Sociology of Sport Journal, 1995, 12, 147-157 © 1995 Human Kinetics Publishers, Inc. Contributions of the Sociology of Pierre Bourdieu to the Sociology of Sport Jean-Paul Clément Université de Strasbourg II This article deals with works in sport sociology based on Pierre Bourdieu's theory of habitus and field. The work of Defrance introduced this theory in social history. Subse- quently, Pociello and his team demonstrated the relations existing between the space of sports and that of social positions as well as the role of symbolic struggles involving various groups of sports participants in the dynamics of the sports system. The power of symbolism associated with sporting practices is closely bound to the social relevance of the physical dimension in sports. Also discussed is the equivalency between struggles for the definition of the legitimate body and social political struggles. The theoretical and methodological coherence of the works discussed here is sufficient to label thema ‘school’ within sociology of sport. Cet article porte sur les travaux en sociologie du sport s'inspirant de la théorie de Uhabitus et du champ de Pierre Bourdieu. Les ouvrages de Defrance ont inauguré cette perspective en histoire sociale. Pociello et son équipe ont par la suite démontré les relations existant entre I’ espace des sports et |'espace des positions sociales, ainsi que le réle des luttes symboliques opposant différents groupes de pratiquants dans la dyna- mique du systéme sportif. Le pouvoir de symbolisation des pratiques sportives est associé ala pertinence sociale de la dimension corporelle du sport. Est aussi discutée I’ équivalence existant entre les luttes pour définir le corps légitime et les luttes socio-politiques. La cohérence théorique et méthodologique des travaux discutés ici les constitue en école identifiable dans le champ de Ia sociologie du sport. The publication of Sports et société in 1981, an anthology edited by Pociello, is a concrete example of the impact of Pierre Bourdieu’s approach on French sociology of sport. Since then, a number of publications have extended these analyses either abroad, such as those of Laberge in Canada, or in France, such as those regrouped in two issues of Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales in 1989, Meanwhile, articles inspired by Bourdieu’s approach have appeared in journals within the fields of physical education and sports studies,' and a number of research reports have been produced within French universities. These publica- tions ask of sport the same questions that Bourdieu developed in his writings, Jean-Paul Clément is with the UFR STAPS, Université de Strasbourg II, 22 rue Descartes, 67084 Strasbourg Cedex, France. 147148 Clément particularly those concerning the literary and artistic field and its social structura- tion. The special nature of the works on sport resides in the relevance of the bodily dimension of sport. Two concepts are essential within this perspective: Bourdieu’s concept of one’s relation to the body, and the concept used by Boltanski in his analysis of medical consumption—the *‘social uses of the body’* (Boltanski, 1974). The Field of Sports Practices and Its Social Structuration The penetration of Bourdieu’s questions in the analysis of sports first takes place through historical sociology. The writings of Defrance in particular, with an inaugural article published in Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales (Defrance, 1976), attempt to elucidate the formative phases of the ‘‘field”’ of physical activity first in the case of gymnastics and subsequently in that of sports. Defrance (1987) also shows how this field constructed its own functional logic and issues, starting at the end of the 18th until the beginning of the 19th century. In order to understand how this construction developed during the 19th century, his method considers the social uses of exercise techniques, their status in different cultural spheres, and the attitude of their promoters in the structure of social and political relations. These steps are necessary to go beyond simple and explicit oppositions between the noble manners of the aristocracy and the entertaining practices of the fairground. It is then possible to understand why a number of pioneers belonging to the aristocracy (e.g., Madam de Genlis, tutor of the Duke of Orléans’ children) proposed gymnastic methods that were scandalous in their milieu because they suggested a certain intensity of movement and, above all, the possibility of generalizing a particular type of bodily education to the social body as a whole (Saint-Martin, 1989). Here, the political and cultural opposition ‘on the part of Orléanists? (who were allies of the liberal factions of the bourgeoisie) to the legitimate aristocracy is expressed in the domain of physical exercise. This analysis highlights the problematic constructed by Bourdieu in Outline of a Theory of Practice (1972/1977) on the basis of the anthropology of Marcel Mauss (1968) and Norbert Elias (1973, 1976): It shows that the methods of gymnastics and, by extension, those of sports or other codified physical activities are cultural products shaped by those who practice them. These products embody the funda- mental particularities of the group to which they belong. The notion of embodiment has a theoretical status and serves to affirm a dual refutation: (a) that of the illusion of the independence of physical activities and sports from social determinants, and (b) that of the possibility of a perfect correspondence between the history of texts, speeches, and pedagogical or politi- cal methods and doctrines, and the history of physical practices, their implementa- tion, and their development. ‘‘The origin of the first types of gymnastics can be traced back to the higher classes and assume among other things, the form of a debate on ideas. That does not, however, imply the primacy of intellectual developments resulting in practical achievements”’ (Defrance, 1987, pp. 14-15). The legitimacy of gymnastics exercises perceived as educational devices by an increasing number of social groups accelerates their dissemination and their differentiation and the professionalization of teaching. At the same time, with the emergence of sport in France at the end of the 19th century, conditionsContributions of Pierre Bourdieu 149 are present for the establishment of a genuine field of physical activities. For such an analysis, the contribution of Bourdieu is obvious. The use of the field theory makes it possible to distinguish the approach of Defrance from those based on the historical epistemology of Foucault, for instance, by introducing the concepts of strategy and competition in order to understand the involvement of agents. Starting at the end of the 1970s, the habitus and field theory is used systematically at the INSEP (the national institute for sport and physical education located in Paris) by Pociello and his research team. The project is to show the equivalences existing between the field of sports and the larger social field (Pociello, 1981). These analyses differ significantly from those of certain sports commentators. Indeed, the frequent reference in the sports media to relationships between sports (sport practices and sport spectacles) and the social classes is certainly not intended to improve the body of sociological knowledge on sport. On the contrary, it often results in the naturalizing of technical and social charac- teristics of a sport (popular or chic, violent or not) and, in doing so, in the naturalizing of social relations. This trend goes hand in hand with the importance granted by the world of sport to the individual and gratuitous aspect of sport. It partly explains the historical reservations of the media with regard to any sociolog- ical analysis of sporting practices. By replacing the concepts of need and motivation with those of disposition and strategy, the habitus and field theory departs from the psychologizing analyses of earlier sociological approaches such as those of Bouet (1968) or Dumazedier (1962). It also differs, in France, from Marxist theses as well as the neo-Marxist theses of an author such as Brohm (1976) by defining the concept of social class from a cultural point of view. A social class is a group of agents (defined in various ways) who share the same interests, social experiences, traditions, and value system, and who tend to act as a class and define themselves in relation to other groups of agents. Thus defined, the concept of class excludes neither the diversity of members nor the existence of internal conflicts. In these circum- stances, the definition of sport as an ideological state apparatus does not apply, since sport cannot be regarded as a homogeneous and coherent entity. Considered as social and cultural practices and located in the system of practices of which they form a part, sports become practices like any others, the sacred aura sur- tounding them being to some extent destroyed. Furthermore, their bodily dimen- sion and the social uses of the body that they allow make them an ideal field within which to understand the various class dispositions. For Pocieflo and his team (1981), to construct the sports system or the system of physical activities implies first of all the use of a comparative perspec- tive. However, assuming that the definition of sport is at stake in the struggle between sport participants implies abandoning restrictive definitions in favor of a wider definition, constantly revised through debates and clashes of opinions. To traditional competitive sports in Europe such as football, rugby, and track and field, then, are added physical activities such as yoga, aikido, outdoor activi- ties, and jogging. In fact, the social, cultural, and sports situation at the end of the 1970s in France favors the application of a model that Bourdieu used in Distinction (1979/1984). After the mid-1970s, together with the onset of the crisis in Western societies, new practices imported from California (e.g., windsurfing, surfing), creative dancing, and a number of practices imported from the East150 Clément (yoga, aikido) develop on a very large scale in France. In the beginning, these activities differ and run counter to traditional sports by emphasizing ecological, noncompetitive, free, individual, and unregulated aspects, in short, by proposing alternatives to traditional sports. Initially, Pociello’s work is based on the comparative analysis of four types of ‘‘antinomic’’ practices and their audiences: rugby union and athletics representing traditional, nationally regulated, and competitive practices; and hang gliding and creative dancing representing new sports trends. The comparative analysis then operates within two “‘historical"’ levels as well as within the four practices in order to outline a structure based on a series of antinomic couples: function/form, energetic dimension/informational dimension, regulated space/ free space, individual/collective. Pociello found that ‘‘force, energy, form (or grace) and reflexes have appeared . . . as bodily and cultural classification criteria operating on the diversified choices of physical activities. In fact, these criteria seem to account for the technical particularities of a number of sports . .. and to characterize the cultural dispositions of the groups concerned’’ (translation, 1981, pp. 236-237). More detailed surveys conducted with a similar perspective have focused on a group of sports or a single sport. For instance, Clément (1981, 1985) has attempted to show how the very different types of relation to one’s body associated with the practice of three combat sports (e.g., wrestling, judo, and aikido) are generally in harmony with the ‘‘relation to the world’’ and with the rules of the social game of the different categories of participants. It is understandable that the distance separating the combatants, the emphasis put on dodging and avoidance techniques, the value put on aesthetics, and the linking of aesthetics to the efficiency of a movement are aspects of aikido that match the relations to one's body prevalent in the upper middle classes, while the wrestling and the permanent hand-to-hand situation that aikido requires seem to attract the lower classes more. From the same theoretical point of view, Falt (1981) has constructed the field of the social uses of yachting, Blouin le Baron (1981) has similarly constructed the field of the social uses of creative dancing, while Pociello (1983) has rediscov- ered social differentiations even in the ways of playing rugby and entering into relationships with other players. The ensemble of these works highlights the similarities between sports, in the widest sense of the term, and cultures or class subcultures, these similarities being established on the basis of the sports’ technical or regulatory characteristics deemed to be socially relevant. The system of sporting practices proposed by Pociello (1981) as a hypothetical and provisional structure based on the socially relevant opposition between ‘‘high-information” and ‘‘high-energy’’ practices brings this first research phase to an end. Although the research program inspired by Bourdieu requires these preliminary clarifications, it is not restricted to that. In fact the aim is to analyze the dynamics of the system. Structures and Their Dynamics The risk incurred by the previously discussed approach lies in the naturaliza- tion of the characteristics of a sport or a social group and thus the reification of relationships between sports and social categories. We must not forget that aContributions of Pierre Bourdieu 151 single sport can reveal different meanings according to the historical and sotial conditions in which it was invented or practiced. Long-distance running does not have the same meaning in France and Japan, or for runners unaffiliated rt federation and competitive runners (Defrance, 1987). The technical 's of a sport are sometimes fashioned and always interpreted by the different groups of participants, and this makes analyses in terms of motor logic or technical structure very hazardous. The notion of sports system implies taking into account all these differentiated and evolving relationships with practices. Thus, the di: tive value of a sport or a type of practice is established in relation to other practices by a system of symbolic coding. Similarities found between sports and social groups are developed between different fields and not between points within each field. A better knowledge of the dynamics of the sports field implies the develop- ment of a number of levels of analysis considered in the inaugural works. In line with The Logic of Practice (Bourdieu, 1980/1990), surveys that are methodologi- cally very close to ethnology, like those of Wacquant (1992) and Waser (1989), as well as works such as those of Bruant (1992), reveal very precisely the dynamics of habitus in the construction of practices and sometimes in the transformation of the social uses and technical conceptions of practices. Wacquant’s (1992) partici- pant observation of life in a boxing club in a Chicago ghetto makes it possible to show that boxing is an individual sport, perhaps the prototype of the individual sport insofar as it puts into play—and in danger—the sole body of the fighter, whose proper learning is nevertheless quintessentially collective, in particu- lar because it presupposes a belief in the game which . . . is born and lasts only in and through the group that it defines through a circular process. In other words, the dispositions that make up the accomplished pugilist are, as all ‘techniques of the body,” “‘the work of individual and collective and practical reason’’ (Mauss, 1950). . . . to become a boxer is to appro- priate through progressive impregnation a set of bodily and mental disposi- tions that are so intimately interwoven that they erase the distinction between the physical and the spiritual, between what pertains to athletic “‘talent’’ and what belongs to moral capacities and will. (1992, p. 224, emphasis in original) The ‘‘pugilistic habitus’’ is thus developed through the meeting between a “social condition’ and a ‘‘system of dispositions’’ of young men from the ghetto under the authority of a specific trainer (Wacquant, 1992). This relatively closed universe of boxing, in which the expression of violence, because it is sporting in nature, remains highly euphemized in relation to the endemic violence of the ghetto, concerns a limited number of boxers. Nevertheless, professional boxing can be regarded as an essential and relatively stable reference point in the space of sports, one of the elements that symbolically structure relationships between the participant and violence. The dynamics of the system seem to impl ly acertain stability in the social significance of some sports like boxing or wrestling and, from another point of view, of certain martial arts Or emblematical practices So as to make it possible for all practices to acquire meaning.152 Clément Tennis, which has become a mass sport in France, is clearly not in the same category. In their respective surveys, Suaud (1989) and Waser (1989) highlight the socially relevant oppositions between clubs in two French towns, Nantes and Strasbourg, based on the internalization of socially differentiated positions. In addition, Waser establishes very precisely the interdependence of technical conceptions and game strategies with, on the one hand, players’ social Positions and, on the other, the positions they occupy in the club (which are often linked to their caliber). Tennis thus appears to be an area of highly diversified practices that are included in equally different lifestyles. In other works, the dynamics of the sports field is explored by looking at changes in the positions of a number of sports in the field over a period of time, and this in relation to social and cultural transformations. Suaud’s study (1989) on the dissemination of squash in Nantes shows that this sport, which was practically unknown in France before the beginning of the 1980s, spread more because of its technical and regulatory characteristics (e.g., speed, anticipation, reception of information, resistance, reflexes) than because of its apparent similar- ity to tennis. Squash, which implies intensive confrontation without physical contact or violence, is a sport for younger people (compared to tennis) but is comparable to tennis with respect to the social-professional category and social background of its participants. Differences are more evident with respect to the participants’ lifestyles. Squash attracts many more singles than tennis, players who like competition, and players who are also attracted by whiz and fun sports: According to Suaud, squash best symbolizes the situation of young people who have to ‘‘fight’’ professionally and psychologically in an economically difficult situation. Differences in lifestyles and relations to the world between squash players and aikido adepts at the end of the 1970s were very clear, despite the social proximity of the two groups. At that time, the practice of aikido was more in keeping with a multidimensional, countercultural attitude (Clément, 1983) that was shown not only in the rejection of traditional sports but also in the rejection of values and norms of the social and political system. Aikido thus conflicts with the conceptions of judo or the violence of karate and offers a type of nonviolent combative confrontation that fits the conceptions of young adults who are part of the underclass but are culturally gifted (Clément, 1985). These two examples of practices that are established and diffused in differ- ent social situations and with different social and cultural meanings highlight the historical dynamics of the restructuration of the sports field and the repositioning it implies for all sports. They also show that relations between social groups and sporting practices are neither total nor homogeneous. Last, the mobility of sports participants going from one sport to another is the subject of studies that take into account the effect of the context and the force of the habitus. Through the study of individual careers and shifts in practices, changes in the positions of sports within the field are partly explained, and it is easier to understand the relations between the social and the individual that contribute to the shaping of personalities. Understanding why a sports participant goes from tennis to golf, or why the son of a Spanish immigrant from the south of France starts like everyone else to practice rugby, then discovers judo in high school, then moves to aikido in his university days, makes it possible to grasp in terms of personal career theContributions of Pierre Bourdieu 153 social and historical dynamics of the sports system and to consider the central question of the symbolic nature of sporting practices. The Symbolic Nature of Sports Practices I consider here the importance attached by individuals to their sports prac- tices, since these practices construct individuals’ identities and affirm the fact that they belong to a social group. I have already stressed that in the sports field, and in relation to the dynamics of the social field, groups of participants strive to make known their own conceptions about their game. They thus define a **good"* way of playing, which they endeavor to impose. This results in conflicts, in which stakes develop according to the social situation and the position of sports in the field. This is shown by Defrance (1985), for instance, in his study on the develop- ment of new types of long-distance running in the 1970s in France, when competi- tive track-and-field events are in decline. ‘Road running”’ is practiced on a very large scale by individuals of the middle and upper classes often grouped in independent associations that are very critical of the Track and Field Federation. These participants symbolically present freestyle running as ‘‘the athletic world tumed upside down’’ (Defrance, 1985). As noted by Defrance, their dispositions are quite different. For example, a participant observed, You know, in the stadium and outside, there is no comparison. I say this because I know something about the two aspects of competition. In track and field running, it is almost always necessary to run with a knife between your teeth, like an animal. There is nothing like that in a marathon where you don’t run against someone but with someone. (translation, Defrance, 1989, p. 88) Symbolic struggles about a practice are based on a system of dual opposi- tions: running for oneself/competing against others, pleasure/pain, peaceful spirit/ aggressive spirit. They reveal the more general way in which processes of disquali- fication work against a rival form of sport that is often biomechanically similar. Similarly, Loirand (1989) suggests that the increasing interest in parachuting shown by those belonging to the small bourgeoisie modifies the conceptions associated with that practice. Parachuting is of military origin and, up to the end of the 1970s, mostly attracted members of the working classes. From the beginning of the 1980s, a symbolic recoding took place, and at the same time changes were brought about by technological innovations. This process led to the assimilation of different types of parachuting with ‘‘gliding practices’’ or whiz sports (Loirand, 1989). The impact of gender in the relationship to sport and in the acquisition of a practice can also be considered from the point of view of the field and habitus theory. This can be done by making a number of theoretical reformulations, as suggested by Laberge (1994). I can also mention here Dechavanne’s (1981) study, which analyzes the symbolic recoding and the corresponding transformation of practices accompanying women’s appropriation of ‘‘voluntary gymnastics”’ classes (a noncompetitive discipline designed to keep the body fit and improve154 Clément motor coordination, a form of education through physical movements along the lines of the neo-Swedish gymnastics). The works of Davisse and Louveau (1991) on women’s sports are equally interesting in that respect. To conclude on the question of sport symbolism, I will briefly present some of the social-historical perspectives based on the habitus and field theory. The power of symbolization of sporting practices is associated with the similarities existing between the space of struggles for the definition of legitimate uses of the body and the space of social and political struggles. In order to understand the introduction of Parisian judo in the 1930s, Clément has compared the visions of class relations that spokespersons of the middle classes in France had at that time, the state of social relations, the structure of the sports field, and the position of sport in the educational system (see Clément, Defrance, & Pociello, 1994). Pociello (1987) studied the question of sports metaphors and their power of symbolization, for example, through an analysis of the success of the ‘‘sport adventure,” More recently, works on the social production of sports heros have sug- gested the concept of the ‘‘universal hero’’ and have shown that the identification of ordinary people (or an important number of them) with a sports hero is the tesult of a considerable amount of work on the part of cultural intermediaries (e.g., journalists, novelists, intellectuals, etc.), which often involves for the hero some work to conform to the public’s expectations (Leite Lopes & Maresca, 1989). At this level of analysis, Bourdieu’s approach can be combined with other theoretically, compatible approaches. Sports champions, who loom large in modern heroism, have the capacity to embody and objectify the values of a social group because they seem to appeal to ‘universal values.’’ Therefore, an understanding of this symbolic process implies the use of approaches in both social history and constructivist anthropology (Cassirer, 1975; Lévi-Strauss, 1958). In coinciding with other theoretical systems, the habitus and field theory reveals its limits while demonstrating its fertility. Conclusion The sociology of sport as conceived by authors of the works mentioned in this article is above all an application of Bourdieu’s theory of the social. These works, then, are located in the field of sociological productions while they differ from the works based on other sociological issues. It is important to recall the essential place occupied by qualitative approaches (alongside social statistics) in the works based on Bourdieu's theory, and this, once again, questions the contributions of ethno-methodology, Weber's comprehensive sociology, Ci- courel’s cognitive sociology, and Elias’ historical epistemology. Indeed, processes of socialization cannot be reduced to a deterministic accession of agents to a type of practice, even if the choice is never free. Habitus is at the basis of the production of practices that are relatively unpredictable but limited in their diversity, and it is never expressed alone: It is rather expressed in relation to a series of strategies that agents must choose within a specific field. The investment of an individual in a group is above all an inclination to act that is produced by the relationship between the field of a game and a system of positions adapted to that game (Bourdieu, 1980/1990). TheContributions of Pierre Bourdieu 155 process of socialization is triggered by a meeting that is neither totally fortuitous nor totally obligatory, between an agent and a place that existed before and outside of the subject. Its active principle lies in the relationship that is established between these two social ‘‘objects,”” which each had a separate meaning before, meanings that will be renewed through the relationship. Meeting places, a team ora club, are also places of symbolic struggles. This reminds us that the phenome- nological paradigm is at the heart of the analysis and refers to the question of understanding the relative autonomy of sport in relation to the social (not reduced to class membership, but including all the characteristics of individuals, including age and gender). 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Le marché des partenaires: compétence technique et compétence sociale [The market of partners: Technical and social competencies]. Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales, 80, 2-21. tion? ].Contributions of Pierre Bourdieu 157 Notes "The expressions “physical education’’ and ‘‘sports studies"’ are used here, for North American readers. In French universities, the typical acronyms are E.P.S. for “Education Physique et Sportive’ (physical education and spor) and S.T.A.P.S. for “Sciences et Techniques des Activités Physiques et Sportives’’ (sciences and techniques of physical activities and sports). Well-known French journals in the fields of physical education and sports studies are Education Physique et Sport, Revue des S.T-A.P.S., and Travaux et Recherches en E.PS. >The Orléanists were the supporters of the Orléans family (a younger branch of the Bourbons), which had laid claim to the throne of France.Copyright of Sociology of Sport Journal is the property of Human Kinetics Publishers, Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use.