbarwada. Temuder quickly ordered the execution
of several persons he deemed responsible for his prior embarrassment, joining Empress Dowager Targi to manipulate and dominate the new teenage
emperor.
Gegeen Khan was chafing under control of his elders by October 1322,
when Temuder died in Dadu. He was married by then, to Empress Sugabala,
but their union produced no children. At Temuders death, influenced by Confucian scholars who had detested the tyrannical grand councilor, Shidebala appointed Baijua man of his own age and a descendant of the honored general
Mukhalito succeed Temuder. Relieved by his grandmothers death near years
end, Gegeen Khan embarked on a more aggressive course of reform that placed
him fatally at odds with Temuders protgs and the traditional Mongol warrior
elite. That conflict led inevitably to his murder and plunged the Yuan Empire
into a decade of chaos.
With the assassination accomplished, ringleader Tegshi asked Yesn Temr,
a great-grandson of Kublai Khan, to assume the throne, and while agreeing,
first annihilated Teghsis faction before taking office as Emperor Taiding of
Yuan. Crowned in October 1323, Yesn Temr Khan ruled as emperor until
his sudden death in August 1328. Son Ragibagh Khan succeeded him, but
was deposed and presumably executed (his body was not found) by rival
Tug Temr in mid-November of the same year. Tug Temr then occupied the
throne as Jayaatu Khan, Emperor Wenzong of Yuan, but died in September
1332, leaving six-year-old Rinchinbal Khan in charge of the swiftly declining
Yuan Empire.
GEORGE I OF GREECE
Further Reading
Brook, Timothy. The Troubled Empire: China in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties. Cambridge,
MA: Belknap Press, 2010.
Twitchett, Denis, Herbert Franke, and John Fairbank. The Cambridge History of China:
Volume 6, Alien Regimes and Border States. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1994.
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GEORGE I OF GREECE
of Schleswig-Holstein-Sonderburg-Glcksburg, later King Christian IX of Denmark. Originally known as Prince Vilhelm (William), he joined the Royal Danish Navy at 17, then was elected king of the Hellenes on March 30, 1863, by
the Greek National Assembly, filling a throne left vacant since King Otto was
deposed by a coup in October 1862. That twist of fate made Vilhelmnow
Georgea king eight full months before his father ascended to the throne of
Denmark. In fact, however, George did not arrive in Athens until October 30,
1863, two weeks before his fathers coronation in Copenhagen.
Georges reign of nearly half a century began with lengthy constitutional debates, climaxed in November 1864 with the creation of a unicameral legislature and institution of Europes first universal male suffrage by secret ballots.
The constitution subordinated royal authority to that of duly-elected officials,
but it failed to eradicate corruption or political infighting, with the result that
between 1864 and 1910 Greece endured 21 elections and 70 government administrations, the longest lasting for 18 months.
On the international stage, George used his relationship with brother-in-law
Albert Edward, Prince of Wales (later Britains King Edward VII) to settle territorial disputes between Greece and Britain. Georges marriage to Grand Duchess Olga Constantinovna of Russia produced five sons and two daughters, all of
whom married into royal families of Prussia, France, Russia, and Britain, thus
creating an international dynasty. His relationship with Russia served George
well after the Russo-Turkish War of 18771878, when he laid claim to Cyprus,
Epirus, and Thessaly over strident Ottoman objections, seeing those territorial
gains confirmed in 1880. In February 1897, he sent his son, Prince George, to
liberate Crete from Turkish rule, but Greek forces lost that campaign in April.
On February 26, 1898, two men identified only as Giorgis and Karditza fired
rifles at King Georges open carriage, while George, his daughter Marie, and a
groom were returning to Athens from the seaside resort of Phalerum. The groom
and both horses were wounded, while George stood in plain view of the gunmen, brandishing a cane and shielding Marie. The nervous snipers missed their
target and fled, but Karditza surrendered the following day, describing himself
to police as a member of a secret society pledged to kill George in retribution
for Greeces recent military loss to Turkey. Giorgis was captured on February 28,
but no information on the disposition of their case is presently available.
The death of Britains Queen Victoria, in January 1901, left George I as the
second-longest-reigning European monarch, bound by marriage to Victorias
successor, King Edward VII. By 1908, George faced opposition from the Stratiotikos Syndesmos (Military League), a group of army officers who sought to
strip royal family members of their military commissions. The league staged an
abortive coup dtat on August 28, 1909, beginning at the Goudi barracks outside Athens, but loyal troops frustrated the rebellion, whereupon George gave
his support to revision of the Greek constitution.
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Further Reading
Cobb, Irvin. Exit Laughing. Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1941.
Woodson, Urey. The First New Dealer, William Goebel: His Origin, Ambitions, Achievements, His Assassination, Loss to the State and Nation; the Story of a Great Crime. Louisville: Standard Press, 1939.
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G O U L A R T, J O O B E L C H I O R M A R Q U E S
G O U L A R T, J O O B E L C H I O R M A R Q U E S
Portuguese immigrants from the Azores. His father was a prosperous rancher,
who also served as a colonel in the National Guard. Goulart enrolled early at
the Federal University of Rio Grande do Suls law school, aided by a birth certificate his father falsified, showing his birth year as 1918. While attending that
school, he reportedly contracted a venereal disease that, left untreated, virtually paralyzed his left knee. Graduating in 1939, Goulart was admitted to the
bar but never entered legal practice professionally. Instead, he managed his
fathers extensive land holdings, accruing substantial wealth by the time his
father died in 1943.
Two years later, Goulart accepted an invitation from Protsio Vargas,
brother of retiring president Getlio Vargas, to join the Brazilian Labor Party
(PTB), beginning as a local leader, swiftly rising through the ranks. Elected to
the state assembly in 1947, Goulart backed Getlio Vargass presidential campaign three years later, advancing at the same time to a seat in the Chamber
of Deputies. His service in that body was short-lived, however, as President
Vargas soon appointed him secretary of the interior and justice, with a mandate to reform Brazils archaic prison system. In 1953, Vargas shifted Goulart
to a new position in his cabinet, as minister of labor, helping to suppress a
coup dtat by the right-wing National Democratic Union (UDN).
By February 1954, when Goulart left the cabinet to resume his work in the
Chamber of Deputies, President Vargas was immersed in economic crisis, exacerbated when one of his bodyguards tried to kill UDN leader Carlos Lacerda
on August 5. Vargas called Goulart to his home on August 24, presenting him
with a sealed letter and orders to read it only upon his return to Rio Grande do
Sul. It proved to be the presidents suicide note, and he shot himself soon after
Goulart departed. After considering retirement from politics, Goulart changed
his mind and agreed to run for vice president in 1955, on the PTB ticket led
by Juscelino Kubitschek. Four years later, he was reelected as vice president,
this time under President Jnio da Silva Quadros. For reasons best known to
himself, Quadros resigned his office in August 1961, after serving only seven
months, and Goulart succeeded him.
Goularts liberal policiesincluding a Basic Reforms plan to improve adult
literacy and force reinvestment of foreign corporate profits in Brazilproved
unpalatable to Brazils right-wing elements. Following the pattern of subversion practiced elsewhere in Latin America, the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency
teamed with the ITT Corporation to organized and finance a coup against
Goularts administration, culminating in his ouster from office at gunpoint on
April 1, 1964. Goulart escaped to Uruguay, leaving Brazil in the hands of a
military dictatorship that set new records for brutality in its long dirty war
against the political left.
Argentine president Juan Domingo Pern invited Goulart to Buenos Aires
in 1973, to help expand the nations export markets, despite opposition from
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right-wing minister of social welfare Jos Lpez Rega. In March 1976, after
far-right terrorists botched a plan to kidnap Goularts son for ransom, Goulart moved 450 miles south of Buenos Aires, to Mercedes, where he died nine
months later.
Today, with the collapse of Brazils military junta, Goulart is widely revered
in his native land. At least 10 schools bear his name, as do streets in at least
15 cities. In November 2008, the government granted amnesty to Goulart and
his widow, entitling Maria Teresa Goulart to restitution of some $372,000 for
her years in exile.
Further Reading
Frank, Andre. The Goulart Ouster: Brazil in Perspective. New York: J. H. Richards, 1964.
Skidmore, Thomas. The Politics of Military Rule in Brazil: 19641985. Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1990.
Tavora, Araken. Rehearsal for the Coup. In The Brazil Reader: History, Culture, Politics.
Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999.
Vargas, Getlio. Vargass Suicide Letter, 1954. In The Brazil Reader: History, Culture,
Politics. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999.
GUERIN, VERONICA
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G U E VA R A , E R N E S T O C H E
of U.S. activities in the region. Licensed to practice medicine in 1953, Che embarked on another epic journey through eight Latin American nations, finding
his way to Guatemala in time for the U.S.-sponsored coup that deposed President Jacobo Arbenz in 1954. At the same time, he made his first contact with
members of Cubas July 26 Movement, led by Fidel Castro.
From Guatemala, Che moved on to Mexico City, lecturing on medicine at the
National Autonomous University of Mexico and doubling as a photographer for
the Latina News Agency. He met Fidel and Raul Castro there, in June 1955, and
joined their movement to depose Cuban dictator Fulgencio Batista. Although
Che initially planned to serve as the small armys medic, he soon advanced to
become one of Castros leading strategists and field commanders. Finally, as second in command, he personally executed captured spies, informers, and deserters. Following Castros victory, in January 1959, Guevara played multiple roles
in the new revolutionary governmentsupervising a national literacy campaign, serving as minister of industries, promoting agrarian land reform, acting
as president of Cubas new national bank, training soldiers, and reviewing the
appeals of Batista loyalists sentenced to death by revolutionary courts.
In April 1961, Guevara played a key role in repelling the CIA-sponsored
Bay of Pigs invasion. Published reports also claim that he was instrumental
in bringing Soviet nuclear weapons to Cuba, thereby precipitating the Cuban
Missile Crisis of 1962. He left Cuba in 1965, tasked with exporting revolution to the world at large. That mission that led him first to the Republic of
the Congo, where he fought with rebels led by future president Laurent-Dsir
Kabila, opposing the national army, CIA contract agents, and South African
mercenaries. From Africa, he moved on to Bolivia in 1966, leading a 50-member
National Liberation Army of Bolivia against the military regime of President
Barrientos.
That campaign claimed his life, but Guevara remains an influentialand
controversialfigure worldwide, nearly half a century after his death. His
writings, including The Motorcycle Diaries (filmed in 2004), remain best-selling
works today. Alberto Kordas photo portrait of Che, titled Guerrillero Heroico (Heroic Guerrilla), has been labeled the most famous photograph in the
world by the Maryland Institute College of Art. World figures ranging from
Susan Sontag and Jean-Paul Sartre to Nelson Mandela have publicly hailed Che
as a freedom fighter and revolutionary inspiration. Conversely, posthumous
critics condemn him for his communist philosophy, his participation in executions, and the alleged role that his revolutionary actions played in strengthening U.S.-backed military dictatorships in Latin America.
Today, Che Guevara is arguably the Western Hemispheres most famous revolutionary, eclipsing Castro himself. His image appears on countless posters,
T-shirts, and other articles of clothing, and his life and death have been commemorated in at least 26 different songs, mostly in Spanish. Che had also been
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portrayed in 14 feature films, by actors including Francisco Rabal (El Che Guevara, 1968), Omar Sharif (Che!, 1969), Michael Palin (Monty Python Live at the
Hollywood Bowl, 1982), Antonio Banderas (Evita, 1996), Miguel Ruiz Das (El
Che, 1997), Alfredo Vasco (Hasta la Victoria Siempre, 1999), Gael Garca Bernal
(Fidel, 2002), Karl Sheils (Meeting Che Guevara & the Man from Maybury Hill,
2003), Gael Garca Bernal (The Motorcycle Diaries, 2004), Jsu Garcia (The Lost
City, 2005), Martin Hyder (The Mark Steel Lectures: Che Guevara, 2006), Sam G.
Preston (The True Story of Che Guevara, 2007), Eduardo Noriega (Che, 2007),
and Benicio del Toro (Che, 2008).
Further Reading
Anderson, Jon. Che Guevara: A Revolutionary Life. New York: Grove Press, 1997.
Castaneda, Jorge. Companero: The Life and Death of Che Guevara. New York: Alfred A.
Knopf, 1997.
Crompton, Samuel. Che Guevara: The Making of a Revolutionary. New York: Gareth Stevens, 2009.
James, Daniel. Che Guevara: A Biography. Lanham, MD: Cooper Square Press, 2001.
G U I N N E S S , WA L T E R E D WA R D
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ZIONISM
Zionism is broadly defined as a national movement for the return of the
Jewish people to their homeland and the resumption of Jewish sovereignty
in the land of Israel. Although theoretically dating from the Diaspora of
586 BCE, during the Babylonian occupation of Israel, the organized movement properly began with Joseph Nasi (15241579), a Portuguese Jew
who campaigned for Jewish emigration from the Ottoman Empire. Later
distinguished by many splinter ideologies, Zionism achieved its goal with
foundation of the state of Israel in 1948. Critics condemn the movement as
colonialist and racist, citing statements such as propagandist Israel Zangwills description of Arab-populated Palestine as a country without a people, for a people without a country. Acts of terrorism committed by the
Stern Gang and Irgun Zevai Leumi (National Military Organization in the
Land of Israel) between 1920 and 1948 also tarnished the broader movements reputation. Some critics of Zionism, particularly in the Arab states,
consider it a racist and/or colonialist movement. Some supporters of Zionism counter those arguments by claiming that any opposition to Zionism or Israel constitutes prima facie evidence of anti-Semitism. Meanwhile,
Zionism remains a hot topic for far-right groups worldwide, including
neo-Nazi and white nationalist groups in the United States. Spokesmen
for those organizations spin conspiracy theories involving Jewish world
domination, often referring to the U.S. federal government in Washington,
D.C., as ZOGthe Zionist Occupation Government. In 1983, a farright group called the Orderalso known in German as Brder Schweigen
(Brothers Keep Silent)declared war on ZOG and on America at large,
committing multiple murders and other acts of terrorism before its members were convicted of racketeering in 1986.
G U N N , D AV I D
Further Reading
Avner. Memoirs of an Assassin: Confessions of a Stern Gang Killer. London: Thomas
Yoseloff, 1959.
Golan, Zev. Stern: The Man and His Gang. Tel Aviv: Yahir Publishing, 2011.
Heller, Joseph. The Stern Gang: Ideology, Politics and Terror, 19401949. London: Frank
Cass Publishers, 1995.
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Nearby, in Columbus, Georgia, a clinic operated by the Womens Health Network (WHN) lost its elderly physician who had terminated pregnancies, and
executive director Susan Hill sought a replacement. Although raised in the
Church of Christ, with its prohibition against abortions, Gunn agreed to take
over the job, beginning a decade of relentless travel between six WHN clinics
in the South, often driving 1,000 miles per week. Hill described Gunn to reporters as a laid-back 60s kind of guy who didnt like the politics of medicine;
he wanted to help, but at the same time Gunn concealed his new activity from
members of his strictly religious parents and siblings.
Threats began immediately, from protesters outside the clinics Gunn served,
to North Carolinas White Patriot Party, formerly a branch of the Ku Klux Klan,
which issued Wanted posters on Gunn, including his photograph and home
address. Susan Hill recalled, He told me several times that he had been followed from city to city. He would take back roads and choose different paths
to throw them off. He didnt report the threats. None of us did. They happen
all the time. Gunn did prepare himself by carrying three pistols in his car
one in the glove compartment, one beneath the drivers seat, and another in
the trunkbut none of them helped on the day he was shot.
Acquaintances described assassin Michael Griffin as a fundamentalist
Christian and a loner with a bad temper. Two months before the shooting, he
had joined the Pensacola branch of Rescue America, an antiabortion group led
locally by self-ordained minister John Burta self-described former alcoholic
and ex-KKK member who claims that he abandoned the groups racist doctrine
when he became a born-again Christian. Before meeting Griffin, Burt served
as spiritual advisor to a group of zealots that bombed three womens clinics in
1984. Griffin initially told police that he shot Dr. Gunn for God, but at trial
ARMY OF GOD
The Army of God (AOG) is a loose-knit coalition of pro-life Christian
terrorists responsible for various acts of violence since August 1982,
when self-proclaimed members kidnapped Dr. Hector Zevallos and his
wife in Illinois, briefly holding them hostage under threat of death. In
1985, the groups East Coast Division claimed credit for clinic bombings in Maryland and Washington, D.C., which resulted in imprisonment
of Rev. Michael Bray and two accomplices. Rachelle Shelley Shannon,
who shot and wounded Kansas physician George Tiller in August 1993,
also declared herself a member of the AOG. Another self-described member, Scott Roeder, murdered Dr. Tiller in May 2009. The group also
claimed responsibility for Eric Rudolphs lethal 1997 clinic bombings in
G U S TAV I I I O F S W E D E N
Atlanta and Birmingham, along with a blast at a Georgia gay bar. Clayton Waagner, proclaiming himself a member of the AOGs Virginia Dare
Chapter, created an anthrax panic in 2001, by mailing some 500 envelopes filled with harmless white powder to 280 abortion providers nationwide. Paul Jennings Hill, executed in September 2003 for the 1994
Florida murders of Dr. John Britton and his bodyguard, advertised himself before that double killing as a national spokesman for the AOG.
Various researchers disagree as to whether the group has any leadership
structureor, in fact, whether it physically exists, outside the minds of
its fanatical activists. Meanwhile, the AOG, or some unknown person
claiming to represent it, maintains a Web site at http://www.armyofgod
.com. The site praises Paul Hill and Scott Roeder as American heroes,
offers graphic photos of aborted fetuses, and refers interested parties to
Rev. Donald Spitz, reachable via a post office box in Chesapeake, Virginia.
his attorneys claimed Griffin was brainwashed by Burt. No charges were filed
against Burt in Gunns murder, but he received an 18-year prison sentence in
2005, convicted on five counts of molesting a 15-year-old girl at Our Fathers
House, a home for troubled teenage girls and unwed mothers.
Gunns assassination prompted Congress to pass the Freedom of Access to
Clinic Entrances Act in May 1994, imposing federal penalties for any threats or
attacks against womens clinics, obstruction of free access to their facilities, or
stalking of clinic staff members. The statute upholds protesters First Amendment rights to assemble, picket, distribute literature, and shout outside clinics
from a safe distance, as long as no threats are made.
Further Reading
Baird-Windle, Patricia, and Eleanor Bader. Targets of Hatred: Anti-Abortion Terrorism.
New York: Palgrave, 2001.
Mason, Carol. Killing for Life: The Apocalyptic Narrative of Pro-Life Politics. Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 2002.
Risen, James, and Judy Thomas. Wrath of Angels: The American Abortion War. New York:
Basic Books, 1999.
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conspirators wearing black masks: Count Claes Fredrik Horn, Count Adolph
Ludvig Ribbing, and army officer Jacob Johan Anckarstrm. While the counts
distracted Gustav with the greeting, Good-day, fine mask, Anckarstrm shot
him in the back with a pistol containing two balls, five pellets of shot and
six bent nails. Gustav initially survived for nearly two weeks, continuing his
function as head of state until infection claimed his life on March 29. All three
plotters were arrested and confessed in custody. On April 16, Anckarstrm was
sentenced to flogging and confinement in irons, with his right hand severed
before he was beheaded on April 27. Count Ribbing was stripped of his title
and sentenced to death in May 1792, later pardoned and exiled to France. No
record survives of Count Horns sentence.
Gustav was born in Stockholm on January 24, 1746, the eldest son of King
Adolf Frederick. His father died on February 12, 1771, remembered as the
king who ate himself to death with an epic meal including lobster, sauerkraut,
caviar, kippers, champagne, and 14 helpings of his favorite dessert. Gustav was
in Paris when his father died, and did not return until March 25, with his official coronation occurring on March 29. Chafing at the parliamentary reforms
instituted since the death of King Charles XII, in 1718, and personally at odds
with parliaments dominant liberal Caps faction, Gustavplanned a coup with
Finnish nobleman Jacob Magnus Sprengtporten in July 1772. By late August,
their forces had seized control of Sweden, thus ending the nations 54-year
Age of Liberty. Soon thereafter, Sprengtporten abandoned his partnership with
Gustav, complaining that the king had grown so violent and insolent that anything like agreement between them became impossible.
Over the next 17 years, Gustav pressed for restoration of royal autocracy
or enlightened despotism, as he saw itand achieved his goal at last with
passage of the Union and Security Act in 1789. That statute delegated most of
parliaments former powers to the king, including the sole authority to declare
war and make peace. He proved fickle in foreign policy, first plotting to capture
Norway with aid from Russia, then scheming to invade Russias Baltic provinces when the first plan failed. The French Revolution of 17881789 alarmed
Gustav, who feared similar revolts against monarchs throughout Europe, and
he contributed substantial funds toward an abortive plan to reinstate Louis XVI
as king of France.
In terms of domestic policy, while remaining autocratic and restricting freedom of the press, Gustav granted a measure of religious liberty to Jews and
Catholics (Gustav himself was Lutheran). He was a renownedsome said extravagantpatron of the arts and literature, founding several Royal Academies
to promote the arts, culture, and science in Sweden, and built the Royal Swedish Opera in 1782where he would be slain 10 years later.
Gustav was succeeded by his son, 13-year-old Gustav Adolf, with Gustavs brother Charles serving as regent. In 1805, Gustav Adolf joined the
G U S TAV I I I O F S W E D E N
Third Coalition against Napoleon Bonaparte, with the result that France occupied Swedish Pomerania. A popular rebellion against the young, inept king
prompted Gustav Adolf to abdicate and flee into exile, leaving his uncle in
charge as Charles XIII.
Further Reading
Barton, H. Arnold. Scandinavia in the Revolutionary Era, 17601815. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1986.
Ihalainen, Pasi, Michael Bregnsbo, Karin Sennefelt, and Patrik Winton. Scandinavia in
the Age of Revolution. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Publishing, 2011.
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HABYARIMANA, JUVNAL (19371994)
At 8:20 P.M. on April 6, 1994, a Dassault Falcon 50 private jet approached
Rwandas Kigali International Airport. Aboard the plane were Rwandan president Juvnal Habyarimana, the nations three highest-ranking military officers,
the presidents foreign affairs advisor, and his personal physician. Also on board
was Cyprien Ntaryamira, president of Burundi, accompanied by Burundis
minister of communication and minister of public works. As the presidential
jet prepared to land, two surface-to-air missiles struck the aircraft, killing all
nine passengers and three French crewmen.
Juvnal Habyarimana was born on March 8, 1937, in Ruanda-Urundi, a Belgian suzerainty from 1916 to 1924, then a League of Nations Class B Mandate
until 1945, and a United Nations Trust Territory. A member of the dominant
Hutu tribe, Habyarimana was 22 years old during the Rwandan Revolution of
1959, when Hutus killed at least 20,000 Tutsi tribe members (some accounts
claim 100,000), and driving thousands more into exile. Three years later, independence from foreign rule saw Ruanda-Urundi separated into the neighboring sovereign states of Rwanda and Burundi (with a ruling Tutsi majority).
Ethnic violence between Hutus and Tutsis persisted in Rwanda, and Hutus
dominated the government and army.
Habyarimana chose the military as a path to power, rising to army chief of
staff at age 36. On July 5, 1973, he led a coup that deposed President Grgoire
Kayibanda and his ruling Parti du Mouvement de lEmancipation Hutu (Party
of the Hutu Emancipation Movement). By 1975, Habyarimanas National Revolutionary Movement for Development was Rwandas only legal party, reinforced in 1978 with a new constitution affirming one-party rule. A unique
feature of the revised constitution was the policy of Umuganda, under which
all Rwandans were compelled to work one-half day each week on projects
related to national infrastructure. Passage of the constitution was accompanied by Habyarimanas election to another five-year presidential term, running
unopposed.
Habyarimana initially posed as a friend of both Hutu and Tutsi alike, but
soon dropped that faade, favoring members of his own tribe in Rwanda and
sponsoring Hutu attacks on Burundis Tutsi-run government. Cronyism was
the order of the day, ensuring Habyarimanas reelection as the only presidential
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Tutsis slaughtered between April and July. That violence, in turn, led the Tutsi
RPF to renew its offensive against the predominately Hutu government, seizing the capital at Kigali on July 4. Fearing retribution, some two million Hutus
fled the country, leaving the government in Tutsi hands for the first time since
Rwanda achieved independence. RPF leader Paul Kagame assumed the presidency in March 2000 and retains it at the time of this writing.
Further Reading
Dallaire, Romo. Shake Hands with the Devil: The Failure of Humanity in Rwanda. New
York: Carroll & Graf, 2003.
Mamdani, Mahmood. When Victims Become Killers: Colonialism, Nativism, and the Genocide in Rwanda. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001.
Prunier, Grard. The Rwanda Crisis: History of a Genocide. New York: Columbia University Press, 1995.
Straus, Scott. The Order of Genocide: Race, Power, and War in Rwanda. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2006.
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of those panels determined a cause for the airliners crash. Two Swedish bodyguards aboard the plane had suffered multiple bullet wounds, but the UNs report deemed their wounds superficial, apparently caused when ammunition
on board the plane detonated while burning. The planes wreckage showed no
signs of foul play, and reports of a flash in the sky were dismissed as inconsistent, possibly occurring after the DC-6 crashed.
Those inconclusive verdicts failed to quash conspiracy theories surrounding Hammarskjlds death. One proposed scenario blamed Belgian and/or
U.S. intelligence agencies, citing their support for the July 1960 secession
of Katanga from the Republic of the Congo, and their evident participation in the murder of Congolese prime minister Patrice Lumumba. Further
suspicion was raised by the prominent role of British military officers in
the Rhodesian inquiries, suggestive to some critics of a possible whitewash.
Supporting allegations that critical evidence was suppressed or misrepresented, ballistics expert Major C. F. Westell stated, I can certainly describe
as sheer nonsense the statement that cartridges of machine guns or pistols
detonated in a fire can penetrate a human body. Westell based that conclusion on British experiments conducted to see if firefighters faced risks of
being accidentally gunned down while responding to conflagrations at military arsenals.
Long after the fact, in August 1998, Archbishop Desmond Tutu reported
that letters uncovered by South Africas Truth and Reconciliation Commission
implicated the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, South African intelligence services, and Britains Security Service (MI5) in the 1961 plane crash. One letter
stated that a bomb in the aircrafts wheel bay had been set to explode when the
landing gear was lowered. Britains Foreign Office rejected that charge, branding the letters in question a product of a Cold War era Soviet disinformation
campaign.
In July 2005, Norwegian major general Bjrn Eggethe first UN officer
to view Hammarskjlds corpse 44 years earlierreported that Hammarskjld
had an apparent bullet hole in his forehead, which was airbrushed out of photos taken at the scene before their publication. Egge further suggested that
Hammarskjld might have been thrown from the wreckage alive, then was
shot while crawling away. Around the same time, a U.S. intelligence officer
stationed on Cyprus in September 1961 reported hearing a cockpit recording from Ndolas control tower. According to that witness, the tape included
sounds of gunfire and an unidentified pilot announcing, Ive hit it. In September 2009, Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi called for a new UN investigation of Hammarskjlds death and Patrice Lumumbas murder, but that
request was ignored.
See also: Lumumba, Patrice mery (19251961).
HAMPTON, FRED
Further Reading
Urquhart, Brian. Hammarskjld. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1972.
Van Dusen, Henry. Dag Hammarskjld: The Man and His Faith. New York: Harper &
Row, 1969.
Williams, A. Susan. Who Killed Hammarskjld? The UN, the Cold War, and White Supremacy in Africa. London: C. Hurst & Co., 2011.
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1948, and raised in the Chicago suburb of Maywood. He graduated with honors from Proviso East High School in 1966, then enrolled as a pre-law student
at Triton Junior College in River Grove, Illinois. First active as a leader of the
National Association for the Advancement of Colored Peoples Youth Council,
he demonstrated natural leadership qualities. Exposure to police racism in his
home environment drew Hampton to the BPP when its Chicago chapter organized, late in 1967. From that base, he negotiated a truce among the citys
largest African America street gangs, including the 30,000-member Blackstone
Rangers. Next came collaboration with the mostly white Students for a Democratic Society, the Hispanic Brown Berets, and the Chinese-American Red Guard
Party. In May 1969, Hampton publicly described that alliance as a rainbow
coalitiona term subsequently appropriated and popularized by Rev. Jesse
Jackson.
Hamptons charisma and achievements quickly made him a target for Chicago police and the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), collaborating in
illegal harassment of the Panthers under one of the FBIs covert counterintelligence programs (COINTELPRO). FBI documents secured by Senate investigators in 1975 revealed that the bureau engaged in activities ranging from
outlawed wiretaps and anonymous hate-mail campaigns to active promotion
of violence between Black Panthers and other ghetto organizations, provoking
multiple murders in cities from coast to coast. In Chicago, FBI agents first tried
to provoke a shooting war between Panthers and the Blackstone Rangers. Failing that, they hired agents provocateurs to infiltrate the Panthers and encourage
criminal activity. One such hireling, William ONeal, later committed suicide
after admitting that he drugged a drink consumed by Hampton on the night of
the fatal police raid.
Other evidence of a set-up and summary execution came from within the
FBI itself. Retired agent Mont Wesley Swearingen, in a 1995 memoir, described
fellow agent Gregg York telling him, We expected about twenty Panthers to
be in the apartment when the police raided the place. Only two of those black
niggers were killed, Fred Hampton and Mark Clark. A survivor of the December raid, Panther Harold Bell, recalled the following exchange between uniformed raiders in the apartment:
Thats Fred Hampton.
Is he dead? Bring him out.
Hes barely alive.
Hell make it.
Two more shots rang out, then, and an officer replied, Hes good and
dead now.
Cook Countys Democratic Party declined to endorse Edward Hanrahan for
reelection, but he won the primary without party support, only to lose the general elections. In the 1970s he also lost two gubernatorial bids, and finished his
political career in the 1980s, defeated in a campaign for Chicagos City Council.
HAMPTON, FRED
Thirty-five years after Hamptons slaying that same council unanimously declared December 4, 2004, as Fred Hampton Day in Chicago.
Further Reading
Churchill, Ward. Agents of Repression: The FBIs Secret War against the Black Panther
Party and the American Indian Movement. Boston: South End Press, 2001.
Federal Bureau of Investigation. Fred Hampton. FBI Records: The Vault. http://vault
.fbi.gov/Fred%20Hampton.
Haas, Jeffrey. The Assassination of Fred Hampton: How the FBI and the Chicago Police Murdered a Black Panther. Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books, 2010.
Wilkins, Roy, and Ramsey Clark. Search and Destroy: A Report by the Commission of
Inquiry into the Black Panthers and the Police. New York: Metropolitan Applied Research Center, 1973.
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HAYMARKET RIOT
In February 1886, managers of Chicagos McCormick Harvesting Machine
Company locked out union workers, prompting a general strike by some
40,000 Windy City laborers in sympathy with those discharged. On May 4,
1886, a demonstration was staged at Haymarket Square, proceeding
peacefully until some unknown person hurled a bomb at police on the
sidelines, killing one officer outright and fatally wounding six others. Police then fired on the crowd, killing four demonstrators and wounding 70
more. Subsequently, eight anarchists were indicted and convicted of conspiracy in the bombing, despite a prosecutors admission that none had
thrown the fatal bomb. All eight were convicted, with seven sentenced
to die, and one received a 15-year sentence. Governor Richard Oglesby
commuted two of the death sentences to life imprisonment, and a third
condemned prisoner committed suicide in jail before the other four were
hanged on November 11, 1887. Six years later, Governor John Altgeld
pardoned the surviving Haymarket defendants, criticizing the conduct of
their trial. The actual bomber remains unidentified.
Carter Harrison was Chicagos first five-term mayor, although his last term
was cut short. His son, Carter Jr., subsequently followed in his fathers political footsteps, serving five terms as mayor in his own right, from 1897 to 1905,
and 1911 to 1915. The younger Harrison hoped for the Democratic presidential nomination in 1904, but his party chose Alton Brooks Parker instead, then
suffered a crushing defeat by incumbent Theodore Roosevelt. During his final
term as mayor, Carter Jr. established the Chicago Vice Commission, closing
manybut by no means allof the Levee districts notorious brothels. His
efforts to clean up the Windy City were defeated by the advent of successors
William Big Bill Thompson and Anton Cermak, allied with rival crime syndicates during the era of Prohibition.
Further Reading
Abbott, W. J. Carter Henry Harrison: A Memoir. New York: Dodd, Mead and Company,
1895.
Johnson, Claudius. Carter Henry Harrison I: Political Leader. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press, 1928.
Larson, Erik. The Devil in the White City: Murder, Magic, and Madness at the Fair that
Changed America. New York: Crown Publishers, 2003.
H E N N E S S Y, D AV I D C . , J R .
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H E N R I O T, P H I L I P P E
William Parkerson, mouthpiece for the Committee of Fifty, met the assembled
mob and demanded that they remedy the failure of justice. An estimated 150
vigilantes marched to the Parish Prison, led by Parkerson, chanting, Kill the
dagos! On arrival, they battered their way inside against feeble resistance from
guards, removing 11 of the 19 defendants indicted for Hennessys murder (including four who had not yet been tried). Parkerson personally led a 12-man execution squad in lynching the 11, urged on by deafening cheer from bystanders.
Reactions to the New Orleans lynching were mixed. In far-off New York
City, a Times headline declared: Chief Hennessy avenged . . . Italian murderers shot down. Mayor Shoemaker told reporters, The Italians had taken the
law into their own hands and we had no choice but to do the same. A national
survey of 100 major newspapers found 42 in accord with the lynching, versus
58 opposed. As in most other Southern lynchings, a grand jury refused to indict the identified killers, proclaiming that so many had joined in the act that
guilt was collective. Italys ambassador protested the murders, prompting an
eventual $25,000 settlement from Congress. Mayor Shoemaker lost his bid for
a third term in 1892, but Charles Matranga fared considerably better. He survived the massacreby hiding under a mattress, he claimedand was later
released, remaining in control of the New Orleans Mafia until he voluntarily
retired in 1922.
Further Reading
Gentile, Joseph. The Innocent Lynched: The Story of Eleven Italians Lynched in New Orleans. San Jose, CA: Writers Showcase, 2000.
Hunt, Thomas, and Martha Sheldon, Deep Water: Joseph P. Macheca and the Birth of the
American Mafia. Scotts Valley, CA: CreateSpace, 2010.
Smith, Tom. The Crescent City Lynchings: The Murder of Chief Hennessy, the New Orleans
Mafia Trials, and the Parish Prison Mob. Guilford, CT: Lyons Press, 2007.
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largest right-wing party, the Republican Federation, but soon found even that
groups policies too liberal. In 1932, he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies in Gironde, one of 83 dpartements of France created after the French Revolution in 1790. His campaign speeches were virtually indistinguishable from
those of Adolf Hitler in Germany, coupling anti-Semitism and anticommunism
with attacks on Freemasons and opposition to the French parliamentary system. Henriots constituents agreed with him sufficiently to grant him a second
four-year term in 1936.
At the outbreak of World War II, Henriot joined most of his countrymen in
condemning Nazi Germany, but he changed his tune the following year, working as a propagandist for the collaborationist Vichy regime of puppet leader
Philippe Ptain. Broadcasting over Radio Paris, Henriot praised Germany for
its June 1941 invasion of the Soviet Union and waged a bitter war of words
against the exiled Free French Forces led by Charles de Gaulle from London.
He also frequently attacked resistance activists Pierre Dac (n Andr Isaac) and
Maurice Schumann for their anti-Nazi broadcasts over the British Broadcasting
Corporation. In January 1944, Ptain appointed Henriot as the Vichy regimes
official minister of information and propaganda, earning him scorn among
loyal Frenchmen and their allies as the French Goebbels.
In fact, however, Henriot never enjoyed the power held by Joseph Goebbels
in the Third Reich, and must have known he was a hunted man. In 1943, he
joined the paramilitary Milice franaise, organized that January with German
aid to fight COMAC and other French resistance groups, but no evidence exists that he participated in militia raids. If he was armed, his weapons failed to
save him when his enemies arrived on his doorstep.
Vichy France did not long survive its minister of information and propaganda. Aged Philippe Ptain stepped down as chief of state on August 19,
1944, and France was officially liberated from German control on September 7.
Convicted of treason in August 1945, Ptain was sentenced to die, that sentence later commuted to exile on an island off the French Atlantic coast. Some
1,500 other French collaborators were also condemned, and although many
of those later received amnesty, estimates of traitors executed without formal
trial range from 10,000 to 40,000. A handful of trials for war crimes continued
into the 1980s, and Ren Bousquet, former Vichy secretary general, was assassinated on June 8, 1993, while awaiting trial for crimes against humanity.
Further Reading
Azema, Jean-Pierre. From Munich to Liberation 19381944. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1985.
Levendel, Isaac. Not the Germans Alone: A Sons Search for the Truth of Vichy. Evanston,
IL: Northwestern University Press, 2001.
Neiberg, Michael. The Blood of Free Men: The Liberation of Paris, 1944. New York: Basic
Books, 2012.
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toll as high as 70,000). Still, at age nine, Henrythen Alexandrehad flirted with
Protestantism himself, refusing to attend mass and haranguing his sister Margaret
to abandon Catholicism. Mother Catherine took him in hand, but he had earned a
reputation at court as un petit Huguenot, and the moderation of his religious bigotry
from 1573 onward counted against him with his Catholic subjects.
Another strike against Henry was the persistent rumorstill debated by
historiansof his supposed homosexuality or bisexuality. Some modern researchers refute that claim with reference to Henrys many famous mistresses,
including Italian courtesan Veronica Franco, Louise de La Braudire du
Rouhet, Rene de Rieux de Chteauneuf, and Marie van Kleef, countess of
Beaufort. In retrospect, it seems that Henrys religious and political opponents
may have branded him as homosexual based on his dislike of hunting, deemed
effeminate and thus a handy weapon to assail his reputation.
As successor to King Sigismund II Augustus of Poland, elected by the Polish
Lithuanian Commonwealth in September 1573, Henry ruled only briefly, distracted by warfare in France. He did not arrive in Poland for his coronation
until 1574, then left again that June, on learning of Charles IXs death. Warned
that he could not retain the Polish throne unless he returned by May 12, 1575,
Henry let the deadline pass and was accordingly deposed.
Meanwhile, in France, he was crowned on February 13, 1575. Fifteen
months later, he angered French Catholics by signing the Edict of Beaulieu,
which granted Huguenots the right of public worship throughout France, except in Paris and at court. Pressure from a newly formed Catholic League of
France forced him to backpedal in September 1577 with the Edict of Poitiers,
restricting open Protestant worship to the suburbs of one town in each judicial
district. Even that reversal failed to satisfy Catholic League founder Henry I,
Duke of Guise, who invaded Paris on May 12, 1588, forcing Henry III to flee.
The Duke of Guise did not live to enjoy that triumph, however. On December 22, 1588, Henry I spent the night with mistress Charlotte de Sauve,
a secret member of Catherine de Medicis female spy network, the Flying
Squadron. Next morning, summoned to meet the king at his Chteau de Blois
in the Loir Valley, Henry I was ambushed and stabbed to death by the kings
bodyguards, while Henry III stood watching. Henry Is brother, Louis II, cardinal of Guise, was slain in identical fashion on Christmas Eve, so outraging the
Catholic League that zealot Jacques Clment embarked on a path of personal
vengeance. At his death, Henry III was succeeded by Henry IV.
Further Reading
Freer, Martha. Henry III, King of France and Poland: His Court and Times. London: Hurst
and Blackett, 1858.
Major, J. Russell. From Renaissance Monarchy to Absolute Monarchy: French Kings, Nobles, and Estates. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997.
HENRY IV OF FRANCE
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H E U R E A U X L E B E R T, U L I S E S
four years before issuing the Edict of Nantes, granting substantial rights to Huguenots and finally ending the French Wars of Religion.
Despite his widespread popularity in France, Henry faced multiple assassination attemptssome accounts claim 20before the one that finally ended
his left. Details of most attempts are lacking, but we know that Pierre Barrire,
an Orlans boatman and soldier of the Catholic League, planned to kill Henry
in August 1593. Betrayed by a Dominican priest to whom he had confessed
his plan, Barrire was arrested on August 27 and executed four days later, by
breaking on the wheel prior to dismemberment.
Jean Chtel, the 19-year-old son of a cloth merchant, crept into Henrys private quarters on December 27, 1594, and attacked him with a knife, slicing the
kings lip. Captured at the scene and convicted of lse majest (injured majesty), Chtel received the prescribed punishment: the hand with which he
struck his king was burned with molten lead, sulfur and wax, before he was
dismembered while alive. Under interrogation, Chtel had described his education by Jesuit priests at the Collge de Clermont, which was subsequently
closed and confiscated as further punishment for the assault.
Punishment for Henrys assassination also extended beyond the slayer. In
January 1611, an acquaintance of Franois Ravaillac, Maddame Jacqueline
dEscoman, accused Jean Louis de Nogaret de La Valette, Duke of pernon,
of complicity in Henrys murder. Although she was swiftly imprisoned for life,
modern historian Philippe Erlanger claims a link between the duke and Ravaillac through the dukes mistress, Charlotte du Tillet. Erlanger suggests that
du Tillet and Henrys own mistress, Catherine Henriette de Balzac dEntragues,
planned the assassination.
Further Reading
Baird, Henry. The Huguenots and Henry of Navarre. New York: Charles Scribners Sons,
1886.
Holt, Mack. The French Wars of Religion, 15621629. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2005.
H E U R E A U X L E B E R T, U L I S E S
one bullet struck Heureaux, killing him instantly, although reports disagree as
to whether he was shot in the head or the heart. Another round missed and
killed an elderly beggar standing nearby. Both gunmen escaped in the confusion, aided by accomplices.
Ulises Heureaux, widely known as Lilis, was born in Puerto Plata on October 21, 1845, to a Haitian father and a mother from Saint Thomas, raised to
be fluent in English, French, and Spanish. He was 16 when Spain annexed the
Dominican Republic, and joined in the fight to regain independence, rising
to become a primary lieutenant of General Gregorio Lupern. That rebellion
was victorious in 1874, but governing the new republic proved to be a dicey
proposition. Multiple revolutions rocked the island nation, with Heureaux in
the thick of the action. In April 1876, he led a revolt that installed Ulises Francisco Espaillat Quiones as president for a brief six-month term, forced out by
a superior governing junta. Two more presidents rose and fell during the last
two months of 1876, before four-time president Buenaventura Bez Mndez
returned for a fifth time, on December 26.
Another coup deposed Bez in March 1878, and Heureaux helped overthrow the next two Dominican presidents within six months. It was during
that year that Heureaux arranged the murder of Manuel Cceres, an influential aide to President Bez, and thus lit the slow fuse for his own assassination two decades later. Gregorio Lupern finally attained the presidency
in December 1879, but he preferred life on his Puerto Plata tobacco plantation, delegating much of his authority to Heureaux in Santo Domingo.
Fernando Arturo de Merio succeeded Lupern in September 1880, but Lupern threw his substantial support behind Heureaux at the next election,
in September 1882.
Dominican politics remained volatile, but Heureaux faced only one minor
insurrection during his first two-year term as president. Following Luperns
advice and example, Heureaux stepped aside in 1884, succeeded by Francisco
Gregorio Billini. Billini resisted Heureauxs attempt to persist in the role of
puppet-master, declaring an amnesty for political prisoners, whereupon Heureaux spread rumors that Billini was conspiring to restore unpopular President
Cesreo Guillermo. The fabricated scandal forced Billinis resignation in May
1885, succeeded by more pliable Vice President Alejandro Woss y Gil. He, in
turn, resigned on January 6, 1887, ceding the presidents office once more to
Heureaux.
During his second term, Heureaux faced a rebellion in the Cibao Valley region, led by rival Casimiro de Moya, but suppressed the insurrection ruthlessly. In 1888, he exiled mentor Gregorio Lupern, presumably fearing his
influence with Dominicans who might resent Heureauxs strong-arm rule if
encouraged to rebel by a popular icon. Heureaux also established a network of
secret police to monitor signs of unrest, and he set about looting the country
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for personal profit, prompting one observer to remark that the separation between the presidents private means and state finances was vague, fluid and almost non-existent. The combination of kleptocracy and extensive borrowing
from European creditors drove the Dominican economy into crisis, slipping
toward bankruptcy over the next decade.
Mindful of growing discontent, Heureaux resigned on February 27, 1889,
then grew restive and reclaimed his office from acting president nine weeks
later, on April 30, retaining power thereafter until his own death. Before
the final act, in July 1894, he faced an insurrection plot described by the
New York Times as particularly daring and well-planned. The ringleader,
a general named Bobadilla, was arrested with 10 cohorts and shot with his
friends looking on, before Heureaux contemptuously pardoned the rest.
The Times referred to innumerable other plots against Heureaux before he
was finally killed, leaving the nation $35 million in debta sum 15 times
its annual budget.
Far from being punished, assassin Ramn Cceres Vasquez survived to become vice president under Carlos Felipe Morales, and was elevated to the presidents office when Morales resigned in December 1905. Perhaps ironically,
Cceres was himself assassinated on November 19, 1911, by rebels who ambushed his car in Santo Domingo.
Further Reading
Moya-Pons, Frank. Dominican Republic: A National History. New Rochelle, NY: Hispaniola Books, 1995.
Rodman, Selden. Quisqueya: A History of the Dominican Republic. Seattle: University of
Washington Press, 1964.
Wucker, Michelle. Why the Cocks Fight: Dominicans, Haitians, and the Struggle for Hispaniola. New York: Hill and Wang, 1999.
H E Y D R I C H , R E I N H A R D T R I S TA N E U G E N
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Heydrichs various duties included orchestration of the 1936 Summer Olympics for use as a Nazi propaganda tool, and leadership of a new Reich Main Security Office, created after the outbreak of World War II in September 1939.
In August 1940, he was named as chief of Interpol, a selection that prompted
the U.S. FBI to sever contact with the international police agency. In 1941, he
ran the Nacht und Nebel (Night and Fog) campaign, under which some 7,000
persons endangering German security vanished without a trace. In September 1941, Heydrich was named Deputy Reich Protector for Bohemia and Moravia (parts of Czechoslovakia annexed by Germany in 1939), where he became
known as the Butcher of Prague for his ruthless tactics. Perhaps most critically, he chaired the Wannsee Conference of January 1942 (see sidebar), where
Nazi leaders met to sketch the outlines of Hitlers Final Solutionsystematic
extermination of Jews within German-occupied territory.
Although Nazis used Heydrichs assassination for propaganda purposes, Hitler himself blamed Heydrich for his own demise, saying, Since it is opportunity which makes not only the thief but also the assassin, such heroic gestures
as driving in an open, unarmoured vehicle or walking about the streets unguarded are just damned stupidity, which serves the Fatherland not one whit.
That a man as irreplaceable as Heydrich should expose himself to unnecessary
danger, I can only condemn as stupid and idiotic.
Still, reprisals were made. Heydrichs killers sought sanctuary at a church in
Prague, but a traitor in the Czech resistance betrayed them and they committed
WANNSEE CONFERENCE
On January 20, 1942, 15 senior officials of the Third Reich met in the
Berlin suburb of Wannsee to discuss mechanics of the genocidal program Adolf Hitler termed the final solution to the Jewish question.
Schutzstaffel (SS) General Reinhard Heydrich chaired the meeting and
presented an agenda calling for all Jews from Europe and French North
Africa (present-day Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia) to be relocated in
German-occupied parts of Eastern Europe. Their destination, though not
plainly stated in the minutes of the conference, would be a series of extermination camps in Poland, including Auschwitz, Belzec, Chalmno,
Majdanek, Sobibor, and Treblinka. Calculations made at the conference
and recorded by SS-Obersturmbannfhrer (lieutenant colonel) Adolf Eichmann included removal of 15,153,468 identified Jews from regions
under Nazi control or earmarked for future conquest, including England,
Ireland, and Switzerland.
HITLER, ADOLF
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HITLER, ADOLF
HITLER, ADOLF
227
228
HITLER, ADOLF
German attorney Nikolaus von Halem, from Oldenberg, plotted Hitlers death
in 1941, but cohort Joseph Roman was arrested and named him under torture,
sending von Halem to prison, where he was executed on October 9, 1944.
Military plots against Hitler proliferated in 1943 and 1944, as German forces
suffered critical defeats on various fronts. A group led by General Karl Hubert
Lanz planned to strike in February 1943, when Hitler visited Poltawa in the
Ukraine, but a change in the Fhrers itinerary foiled the plan. The same sort
of glitches foiled two more plots organized around Smolensk, in the USSR,
during March 1943. Captain Rudolf von Gersdorff planned to kill Hitler with
a suicide bomb on March 13, at an exhibition of captured Russian weapons in
Berlin, but he was unable to get past Hitlers bodyguards. German nobleman
Axel von dem Bussche-Streithorst also volunteered as a suicide bomber, planning to kill Hitler during a troop inspection in East Prussia on November 16,
but an Allied air strike deprived him of transportation.
Wehrmacht officer Ewald-Heinrich von Kleist-Schmenzins was the next volunteer for a suicide strike against Hitler, in January 1944, during an inspection of new army uniforms, but postponement of the meeting foiled his plan.
Another soldier, Eberhard von Breitenbuch, took a concealed pistol to a military briefing with Hitler at the Berghof in Bavaria, on March 11, but SS guards
barred him from the room where Hitler met with higher-ranking officers.
By July 1944, military conspirators led by Eastern Front veteran Claus von
Stauffenberg were committed to eliminating Hitler. After one accomplice, General Helmuth Stieff, failed to succeed with a bomb at a uniform exhibition at
Klessheim castle near Salzburg, on July 7, von Stauffenberg decided to do the
job himself. He brought a bomb to Obersalzberg on July 11, then refrained
from detonating it because top Nazis Hermann Gring and Heinrich Himmler
missed the meeting. Nine days later, his bomb detonated on schedule, during
a strategy meeting at Hitlers Wolfs Lair near Rastenber, East Prussia (now
Ketrzyn, Poland). The blast killed four persons, but a heavy oak table spared
Hitler from serious injury.
Following that botched attempt, conspirator Friedrich Fromm panicked
and named his associates in futile attempt to save his own life. Von Stauffenberg and three other leading plotters were quickly arrested and executed by firing squad on July 21. Von Stauffenbergs older brother was convicted in August
and executed by slow strangulation. Before investigation of the plot was finally
concluded, some 20,000 suspected resistance members were either executed
or shipped off to concentration camps. Friedrich Fromm was discharged from
the army in September 1944, then sentenced to death for cowardice and shot
on March 12, 1945.
The last known plot to kill Hitler was allegedly conceived by Albert Speer,
Germanys minister of armaments and war production, in early 1945. Speer
later testified that he planned to drop a canister of poison gas into the air-intake
HITLER, ADOLF
system of Hitlers bunker in Berlin, but a high wall around the access hatch
foiled his plot.
Adolf Hitler married his longtime mistress, Eva Braun, in the same bunker as Soviet troops advanced through Berlin, on April 28, 1945. Two days
later, the couple reportedly committed suicide and their corpses were burned
by loyal officers. Some conspiracy theorists, however, still contend that Hitler
faked his own death and escaped to South America, along with other Nazis
such as Adolf Eichmann, Josef Mengele, and Klaus Barbie.
Further Reading
Fest, Joachim. Plotting Hitlers Death: The Story of German Resistance. New York: Holt
Paperbacks, 1997.
Hoffmann, Peter. The History of the German Resistance, 19331945. Montreal: McGillQueens University Press, 1996.
Kershaw, Ian. The End: The Defiance and Destruction of Hitlers Germany, 19441945.
New York: Penguin Books, 2011.
Kershaw, Ian. Hitler, 18891936: Hubris. New York: W. W. Norton, 1998.
Kershaw, Ian. Hitler, 19361945: Nemesis. New York: W. W. Norton, 2000.
Toland, John. Adolf Hitler. Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1976.
229
I
IDIARTE BORDA, JUAN BAUTISTA
(18441897)
On August 25, 1897, Uruguayan president Juan Idiarte Borda attended a
church service at Montevideos cathedral on Constitution Square. As he left
the church, Idiarte was shot and killed by Avelino Arredondo, a member of a
dissident faction within Idiartes own Colorado Party. Curiously, the newspaper
El Da had erroneously named Arredondo as a participant in a previous attempt
on Idiartes life, in April 1897. Arrested at the murder scene, Arredondo was
convicted and imprisoned, but attempts to locate more conspirators proved
fruitless.
Juan Idiarte Borda was born and raided in Mercedes, Uruguay, to affluent
parents of Basque origin. As a teenager, his talent with the clarinet led relatives to think he would pursue a musical career, but his fathers death in 1860
placed him prematurely in charge of the familys cattle ranch at age 16. Three
years later, Idiarte and his brother, Peter, joined in a revolution against the ruling National Party, led by Venancio Flores, which sparked a civil war in Uruguay and ended with Flores assuming the presidency. Idiarte emerged from
that conflict as a lieutenant and parlayed his renown into a new political career,
supporting reforms deemed radical at the time.
In 1879, Idiarte left Mercedes for Montevideo and won election to parliament. He served until 1886, when personal conflicts with President Mximo
Benito Santos Barbosa encouraged Idiarte to leave the country, settling for eight
years in Buenos Aires, Argentina. He returned to Uruguay in February 1894,
seeking the office vacated by retiring president Julio Herrera y Obes. Three
weeks of voting and riotous senate debate climaxed on March 21, when Idiarte edged out interim president Duncan Antonio Stewart Agell by a margin of
47 ballots.
From the outset of his term as president, opponents charged Idiarte with electoral fraud. Jose Battle y Ordonez, editor of El Da in Montevideo, was among
Idiartes harshest critics, publishing charges of vote rigging and corruption that
encouraged violent dissent against Idiartes regime. In March 1897, members
of the White Party led by Aparicio Saravia rebelled against the Colorado Partys
government, sparking another civil war. In April, while alighting from a carriage
at his home, Idiarte was accosted by would-be assassin John A. Rabecca, who
232
pressed a pistol to the presidents neck but did not fire. Idiartes family took the
incident as a warning from the White Party, but the president refused to back
down from his enemies.
Political struggles continued after Idiartes assassination, as Juan Lindolfo
Cuestas succeeded the murdered chief of state. By September 1897, White
Party forces controlled most of the Uruguayan countryside, and Aparicio Saravia was ranked as the countrys second most powerful figure when Jose Batlle
y Ordonez ascended to the presidency in 1903. Savaria died from wounds suffered in battle, in September 1904, and his party did not long survive him.
President Batlle held office until 1907, and the Colorado Party ruled Uruguay
without interruption until 1959.
Further Reading
Bethell, Leslie. The Cambridge History of Latin America, Vol. 5, c. 18701930. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1986.
Lpez-Alves, Fernando. State Formation and Democracy in Latin America, 18101900.
Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2000.
Akintola and Olusola Olaosebikan vying for endorsement as Awolowos political heir. That rivalry ended with Akintolas assassination during the military
coup that ended the First Republic in January 1966.
Nigerias new ruler, General Yakubu Jack Dan-Yumma Gowon, named Ige
as commissioner for agriculture for Nigerias western region, operating from
the capital at Ibadan. A year later, that region was abolished, subdivided into
Lagos State and Western State, with Ige serving the latter from Ibadan. There,
he befriended army commander and future president Olusegun Obasanjo,
while dividing his time between official duties and antiracism campaign sponsored by the World Council of Churches.
General Murtala Ramat Mohammed led a successful coup against Gowons
regime on July 29, 1975, and proclaimed himself head of state, with Obasanjo
as his second-in-command. Ige, still loyal to Obafemi Awolowo, joined his
newest vehicle, the United Party of Nigeria (UPN). Following General Mohammeds assassination in 1976, General Obasanjo assumed control and laid the
groundwork for establishment to Nigerias Second Republic in 1979. In October of that year, Ige won election as the governor of Oyo State, serving one
term before he lost a reelection big to Dr. Victor Omololu Olunloyo in 1983.
Ige contested that election, but left office in October, when the courts ruled
against him. Olunloyo, in turn, was deposed three months later by another
military coup.
The leaders of that uprising detained Bola Ige for two years, on charges of
misappropriating UPN funds, but he was liberated in August 1985, following
yet another coup, led by General Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida. Returning to
legal practice with a sideline in writing, Ige shunned further political activity
until May 1999, when a new constitution established Nigerias Fourth Republic
and institution of sweeping democratic reforms. (A short-lived Third Republic
had been virtually stillborn during 1993.) Ige ran for president, representing
a new Alliance for Democracy, but lost the race to Olusegun Obasanjowho
then appointed Ige first as minister of mines and power (19992000), then as
minister of justice and attorney general. On the eve of his assassination, Ige
was earmarked to serve as Africas representative on the United Nations International Law Commission.
Some Nigerians blamed President Obasanjo for Iges assassination, although no clear motive was advanced beyond assertions that he may have
uncovered deep-seated government corruption and planned to expose it.
Calls for establishment of an independent truth commission have thus far
been ignored.
Further Reading
Ahworegba, Prosper. The Nigerian 100: The Most Influential Nigerians of All Time. Dartford, United Kingdom: Xlibris, 2008.
233
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INEJIRO ASANUMA
Banjo, Ayo, ed. Bola Ige: Passage of a Modern Cicero. Lagos, Nigeria: Bookcraft, Ltd.,
2003.
Mohammed, Abubakar. Chief Bola Ige and the Destabilization of Nigeria. Zaria, Nigeria:
Centre for Democratic Development Research and Training, 1999.
INEJIRO ASANUMA
235
J
JACKSON, ANDREW (17671845)
ATTEMPTED
On January 30, 1835, President Andrew Jackson attended the funeral of South
Carolina congressman Warren Davis at the United States Capitol. Afterward, as
Jackson left the building from the East Portico, unemployed British housepainter
Richard Lawrence aimed a pistol at Jackson, but the weapon misfired. Bystanders, including legendary frontiersman (then congressman) Davy Crockett, disarmed Lawrence, with some accounts claiming that Jackson used a cane to strike
his would-be killer. In custody, Lawrence raved incoherently, blaming Jackson
for his unemployment and claiming that heLawrencewas King Richard III
of England (deceased for 350 years). At trial in April, prosecuted by Francis Scott
Key, Lawrence was found insane and committed to an asylum where he died in
June 1861.
Aside from the first attempted U.S. presidential assassination, Jackson had
also experienced the first attack on an U.S. president, two years earlier. On
May 6, 1833, he sailed aboard the USS Cygnet from Washington to Fredericksburg, Virginia, to lay the cornerstone for a monument to George Washingtons
mother. Stopping along the way near Alexandria, Jackson was accosted and
punched by Robert B. Randolph, earlier dismissed from the navy for embezzlement by Jacksons order. Again, bystandersthis time including author Washington Irgingcaptured Jacksons assailant, but the president declined to press
charges in that case.
Born at some uncertain point on the border between North and South Carolina, on March 15, 1767, Andrew Jackson was the son of Scot-Irish colonists. In
later life, he referred to rumors that his Mother . . . [was] held to public scorn
as a prostitute who intermarried with a Negro, and [that his] . . . eldest brother
[was] sold as a slave in Carolina, but no such claims were ever substantiated. He
joined a local militia during the American Revolution, at age 13, and was captured
by British troops with one of his brothers, scarred by a saber in captivity when he
refused to shine a redcoat officers boots. That experience, coupled with another
brothers death in battle, left Jackson with a bitter hatred of England at wars end.
Despite his own erratic education, Jackson later taught school, studied law,
and was admitted to the bar in North Carolina, practicing along the frontier.
He was a delegate to North Carolinas constitutional convention in 1796 and
won election to Congress that same year. In 1797, he advanced to the U.S.
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JACKSON, ANDREW
Senate, but resigned after a year in office. Appointed to the Tennessee Supreme
Court in 1798, he held that post until 1804, simultaneously operating a plantation run by slaves and serving as a general in the state militia. During the War
of 1812, Jackson initially waged rural campaigns against hostile Native American tribes, then secured fame by defeating British troops in the Battle of New
Orleans, ironically fought two weeks after the United States and Britain made
peace with the Treaty of Ghent. Two years later he was back in action, leading
troops against more hostile tribesmen in the First Seminole War.
Tennessees legislature sent Jackson back to the U.S. Senate in 1822, and two
years later he ran for president against three fellow members of the DemocraticRepublican Party: John Quincy Adams, William Harris Crawford, and Henry
Clay. Jackson won the popular vote, with 151,271 ballots to 113,122 for Adams,
and also shaded Adams by a margin of 15 votes in the Electoral College, but still
had only 99 votes, with 131 required for victory. Under terms of the Twelfth
Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, the House of Representatives decided
the election, choosing Adams over Jackson in a move that many observers denounced as a corrupt bargain.
Jackson resigned from the Senate in October 1825, but rebounded three
years later with another presidential campaign, this time unseating incumbent
Adams with a decisive electoral margin of 178 to 83. He won reelection in
1832 with an even more decisive edge, receiving 219 electoral votes versus
49 for National Republican Party nominee Henry Clay, and seven for William
Wirt, representing the Anti-Masonic Party.
Jacksons eight years in office were marked by successive bitter controversies. He paid off Americas national debt in 1835the only such accomplishment by any presidentthen saw the country plunge into severe depression
two years later, increasing the debt tenfold. His reliance on the spoils system
prompted charges of cronyism and corruption, and his dismantling of the national bank caused financial speculation and manipulation to proliferate. His
relentless campaign of Indian removal amounted, in effect, to ethnic cleansing
of Native Americans from land desired by whites, claiming the lives of some
4,000 Cherokees alone on the long Trail of Tears from the Deep South to Indian Territory (now Oklahoma). On his last day in office, Jackson admitted
two lingering regrets: that he had been unable to shoot Henry Clay or to hang
John C. Calhoun. Tuberculosis claimed the former presidents life at his Tennessee plantation, on June 8, 1845.
Further Reading
Brands, H. W. Andrew Jackson: His Life and Times. New York: Anchor Books, 2006.
Meacham, Jon. American Lion: Andrew Jackson in the White House. New York: Random
House, 2008.
Wilentz, Sean. Andrew Jackson. New York: Times Books, 2005.
J A C K S O N , W H A R L E S T, S R .
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Wharlest Jackson Case. The Civil Rights Cold Case Project. http://coldcases.org/
cases/wharlest-jackson-case.
Whitehead, Don. Attack on Terror: The FBI Against the Ku Klux Klan in Mississippi. New York:
Funk & Wagnalls, 1970.
J O H N PA U L I I
British troops in battle against France during 14201421, and married the Earl
of Somersets daughter in 1424. Meanwhile, long-winded negotiations for his
release dragged on, encompassing exchange of other prisoners. Murdoch Stewart, son of the Duke who allegedly killed Jamess brother, had been captured in
1402 and was finally exchanged for Henry Percy, 2nd Earl of Northumberland,
in 1416. He rushed home to succeed his father as Duke of Albany and governor of Scotland, while James awaited payment of 40,000 for his release in April
1424. That ransom was obtained by raising taxes, a circumstance that brought
James back to Scotland with one strike against him in the public mind.
Formally crowned on May 21, 1424, James anticipated the hostility of nobles
allied with the Duke of Albany. In March 1425, James arrested Murdoch, two
of his sons, and 25 of their allies on charges of treason. Murdoch, his sons, and
a fourth defendant were convicted in May, executed by decapitation at Stirling
Castle. Others detained by James at various times included Alexander of Islay,
Earl of Ross (1428), Archibald Douglas, 5th Earl of Douglas (1431), and George
II, Earl of March (1434). Each in turn was freed upon payment of ransom,
which James used for the construction of Linlithgow Palace in West Lothian.
Such treatment of his adversaries, coupled with ever-increasing taxation,
encouraged rebellion against James I. His ill-conceived alliance with France
against England, meanwhile, renewed hostilities across the border. James besieged the English outpost at Roxburgh Castle in August 1436, but suffered an
embarrassing defeat. Two months later came the attempt to arrest him, leading
ultimately to his murder.
Jamed II, only seven years old at his fathers death, ruled as best a child can
under the guidance of Archibald Douglashis first cousin and the same earl
imprisoned and ransomed by his father in 1431. Archibald died in June 1439,
and James II literally turned the tables on his keepers in November 1440, seizing and executing successor William Douglas and his brother during a banquet
in Edinburgh. Sporadic family feuding continued until August 1460, when
James II died in an attack on the same Roxburgh Castle that had broken his fathers spirit 24 years earlier.
Further Reading
Balfour-Melville, Evan. James I, King of Scots. London: Methuen, 1936.
Brown, Michael. James I. Edinburgh: Tuckwell Press, 2000.
Magnusson, Magnus. Scotland: The Story of a Nation. New York: Grove Press, 2003.
Traquair, Peter. Freedoms Sword: Scotlands Wars of Independence. London: HarperCollins, 1998.
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J O H N PA U L I I
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KABILA, LAURENT-DSIR (19392001)
On January 16, 2001, while meeting with one of his top advisors, LaurentDsir Kabila, president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), was
shot by one of his bodyguards. Other guards killed the shooter, Rashidi Kasereka,
as he tried to flee the scene. Kabila was rushed to Kinshasas hospital, where
he died on January 18. Son Joseph Kabila succeeded his father on January 26,
describing the assassination as the first move in an abortive coup. Police named
a cousin of Kabila, Colonel Eddy Kapend, as the coups ringleader, charging
him and 135 others with conspiracy. A military tribunal convicted Kapend and
89 other defendants, exonerating 45. Kapend and 25 others were sentenced to
death, but execution was deferred, sending them to prison with the 64 other
convicted defendants who received prison terms ranging from six months to
life. Observers of the proceedings differ in their opinions concerning the guilt
of those convicted.
Laurent-Dsir Kabila was a member of the Luba tribe, born at Baudoinville in the former province of Katanga, on November 27, 1939. His affluent
parents sent him abroad to study in France and Serbia, followed by graduation from Tanzanias University of Dar es Salaam. When Belgium granted independence to the Congo, in June 1960, Kabila was a member of the General
Association of the Baluba People of Katanga, allied with Patrice Lumumba in
conflict against rival Moise Tshombe. Lumumba won election as the DRCs first
prime minister, but was assassinated in September 1960. Five different prime
ministers held office in the next 12 months, before Cyrille Adoula managed to
complete a three-year tenure. Under Adoulas regime, in 1962, Kabila served as
cabinet chief for Minister of Information Ferdinand Tumba, while also being a
member of North Katangas provincial assembly.
Kabilas longtime adversary, Moise Tshombe, took office as prime minister in
July 1964, beginning a new round of conflict and violence. Kabila joined the
Conseil National de Libration, organizing revolution in the eastern Congo,
where he was assisted during 1965 by Che Guevara. Guevaras diaries indicate
his disappointment in Kabila as a revolutionary, noting his habitual distraction,
tardiness in joining various guerrilla actions, and failure to supply agreed-upon
support. Although Kabila possessed genuine qualities of a mass leader, Guevara found him sadly lacking in revolutionary seriousness.
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That judgment aside, Kabila persevered in his war against Tshombe and his
successors, fighting on after the DRC was reborn in October 1971 as the Republic of Zaire. Leading a new Peoples Revolutionary Party (PRP), armed and
bankrolled by Chinese communists, Kabila established a stronghold in South
Kivu Province, declaring it a breakaway Marxist state, growing wealthy over
time from the proceeds of smuggling, extortion, and robbery. Kabila disappeared without a trace in 1988, leaving the PRP to flounder and disband. He
was presumed dead for eight years, then resurfaced in November 1996, at the
helm of a new Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo, leading attacks on the regime of President Mobutu Sese Seko with backing from
Rwanda and Uganda.
The campaign was successful, forcing Mobutu into exile by May 1997,
whereupon Kabila proclaimed himself president, suspended the constitution,
and changed the countrys name back from Zaire to the Democratic Republic
of the Congo. Abandoning his former hard-line Marxism, Kabila offered concessions to foreign investors, but critics denounced him as corrupt, declaring that he had simply revived the former South Kivu kleptocracy on a larger
scale. Complaints of despotism and human rights violations proliferated. By
1998, Kabilas former allies in Uganda and Rwanda had established yet another revolutionary groupthe Congolese Rally for Democracyto depose
him. So began the Second Congo War, with Kabila seeking new allies in Angola, Namibia, and Zimbabwe. Despite insertion of United Nations peacekeeping forces, that war was still ongoing at the time of Kabilas assassination.
K A D Y R O V, A K H M A D A B D U L K H A M I D O V I C H
Conspiracy theories surround Kabilas murder. Critics of the trial that followed his assassinationincluding Mwenze Kongolo, who served as Kabilas
minister of justiceclaim that those convicted of plotting to slay Kabila are
scapegoats. Some investigative journalists believe the plot was orchestrated by
former child soldiers from South Kivu. Others point to agents of UNITA, the
National Union for the Total Independence of Angola, which had been at war
with the Angolan government since 1961. Yet another theory claims Rwandan
soldiers were involved, claiming that Colonel James Kabarebe, commander of
Rwandan forces inside the DRC, announced Kabilas death with the remark,
Good news from Kinshasa. Our boys did it.
See also: Lumumba, Patrice mery (19251961).
Further Reading
Autesserre, Sverine. The Trouble with the Congo: Local Violence and the Failure of International Peacebuilding. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
Ngolet, Franois. Crisis in the Congo: The Rise and Fall of Laurent Kabila. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.
Nzongola-Ntalaja, Georges. The Congo from Leopold to Kabila: A Peoples History. London:
Zed Books, 2002.
Trefon, Theodore. Congo Masquerade: The Political Culture of Aid Inefficiency and Reform
Failure. London: Zed Books, 2011.
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KAHANE, MEIR
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K AHANE, MEIR
Controversial rabbi and politician Meir Kahane, assassinated in November 1990. (Associated Press)
War II. At age 15, Kahane was arrested for lobbing eggs and tomatoes at Bevin,
upon his arrival at New Yorks waterfront.
Kahane pursued an Orthodox education at the Yeshivah of Flatbush
(Brooklyn) and the Brooklyn Talmudical Academy, before receiving his rabbinical ordination. A bachelors degree in political science followed, from
Brooklyn College, after which he studied law, earning a JD and an LLM. At
26, he was a rabbi for a synagogue in Queens, but sparked rebellion when he
tried to install a partition separating men from women in the congregation.
Politics dominated Kahanes life from the late 1950s onward. An ardent anticommunist, he joined the far-right John Birch Society, but wife Libby later
claimed that he only infiltrated the group as an informant for the Federal
Bureau of Investigation. In 1968, he founded the Jewish Defense League
(JDL; see sidebar), pledged to protect New York Jews from overt acts of
anti-Semitism. Clashes with neo-Nazis ensued, and the organization grew
quickly, with membership exceeding 15,000. By then, the JDL had branched
out into terrorism, focusing primarily on hostile Arab targets in the United
States and Russian embassies or other symbols of Soviet anti-Semitism.
Kahane immigrated to Israel in 1971, declaring his intent to focus on Jewish education, but the lure of politics proved irresistible. Between scores of
arrests for public demonstrations, he found time to found the Kach (This is
KAHANE, MEIR
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El Sayyid Nosair was finally punished, after a fashion, for Kahanes murder.
In 1993, FBI agents arrested Sheik Omar Abdel-Rahman and others for participation in an elaborate conspiracy that included bombing New Yorks World
Trade Centers and an abortive plot to liberate Nosair from prison. The indictment included Kahanes assassination as a part of that conspiracy, and Nosair
was convicted with the others at trial, receiving a sentence of life without parole plus 15 years. In 2002, the U.S. Senate Intelligence Committee reported
that Al-Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden had paid for some of Nosairs legal expenses in 1991.
Further Reading
Breslauer, Daniel. Meir Kahane: Ideologue, Hero, Thinker. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen
Press, 1986.
Friedman, Robert. The False Prophet: Rabbi Meir Kahane, from FBI Informant to Knesset
Member. New York: Lawrence Hill, 1990.
Kahane, Meir. The Story of the Jewish Defense League. New York: Institute for Publication of the Writings of Rabbi Meir Kahane, 2000.
Rosenthal, Richard. Rookie Cop: Deep Undercover in the Jewish Defense League. Wellfleet,
MA: Leapfrog Press, 2000.
Although of royal descent, Kapodistrias was a dedicated liberal and democrat. He entered politics at age 25, as chief minister of state for the Septinsular
Republic, established under nominal Ottoman sovereignty in the Ionian Islands, with native nobles in charge. A Byzantine Constitution, imposed by
the sultan at Constantinople in 1800, loosely governed the seven-island republic until 1807, when French forces regrouped and recaptured the Ionian
Islands, dissolving Ottoman rule. Two years later, Kapodistrias volunteered
for Russias diplomatic service under Czar Alexander I, and was dispatched
to Switzerland Russias unofficial ambassador in November 1813. There, he
helped begin the process of restoring Switzerlands federal regime, dismantled
by Napoleon Bonaparte a decade earlier, and secured for himself a six-year
term as Russias foreign minister, beginning in 1816.
Kapodistrias retired from Russian service in 1822, settling in Geneva for
the next five years, though he continued to support the cause of Greek independence from Ottoman rule. That long struggle climaxed with victory in
April 1826, and the following year, a new Greek National Assembly chose Kapodistrias in absentia as the first governor of independent Greece. In January
1828, Kapodistrias arrived on the Greek mainland for the first time in his life,
proceeding to the capital at Nafplio.
During his three years and nine months in office, Kapodistrias built rural
schools and the first modern Greek university, reorganized military forces scattered during conflict with the Turks, and established the nations first quarantine system to end epidemics of cholera, dysentery, and typhoid fever. He
introduced potato cultivation, to enhance Greek agriculture, and created foundations to employ young women, while introducing modern currency in the
form of the Greek phoenix. Such sweeping changes inevitably sparked opposition in some quarters, including certain wealthy merchant families and rebellious inhabitants of the Mani Peninsula, with its capital at Areopoli, where
Petrobey Mavromichalis ruled in the style of a feudal warlord. The imprisonment of Petrobey, in 1831, provoked assassination in return.
Kapodistrias was briefly succeeded by his younger brother, Augustinos, but
his six-month term as governor proved chaotic. He left office in March 1832,
with three successive governing councils attempting to salvage the First Hellenic Republic between April 1832 and February 1833. They accomplished
nothing, beyond demonstrating the futility of government by committee, and
thereafter ceded power to King Otto, establishing a 114-year monarchy.
Further Reading
Clogg, Richard. A Concise History of Greece. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2002.
Sergeant, Lewis. Greece in the Nineteenth CenturyA Record of Hellenic Emancipation
and Progress: 18211897. London: T. Fisher Unwin, 1897.
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Following the ICJs unenforceable ruling of 1971, Kapuuo led NUDO into
a new National Convention, joining SWANU, SWAPO, and other groups in a
united front against South African rule of Namibia. Two years later, the United
Nations undercut Kapuuo by declaring SWAPO the sole legitimate representative of native Namibians. That decision shattered the National Convention in 1974, and Kapuuo and NUDO joined in the Turnhalle Constitutional
Conference of 19751977, laying the groundwork for eventual Namibian
self-government.
South African authorities used Kapuuos assassination as an excuse to purge
SWAPO. On May 4, 1978, white troops launched Operation Reindeer, a sixday invasion of neighboring Angola that killed more than 1,200 SWAPO members in base camps at Chetequera and Dombondola. South African spokesmen
justified the attacks with a list of criminal incidents blamed on SWAPO, including the murder of Clemens Kapuuo.
Many Hereros still reject that theory. In January 2002, Herero paramount
chief Kuaima Riruako accused South Africas former apartheid regime of planning and executing Kapuuos assassination. According to him, Kapuuo was
killed by colonial imperial capitalists especially the South African regime and
their cohorts. I am saying this because even today the inquest on his death is
not clear. Let us be honest. The very same people who are refusing to find out
who killed Kapuuo, gave him a state funeral.
Further Reading
Leys, Colin, and Susan Brown, Histories of Namibia: Living through the Liberation Struggle. London: Merlin Press, 2004.
Wallace, Marion. A History of Namibia: From the Beginning to 1990. London: C. Hurst
& Co., 2011.
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was a foreigner, possibly born in Uganda. That confusion may have arisen from
his widespread travels as a sailor, early in his life, achieving knowledge of the
world by experience, in lieu of formal education. Upon returning to his homeland, he entered politics as a member of the ASP, allied (and later merged)
with the Tanganyika African National Union. Britain controlled Zanzibar at
that time, but granted independence to the island in December 1963. In the
countrys first election, the ASP won a slim majority of the popular vote, but
the Arab-dominated Zanzibar Nationalist Party closed ranks with the mostly
African Zanzibar and Pemba Peoples Party to claim victory under Sultan Jamshid bin Abdullah.
On January 12, 1964, with Karume traveling on the African mainland,
members of the Umma Party and ASP rebelled in Zanzibar, led by ASP member John Okello. They deposed the sultan and declared Zanzibar a republic,
with a Revolutionary Council in charge. To Okellos surprise, the council chose
Abeid Karume as president, while naming Umma Party leader Abdulrahman
Mohamed Babu as prime minister (later vice president). Okello was shuffled
aside and left for the Congo, where he was jailed several times, then vanished
forever after being seen with Ugandan dictator Idi Amin, in 1971.
Hassan Nassor Moyo, a member of Karumes cabinet, described the president as a man who loathed discrimination, working tirelessly to unite the islands
28 separate ethnic groups. Karume chose an Arab, Salum Rashid, as the Revolutionary Councils First Secretary, thus extending an olive branch to the deposed
regime, but subsequent events suggest that he did not go far enough to please Abdulrahman Babu or the Umma Party. Sixteen attempts to overthrow the government were logged between 1964 and Karumes eventual death, eight years later.
Following Karumes murder, 57 defendants were charged with treason, held
for trial in a curious proceeding where Attorney General Wolfgang Dourado
served as both prosecutor and defender of the accused. Chief Justice Ali Haji
Pandu, presiding at the trial, also displayed an apparent conflict of interest, admitting that 15 of the defendants were his personal friends and former classmates. The trial produced 35 convictions, and 23 defendants were acquitted
of all charges. Babu, named as the plots mastermind, was sentenced to death
with the other 34 convicted prisoners, but all of the death sentences were later
commuted to various prison terms. Babu and 12 others served the longest sentences, released in 1978 under an amnesty declared by President Julius Nyerere.
Karumes death proved disastrous for the Umma Party that hoped to replace
him. With most of its leaders in prison, the party soon dissolved, leaving the
ASP stronger than ever. Karumes son, Amani Abeid Karume, served as principal secretary in the ministry of finance (19711974), principal secretary in
the ministry of planning (19741978), and principal secretary in the ministry
of communications and transport (19781980), and finally spent a decade as
president, from November 2000 to November 2010.
K E N N E D Y, J O H N F I T Z G E R A L D
Further Reading
Burgess, G. Thomas. Race, Revolution, and the Struggle for Human Rights in Zanzibar.
Athens: Ohio University Press, 2009.
Petterson, Donald. Revolution in Zanzibar: An Americans Cold War Tale. Boulder, CO:
Westview Press, 2004.
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Navy during World War II, in the Pacific theater. Elected to the House of Representatives in 1946, he served six years there, and seven in the Senate, before
emerging from a close and highly controversial White House race in 1960, as
the countrys youngest elected president. He also generated more public controversy than any president since Franklin Roosevelt, based in equal parts on
his religion (Roman Catholic), his civil rights initiatives for African Americans,
a failed invasion of Cuba in April 1961, a subsequent standoff with Russia over
missiles planted on that island, and his aggressive war against organized crime.
By 1963, as he began campaigning for a second term, there was no shortage of
potential enemies who wished him dead.
Murder of a U.S. president was still a state offense, equivalent to any other
murder, in November 1963. Dallas police emerged as seeming bunglers for
their handling of the case, from misidentification of the alleged murder rifle
detectives first described it as a 7.25-mm German Mauser; it was, in fact, a
6.5-mm Italian Mannlicher-Carcanothrough sensational press conferences,
to having their prime suspect gunned down live on national TV. Some other
agency would have to build a case, although if Oswald was a lone assassin,
there would be no trial.
There were problems, as well, with local handling of the presidents body
and analysis of his wounds. Physicians at Parkland hospital recorded three
wounds: one in front of Kennedys throat, described as an entrance wound; another in his back, five to six inches below the neck, with no projectile found
and no exit point; and a massive, obviously fatal wound at the right rear of
Kennedys skull. Texas law required that autopsies of murder victims be performed within the state, unless the crime occurred on federal property, yet Dallas Countys district attorney and medical examiner agreed to removal of the
corpse, at the demand of JFKs widow and President Lyndon Johnson. Kennedys autopsy was performed at Marylands Bethesda Naval Hospital (now Walter Reed National Military Medical Center), by Dr. George Burkley, then a rear
admiral in the U.S. Navy Medical Corps. He concluded that two shots struck
Kennedy, both from the rear, with neither projectile recovered.
Meanwhile, a single nearly pristine rifle bullet had been found at Parkland
Hospital, in Dallas, lying on a stretcher in the area where JFK and Governor
Connally were delivered for emergency treatment. No one could determine
which stretcher, but it was initially assumed that the slugtoday known as
Warren Commission Exhibit (CE) 399must have come from Kennedys
body, falling out of his shallow back wound, perhaps during cardiac massage.
That view changed radically in months to come, as we shall see.
J. Edgar Hoovers Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) seemed to jump the
gun with its pronouncement of a single shooter in the Kennedy assassination.
At 3:01 P.M. on November 22, eight hours and 25 minutes before Lee Oswald
was accused of killing Kennedy, Hoover wrote a memo to his assistant directors,
K E N N E D Y, J O H N F I T Z G E R A L D
saying, I called the attorney general at his home and told him I thought we
had the man who killed the president down in Dallas, at the present time.
On November 24, shortly after Oswalds death, another Hoover memo stated:
The thing I am most concerned about, and so is Mr. [Deputy Attorney General Nicholas] Katzenbach, is having something issued so that we can convince
the public that Oswald is the real assassin. On November 26, Hoover wrote to
Assistant FBI Director Alan Belmont, Just how long do you estimate [completion of a final report] will take? It seems to me we have all the basic facts now.
President Johnsons blue-ribbon investigative commission, chaired by
Chief Justice Earl Warren, included Allen Dulles, former director of the Central
Intelligence Agency (CIA); John McCloy, former president of the World Bank;
Kentucky senator John Cooper; Georgia senator Richard Russell Jr.; House Majority Leader Hale Boggs; and House Minority Leader Gerald Ford. Evidence
appended to the commissions final report included testimony or depositions
of 552 witnesses, plus more than 3,100 exhibits. Even so, critics found much
challenge in the panels two-lone-gunmen verdict, complaining that testimony
from inconvenient witnesses was censored or ignored, that photographic evidence was altered prior to publication, and that unpublished portions of those
records were initially sealed for 75 years (to 2039) by order of President Johnson (later changed to 2017 under the JFK Records Act of 1992).
Examples of discrepancies in the commissions findings include a false denial of Jack Rubys longstanding ties to organized crime in Chicago, Dallas, and
elsewhere; omission of testimony from 51 witnesses who reported shots fired
at JFKs motorcade from a grassy knoll in front of the presidents car, rather
than the book warehouse behind the limousine, where Oswald was employed;
preoccupation with irrelevant trivia, filling pages with biographical data on
Oswald, Ruby, and their parents, wholly unrelated to JFKs murder; a complete
failure to investigate Kennedys outspoken enemies in the Mafia, right-wing extremist circles, and the Cuban exile committee; publication of selected frames
from a home movie of the shooting, filmed by witness Abraham Zapruder,
with the frames rearranged to show Kennedys head snapping forward, rather
than backward, on impact from the fatal head shot; and a magic-bullet theory advanced to explain how one virtually undamaged projectile could produce most of the wounds suffered by JFK and Governor Connally. Commission
member Allen Dulles, whose own CIA was suspected by some of plotting the
presidents death, encouraged suspicion of a cover-up in a comment concerning the Warren Commissions voluminous records, quoted in declassified minutes of a closed hearing. Nobody reads, he said. Dont believe people read in
this country. There will be a few professors that will read the record. The public will read very little.
As it happens, he was wrong. From 1965 until the present day, a nonstop
stream of books and articles dissecting Kennedys assassination have dissected
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the commissions findings, evidence, and items it ignored, hypothesizing various conspiracies. A smaller, but no less ardent body of literature defends the
commissions work and final judgment. Confusion over the original forensic
evidenceincluding reports of an entry wound in Kennedys throat, the fact
that FBI marksmen could not hit any target with Oswalds cheap Italian rifle
until they braced its telescopic sight with special shims, and the disappearance of JFKs preserved brain from the National Archivesonly increased the
clamor for full disclosure.
The Warren Commissions most controversial finding was its claim that a
single shot inflicted one of Kennedys wounds and all of those suffered by Governor Connally, a claim quickly derided by critics as the magic-bullet theory.
Ignoring medical reports of a shallow back wound with no exit path, the panel
decided that the Dallas stretcher bullet, CE 399, struck Kennedy in the back
of his neck and passed out the front (where an entry wound was reported at
Parkland Hospital), then angled downward to penetrate Connallys back, shatter a rib and exit from his torso, smash bones in his wrist, then bury itself in
his thigh, afterward dropping onto the hospital stretcher. Aside from its proposed erratic flight pattern, CE 399 itself challenged the single-bullet theory. It
was found to weigh 158.6 grains (10.28 grams), whereas new, unfired 6.5-mm
bullets leave the factory assembly line weighing 159.8 to 161.5 grains, with an
average weight of 160.844 grains. Fragments found in Connallys wrist alone
weighed 2 grains. Additionally, CE 399 was barely marked by firing, undeformed by smashing ribs and other bones, bearing no characteristic markings
of passage through fabric, human flesh, or blood. Still, the single-bullet theory
was essential to discrediting reports of a second gunman, firing from in front
of JFKs motorcade.
In February 1968, at request of the Attorney General Ramsey Clark, four
physicians met in Washington, D.C., to review the original JFK autopsy records, photos, and X-rays, as well as clothing, films, motion pictures, and
bullet fragments. Their confirmation of the Warren Commissions findings
that Kennedy was struck by only two shots, both fired from behind him
predictably failed to mollify critics of the commissions 1964 report. Indeed,
the panels finding of metallic fragments along the higher bullet trail through
JFKs neck, seemed to further weaken the Warren Commissions magic-bullet
scenario.
Original commission member Gerald Ford, now president, tried once more
to still that criticism in 1975, with creation of the presidents commission on CIA
activities within the United States. Launched in response to CIA assassinations
abroad, and mind-control experiments at home, the new panelchaired by
Vice President Nelson Rockefellersought to disprove claims that JFK had been
murdered by CIA agents or rogue agency associates. Once again, the 1963 autopsy was reviewed, in addition to films of the assassination taken by witnesses
K E N N E D Y, J O H N F I T Z G E R A L D
at Dealey Plaza. And once again, the panel confirmed Warren Commission findings, reporting that there was no evidence to support the claim that President
Kennedy was struck by a bullet fired from either the grassy knoll or any other
position to his front, right front or right side. . . . No witness who urged the
view that the Zapruder film and other motion picture films proved that President Kennedy was struck by a bullet fired from his right front was shown to
possess any professional or other special qualifications on the subject.
Again, predictably, critics were unconvinced.
A year later, spurred by unending controversy, Congress created the House
Select Committee on Assassinations, to reopen investigation of Kennedys death
and the slaying of Dr. Martin Luther King. Three years later, based chiefly on
acoustical evidence, the panel found a high probability that at least two gunmen fired at President John F. Kennedy, but that the grassy knoll shooter
had missed, leaving Oswald in effect the lone assassin. The Committee failed
to identify the second gunman or any potential conspirators, reporting that
the Mafia and Cuban exile organizations were not involved as groups, but
that the available evidence does not preclude the possibility that individual
members may have been involved in the conspiracy. That verdict, in turn,
produced mocking outcries from supporters of the Warren Commission, and a
new round of conspiracy literature.
Leading suspects in potential JFK assassination plots include:
The CIA, or some rogue element within it. Threatened with dismantling
by JFK after the Bay of Pigs fiasco in April 1961, pledged to continuance
of covert wars in Cuba, Central America, and Southeast Asia, the agency
had its own man on the Warren Commission, ideally placed to suppress
evidence. Several authors spin persuasive circumstantial webs linking
Oswald to the CIA, and Jack Ruby was a known participant in agencysponsored offensives against Fidel Castro.
The FBI, a long-shot contender for assassination per se, but clearly guilty
of suppressing evidence concerning its contacts with Oswald and Ruby
prior to November 1963. Agent James Hosty in Dallas admittedly destroyed notes of his pre-assassination interviews with Oswald, as well
as a note delivered to his office by Oswald shortly before JFKs murder.
J. Edgar Hoover personally despised both Kennedy brothers for their personal behavior, their liberal politics, and their insistence that the FBI belatedly engage in prosecution of high-ranking mobsters (some of whom
were the directors personal friends). It was also widely rumored that JFK
would celebrate his reelection by replacing Hoover with a younger successor, more amenable to the administrations goals.
Right-wing extremists, including violent segregationists such as the Ku Klux
Klan (KKK), White Citizens Council, and similar groups, bankrolled by
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K E N N E D Y, J O H N F I T Z G E R A L D
regime as muscle in Southern states. Prime suspects in the JFK assassination are New Orleans mafioso Carlos Marcello and colleague Santo Trafficante, from Tampa, Florida. Jack Ruby worked for Marcello in Dallas,
and had visited Trafficante in Cuba, during 1959. Both mobsters denied
involvement in the crime when questioned by the House Select Committee on Assassinationsbut both allegedly admitted their key roles in the
murder to underworld associates, before their deaths in the 1980s.
It remains to be seen whether the final release of Warren Commission files
in 2017 will resolve the nagging questions that surround President Kennedys
death. One thing seems fairly certain: controversies will continue.
INFAMOUS WEAPONS
Famous weapons are prized by collectors. Dallas police returned Jack Rubys revolver to his family, sparking a 28-year legal contest that climaxed
with a court order awarding custody to brother Earl Ruby. He sold it for
$220,000, but police in Washington, D.C., seized the gun when its buyer
offered to show it to Speaker of the House Thomas Foley. He regained it
through litigation in November 1993. He subsequently had Earl Ruby
fire 100 shots from the .38 and offered to sell the spent casings for $2,500
apiece.
Police also returned Lee Oswalds rifle to his widow. It was later purchased by the National Archives, along with the revolver that allegedly
killed Dallas Patrolman J. D. Tippit on November 22, 1963.
The derringer used to assassinate President Abraham Lincoln may be
viewed in the basement museum of Fords Theatre, in Washington, D.C.
The bullet removed from Lincolns head during his autopsy was kept by
the U.S. War Department until 1940, then passed to the Department
of the Interior. Today, it resides at the National Museum of Health and
Medicine in Washington, D.C.
The pistol used to kill Archduke Franz Ferdinand in 1914 was presented to the priest who administered last rites to the archduke and his
wife. It vanished when he died in 1926, then reappeared in 2004, whereupon it was donated to the Vienna Museum of Military History.
The rifle allegedly used to kill Dr. Martin Luther King in April 1968
remains in storage at the Shelby County Court, in Memphis, Tennessee.
Jerry Ray, brother of convicted assassin James Earl Ray, brought multiple
lawsuits to reclaim the weapon, but all were dismissed on grounds that
the rifle was voluntarily abandoned near the murder scene.
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Further Reading
Adams, Don. From an Office Building with a High-Powered Rifle: One FBI Agents View of
the JFK Assassination. Walterville, OR: Trine Day, 2012.
Anson, Robert. Theyve Killed the President!: The Search for the Murderers of John F. Kennedy. New York: Bantam Books, 1976.
Benson, Michael. Whos Who in the JFK Assassination: An A to Z Encyclopedia. New York:
Citadel Press, 2003.
JFK Assassination Records. National Archives. http://www.archives.gov/research/jfk.
Meagher, Sylvia. Accessories after the Fact. New York: Vintage Books, 1992.
Posner, Gerald. Case Closed. New York: Random House, 1993.
Report of the Select Committee on Assassinations of the U.S. House of Representatives.
National Archives. http://www.archives.gov/research/jfk/select-committee-report.
Waldron, Lamar. Legacy of Secrecy: The Long Shadow of the JFK Assassination. Berkeley,
CA: Counterpoint Press, 2008.
K E N N E D Y, R O B E R T F R A N C I S
Bobby as U.S. attorney general, with a mandate to hunt mob bosses nationwide. Following brother Johns assassination, longtime rival Lyndon Johnson
demoted Bobby, then fired him from the Justice Department, whereupon RFK
pursued and won a U.S. Senate seat from New York state in November 1964.
By March 1968, when Johnson declined to seek a second term, Bobby was a
leading voice against the war in Vietnam, and a front-runner for the looming
presidential race.
The second Kennedy assassination within five years appeared to be an
open-and-shut case. Sirhan had been literally caught red-handed, with the
smoking pistol in his fist, surrounded by eyewitnesses and television cameras.
Investigators found his diary, filled with wild, semi-coherent rants denouncing Kennedy over the candidates remarks supporting IsraelSirhan was a
Jordanian expatriateand endlessly repeating RFK Must Die! His attorneys
broached the topic of a guilty plea in February 1969, hoping for life imprisonment, but Sirhan then dismissed the lawyers, telling Judge Herbert Walker,
I will ask to be executed. At trial, a month later, Sirhan admitted shooting
Kennedy with 20 years of malice aforethought. Jurors took his word for it,
convicting him and recommending death.
And yet, there were significant discrepancies in what appeared, at first, to be
a flawless case.
To start, the pistol seized from Sirhan held eight cartridges, but witnesses
reported hearing 13 shots or more. Although that could easily be written off to
panic of the moment, there remained the awkward count of bullets logged by
FBI agents, the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD), and Associated Press
(AP) photographers. Eight bullets struck the shootings victimsthree for Kennedy alonebut annotated crime scene photographs and notes clearly identify
at least five other bullet holes in door frames and ceiling panels. The frames
and panels were quickly removed and destroyed, allowing prosecutors to claim
that the bullets observed by detectives were nail heads, but contemporary
notes and statements contradict those claims. One AP photo showed two uniformed patrolmen pointing at a bullet hole, circled by a pencil mark, in the
door frame; the officers also told prosecutor Vincent Bugliosi that they saw a
bullet in the hole. FBI agent William Bailey saw another bullet in the double
doors central divider. Hotel waiter Martin Patrusky described watching policemen dig a bullet out of that divider, and carpenters who later removed the
door frame reported similar finds.
Another problem arose from Kennedys wounds. Los Angeles County coroner Thomas Noguchi reported that all of the shots that struck Kennedy came
from behind him, with the fatal head shot behind his right ear fired no farther
than one inch away from his skull. Meanwhile, unanimous eyewitness testimony and the TV tapes confirm that Sirhan stood in front of Kennedy, never
getting closer than three to four feet from his target. Even if Kennedy turned
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from the first shots, as prosecutors suggested, Sirhans gun was never close
enough to scorch his skin with powder burns at anything approaching skintouch range.
A third problem involved the murder weapon itself. On June 11, 1968,
LAPD criminalist Dewayne Wolfer test-fired Sirhans supposed revolver and reported a ballistic match to the bullets removed from Kennedys body. Wolfer recorded the weapons serial number as H18602but in fact, the serial number
of Sirhans revolver was H53725. Questioned about the strange discrepancy
later, Wolfer called it a simple clerical error. By then, however, both revolvers had been melted down for scrap metal, so Wolfers test results could never
be confirmed.
In 1973, world-renowned criminologist Dr. Herbert Leon MacDonell examined bullets from the Kennedy crime scene, reporting in a sworn affidavit that
the slug from Kennedys neck (Exhibit #47) could not have been fired from
the same gun as Exhibit #54, removed from kitchen survivor William Weisel.
The following year, at a public hearing, Dr. Lowell Bradford, state criminologist for the California Division of Criminal Investigation, agreed with MacDonells findings. In 1975, a court-appointed panel of seven ballistics experts
convened to review the evidence, and although newspapers ran their decision
under headlines reading RFK Second Gun Theory Ruled Out, the panels report actually said that the question of a second shooter was more open than
before. Subsequently, researcher Rose Lynn Mangan discovered that Exhibit
#47, which should have had the coded designation TN31 etched in its base,
actually bore the etching DWTN. From that, she speculated that at least one
crime scene bullet had been switched with a slug from some other shooting,
accidentally or by design.
Another suggestion of evidence suppressed involves reports of a young
woman clad in a polka-dot dress, allegedly seen running from the Ambassadors kitchen area on June 5, saying, We shot him! We shot him! Witness
Sandra Serrano stopped the woman and asked what she meant, to which the
still-unidentified female replied, We shot Senator Kennedy! Several other
witnesses reported seeing the same person, including an elderly couple who
met her in a parking lot behind the hotel and reported her suspicious behavior
to LAPD officer Paul Sheraga. He, in turn, issued an all-points bulletin (APB)
for the young woman, described as well-built, with dirty blond hair and a
crooked or funny nose, wearing a white dress with blue or black polka-dots.
Stranger still, reports later surfaced of the same woman, or her virtual twin, loitering around the Ambassador days before the assassination, with a man who
resembled Sirhan.
Despite Sheragas APB on the mystery woman, investigators quickly abandoned their search for her and devoted unusual energy toward persuading
eyewitnesses that she did not exist. Sandy Serrano bore the brunt of what she
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(Y13332), but was never test fired for comparison with the crime-scene bullets. Cesars odd, seemingly pointless lie fueled conspiracy theories, although
journalist Dan Moldeaan outspoken proponent of a Mafia conspiracy behind the JFK assassinationclaimed in 1995 that Cesar took a polygraph test
years after the fact and passed with flying colors. (Those tests are inadmissible in most U.S. courts, based on uncertain reliability.)
Controversy over details of the second Kennedy assassination continues to
the present day. In 2004, an audio recording of gunfire from the hotel kitchen,
taped by Polish freelance journalist Stanislaw Pruszynski, surfaced and was
analyzed by a team under audio technician Philip Van Praag, who reported
sounds of 13 shots fired in the space of five seconds. Although skeptics dismissed those findings, concurring views were logged by forensic audio specialists Wes Dooley and Paul Pegas of Audio Engineering Associates in Pasadena,
California, forensic audio and ballistics expert Eddy B. Brixen in Copenhagen, Denmark, and audio specialist Phil Spencer Whitehead of the Georgia
Institute of Technology in Atlanta, Georgia. In 2008, assassination eyewitness
John Pilger reiterated his longstanding belief in a second kitchen gunman. Another witness to the slaying, Nina Rhodes-Hughes, told CNN in April 2012
that FBI agents had twisted her original statement, reporting the sound of
eight shots. I never said eight shots. I never, never said it, Rhodes-Hughes
insisted. There were more than eight shots. There were at least 12, maybe 14.
And I know there were because I heard the rhythm in my head.
Potential motives for a plot behind the RFK assassination mirror those suggested in his brothers case, with the added incentive of forestalling any reinvestigation of the Dallas murder. Intimates of RFK contend that he had promised,
if elected, to use his authority as president pursuing answers to the nagging
questions still unanswered from November 1963. Whoever set the stage in
Dallas, it is argued, had the most to fear from another Kennedy presidency. So,
too, would major mobsters, still recovering from persecution (as they saw it)
suffered in the years when Bobby Kennedy was the attorney general.
Aside from CIA involvement in the Los Angeles murder investigation, BBC
reporter Shane OSullivan produced a near-confession of sorts in November
2006. On the networks Newsnight program, he identified three men photographed at the Ambassador Hotel on June 5, 1968, as agents of the CIAs JMWAVE operation in Miami, Florida, headquarters of covert action against
Cuban leader Fidel Castro. OSullivan identified them as Chief of Operations
David Morales, Chief of Maritime Operations Gordon Campbell, and Chief of
Psychological Warfare Operations George Joannides. The program also aired
an interview with Robert Walton, attorney for the late David Morales, who
quoted his client as saying, I was in Dallas when we got the son of a bitch
[JFK] and I was in Los Angeles when we got the little bastard.
Some students of the RFK assassination suggest that Sirhan may have been
used by the CIA as a brainwashed or hypnotized Manchurian candidate
K H O Y S K I I S G E N D E R O G L U , FATA L I K H A N
gunman. As evidence, they cite Sirhans consistent claims that he has no memory of the assassination or its immediate aftermath, bolstered with odd writings from his diary that include disjointed phrases like pay to the order of,
interspersed with ravings that Robert F. Kennedy must be assassinated before
5 June 68 and my determination to eliminate RFK is becoming more the [sic]
more of an unshakable obsession. A psychologist and hypnotist, Dr. Eduard
Simson-Kallas, spent 35 hours studying Sirhan in prison, during 1969, and
came away convinced that the convicts amnesia was legitimate.
Evidence also suggests at least a coincidental link between Sirhan and elements of organized crime. Prior to Kennedys murder, Sirhan worked for a time
at a race track owned by a mob associate, and one of his defense attorneys at
trial, the late Grant B. Cooper, also represented mafioso John Rosselli in a 1968
card-cheating scandal at the Los Angeles Friars Club. In that case, Cooper was
found in possession of stolen grand jury reports and fined $1,000. After his
conviction and death sentence, Sirhan complained that Cooper was crooked;
he had Mafia and CIA connections. More specifically, Sirhan alleged, Cooper
was picked to make sure I was convicted and sent to my death, and Cooper
complied because they were planning to kill him.
Kennedys death in 1968, for all intents and purposes, ensured victory for
presidential hopeful Richard Nixonbankrolled, as we know today, by illegal
campaign donations from the Teamsters Union, organized crime, and reclusive
billionaire casino magnate Howard Hughes. All that followed after, from escalation in Southeast Asia to the Watergate scandal and Nixons near-impeachment,
may arguably be seen as results of the kitchen ambush in Los Angeles.
Further Reading
Kaiser, Robert. R.F.K. Must Die!: Chasing the Mystery of the Robert Kennedy Assassination. New York: Overlook Press, 2008.
Melanson, Philip. The Robert F. Kennedy Assassination: New Revelations on the Conspiracy
and Cover-Up, 19681991. New York: S.P.I. Books, 1994.
Moldea, Dan. The Killing of Robert F. Kennedy: An Investigation of Motive, Means, and Opportunity. New York: W. W. Norton, 1995.
OSullivan, Shane. Who Killed Bobby?: The Unsolved Murder of Robert F. Kennedy. New
York: Union Square Press, 2008.
Turner, William, and John Christian. The Assassination of Robert F. Kennedy: The Conspiracy and Coverup. New York: Basic Books, 2006.
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