Strangers and Aliens in the Romanian Medieval World

Bogdan-Alexandru Halic
Ion Chiciudean
Corina Daba-Buzoianu
Abstract: This paper gathers the contributions of researchers
in the Image Management Methodology Special Seminar in the
Faculty of Communication and Public Relations of the National
School of Political and Administrative Studies in Bucharest and
comprises an essential part of the processed information used for the
Topical Dictionary of Romanian Historical Imagology Part 1. The
Middle Ages, under a Grant from the Romanian Academy.
Our paper aims to define the categories of stranger and alien
in Romanias 14th 16th centuries and to point out the relations
between these categories and natives. We took into consideration the
agro pastoral societies specific of the entire Romanian territory, which
were the most numerous in the era, as well as the urban ones existing
in the analyzed period. Special attention is given to ethnic, religious
and occupational aspects.
In addition, the imagological issues related to the subject - the
image of the stranger and the alienated - are analyzed from the
viewpoint of their relation with the natives self image. Our approach
starts from the idea that image is a framework interpretation of reality,
formed unconsciously at individual level and through social mimesis
and mental contagion at group level. This highly restricts the use of
collective image concept, beholden to the evolution of contagion
means. This is the reason why we pay special attention to the
reference systems of those who synthesize social images, considering
that we can speak about similar social images only when the
communication receptors reference systems are similar.
Key words: aliens, strangers, social image, the Middle Ages,
Romanian medieval world.
The aliens issue in Romanian medieval times is a topic less dealt
with by Romanian research. The experts reserve to this theme is most

2
Strangers and Aliens in the Romanian Medieval World
______________________________________________________________
probably due to the scarce sources to substantiate the research, but we believe
that it is also due to the difficulty in finding a relatively unified reaction of
the Romanian medieval world to the aliens. If, in terms of historical sources
we can admit our helplessness, we believe we can have a real contribution in
decoding the reactions to aliens, the starting point being the scientific
approach of historical imagological instruments.
From the historical imagology perspective, societies/civilizations are
primarily defined by the challenges they have to face (of natural causes and
caused by human activity), as well as by their capacity to adapt to such
challenges. Accordingly, the occupational structure/prevailing occupation of
the respective society is essential. This generates the Paradise and the
Realm of fear (specific mythology), theogonia, anthropogonia, collective
mentalities and adequate social behaviours (economic, political, military,
cultural)1. It is important that the parameters are not strictly chronologically
conditioned2. It is worth mentioning that, in our model, religions do not
genererate new types of societies, but rather shape the types of societies,
modifying the interpretation horizon filters, by interposing specific values.
For the era we deal with in this paper, two types of societies are relevant for
the Romanian space: agrarian societies3 and urban societies4. These will
coexist and generate a multitude of micro-societies - represented by living
communities - with different social image structuring characteristics,
behaviors and modalities.
Such an approach allows for a differentiated treatment of social
images5. Starting from the idea that images are structured at individual level
that it is difficult to talk about collective images, a more accurate term is that
of images common to certain social identity groups with a compatible
understanding of realities, based on common mental elements6.
Consequently, at the level of occupationally structured micro-societies, we
can talk about similar social images, generated by the similarities of the
specific interpretation horizon. The similarity of social image design also
applies to the issue of the aliens.
Starting from the definition according to which the alien is that
individual who refuses to participate in social life or who is excluded from it7,
we need to permanently consider that the alienation process is ultimately a
will exerted by one of the two parties: the individual and the community.
Probably one of the most elaborate and pertinent schemes regarding aliens
typology was issued by Jacques Le Goff8. According to that scheme, the
main categories of aliens are the excluded criminals (thieves and bandits),
vagabonds, strangers, prostitutes, suicidal and heretics - the declasss - illicit
professions, the sick, the crippled, the poor, women, children, the elderly,
illegitimate children - and the aliens proper - degenerates, the insane,

3
Bogdan-Alexandru Halic
Ion Chiciudean
Corina Daba-Buzoianu
______________________________________________________________
beggars, money lenders -, to which the imaginary aliens are added
(geographical wonders, monsters or wild men. Without rejecting this scheme
of alienation, we have to say that it is not relevant from the perspective of our
approach, as it does not clearly show who wishes alienation, nor which the
mechanism of alienation is.
Accordingly, this is the reason why - starting from the typology of
societies, under historical imagology perspective - we have established a set
of functional and image9 characteristics of the period, based on which the
acceptance/integration in traditional societies was achieved, at least in our
opinion. These functional and image levels make up the scheme of categories
for an image analysis - very general and generalizing - but, at the same time,
they articulate the system of image indicators necessary for interpreting
social images. We have thus outlined the criteria for setting the individuals
acceptance/non-acceptance in society and, implicitly, the elements that
generate exclusion.
Briefly, the functional and image levels we considered are: the
occupational dimension, the patrimonial dimension, the social dimension and
the physical dimension. Mention should be made that the ethnic dimension
and the religious dimension are not found in this scheme of categories. The
reason for the absence of the ethnic dimension resides in the fact that, in that
epoch, such an issue was not relevant as nowadays 10, while the lack of
quantifying religious aspects were compensated by structural elements of the
social dimension, which greatly take over the issues of religious rite11. In our
opinion, not meeting a criterion of the scheme of categories specific of each
type of society generates certain alienation.
Considering that the fundamental criterion for defining societies
from the imagological perspective was that of occupational prevalence, it is
only natural that a number of differences appear between the specific levels
of agricultural societies and the urban ones, respectively, in terms of image
and functional indicators. These are shown in the table below:
Image and
Functional Level
(image indicator)
Occupational
dimension

Specific image subindicators

Agrarian societies

Urban societies

Working the land as a

prevailing occupation
Small household industry
Normal participation in

Nonagricultural
occupations are prevailing
Active participation in

4
Strangers and Aliens in the Romanian Medieval World
______________________________________________________________
local trade
local trade
Occasional participation
Occasional participation
in medium distance trade in medium distance trade
Do not have illicit
Do not have illicit
professions
professions
Fairly earned wealth
Fairly earned wealth
Functional household
Functional household
Patrimonial
Good looking house
Good looking house
dimension
Sufficient land
Corresponding production
means
Corresponding livestock
Sufficient agricultural
inventory
Corresponding labour
Corresponding labour
force
force
Born in that society
Part of a respected family
Parents are known
Part of a respected family Respects traditions
Respects traditions
Obeys society laws
Obeys the laws of the
Respects customs
society
Respects customs
Meets his obligations in
Social dimension
society
Meets his obligations in
society
Has good relations with
Has good relations with
the other members of
the other members of
society
society
Corresponding
Corresponding
participation in society
participation in society
life
life
Born under normal
Mentally sane
conditions
Mentally sane
Whole body
Physical dimension
Whole body
No functional
abnormality
No functional
abnormality
In the absence of direct sources, it is difficult to reenact the
hierarchy of deviations from the scheme of social acceptance categories.
Things are the more difficult the more the custom and provisions of the old
Romanian Law are lost for todays researcher. However, it is equally true that

5
Bogdan-Alexandru Halic
Ion Chiciudean
Corina Daba-Buzoianu
______________________________________________________________
agrarian micro-societies developed a remarkable capacity to adapt to the
natural and anthropological environment. Actually, a permanent duplicity can
be easily seen in these cases, meant to ensure their survival. A possible
explanation of this situation is the specific demographical state of the
Romanian space in the Middle Ages. The low density of inhabitants 12, the
low number of a micro-societys members13, their low life expectancy14 are
most likely to have led to a reduced alienation, severely amended by the
community strengthening efforts. Another aspect to be considered is the fact
that, until the end of the 16th century, most of these micro-societies consisted
of free men who owned the land based on a condominium exerted by the
community and by the ruling /monarchic institution. The relation was based
on the obligation to serve in the military in the nonpermanent structures of
the principality, and most probably originated in the communitys old
ownership of the land15. As there were unevenly distributed demographic
concentrations over the territories of the principalities, no firm or permanent
authority of the central state, both secular and ecclesiastic, could be exerted
over agrarian micro-societies. Hence, a large autonomy and, implicitly,
increased importance paid to traditions and customs in regulating the
relationships between the members of the community.
It can be safely said that exclusion was little spread in the agrarian
societies. Hence, redemption16 was meant to compensate the perpetrators
guilt, converting it to a penal fee of significant value, but which saved him
the penal and social consequences of his deeds, canceling de facto exclusion.
Similarly, although specified in the legislation for a number of serious penal
facts - adultery, rape, women kidnapping, robbery, witchcraft, assassination,
unintentional poisoning, trespassing17 -, exclusion by exile or banishment
were not applied until later, a time which exceeds the time frame we are
dealing with here.
The community structure functions in a solitary manner and settles
the alienation issues caused by the patrimonial and social dimensions. Based
on the community councils decisions, the poor, the widows, the elderly, the
crippled18 and other categories of declasss could be exempted from
community obligations, and they could also be included in a family duly
integrated in the society. Tradition has preserved a wide range of practices
and ways meant to bring the declasss back to society, be they the sick, the
crippled19, the insane20, those born under abnormal conditions21, or the poor,
the widows or yet other categories liable to alienation. On the other hand,
exclusion was implacable in the case of suicidal, which was one of the rare

6
Strangers and Aliens in the Romanian Medieval World
______________________________________________________________
times when the Church intervened with intransigence in matters of alienation
and exclusion. A special situation is that of illicit professions. The
homogenous occupational structure of agrarian societies in the Romanian
space allowed for the emergence of only two professions likely to be called
illicit, namely that of locksmith and quack doctors22.
While agrarian micro-societies are relatively permissive with the
excluded and the declasss, the strangers have a different situation. Nowhere
else can it be more true that the stranger is the first to be excluded by the
medieval society23. Apparently a paradox, if we take into account the
communitys will to constantly strengthen itself, the strangers exclusion is
obvious and undoubted24. Around the middle of the 16th century, Anton
Verancsics mentioned that people are quite inhospitable25.
The explanation of such a seemingly undifferentiated behaviour in
the agrarian micro-societies fail most of the criteria proposed in our scheme
of categories. The occupational and patrimonial dimensions are evaded ab
initio under all of their subindicators. Things do not look any better for the
other dimensions either. Briefly, the stranger does not meet most of the major
criteria, and the lack of information about his origins or his past may infer
facts that implacably call for exclusion. The stranger might have an illicit
profession (which falls under ancient taboos strictly kept by the community),
might have something to do with evil forces - living ghost26, wizard or even
solomoner27 - or simply a criminal, a thief or an exiled.28 Probably the most
obvious form of strangers exclusion from agrarian micro-societies is the
Romanian traditional variant of the priority right29. Actually, the only way in
which a stranger could be integrated in the community was by marriage, and
in this respect the matrimonial taboos represented the guarantee for
acceptance in the micro-society.
In dealing with urban alienation a number of premises must be noted
as they definitely differentiate this type of micro-societies from the agrarian
ones, in the Romanian space. The first aspect is the multiethnic30 and
sometimes multireligious31 character of these micro-societies. Secondly, we
must mention that all the towns rightfully belonged to the ruler/monarch.
Therefore, his authority and that of the institutions depending on the central
power was much stronger than in the case of agrarian micro-societies. This
aspect is the more obvious the more the urban micro-societies in the
Romanian extra-Carpathian32 space never reached such an economic power
as to allow for options independent from the central authority. Consequently,
the exclusion phenomenon - whether in the case of criminals or thieves or
exiled - is more vigorously present than in agrarian micro-societies, although
it had always been the rulers exclusive prerogative to judge serious felonies
and to pass capital sentences. Nevertheless, the existence of courts of justice -

7
Bogdan-Alexandru Halic
Ion Chiciudean
Corina Daba-Buzoianu
______________________________________________________________
laic or ecclesiastical - subordinated to central institutions and the enforcement
of codes of laws generated more obvious alienation of those unadapted or of
malefactors.
One of the elements that probably had a prevailing impact on the
alienation phenomenon in urban micro-societies was the fact that solidarity so strong in smaller community structures - could not be manifested in this
environment, although demographic concentrations did not reach spectacular
figures33. Hence, the sick, the crippled, the beggars, the poor, the helpless
elderly are no longer taken care of by the community, but they are rather
alienated. There is a well known episode when Vlad the Impaler Dracula,
prince of Wallachia, under the pretence of offering a feast for the alienated,
actually made a massacre killing them cruelly, with the clear intention of
improving the communitys sanitation34. As a matter of fact, the prince got
his cognomen Impaler and a widespread fame in that epoch due to his fierce
fight against criminality by harshly punishing the thieves and the
wrongdoers35.
Moreover, the alienation caused by illicit professions - executioner,
sexton, prostitute, artist etc. - is a real fact. Contemporaries point out that
Romanians avoided being executioners, this profession was more frequent
among Gipsies and Tartars, both having a lower social status36, and the codes
of laws explicitly stress the alienation of artists37. According to some
sources, there were certain areas designated for the aliens - in the poor zone,
on Micus Hill, according to a document issued by the chancellery of Mircea
Ciobanul in 155238. Also, sources speak about some forms of professional
organization of the aliens - guilds of the executioners, of the poor, of the
wrongdoers -, authorized by the statal central institution and enjoying certain
privileges and immunities attested ever since the 15th century.39
The aspects related to the strangers issue need to be very carefully
defined. The ethnic-religious diversity of the members in urban microsocieties blurred significantly the connotations regarding the strangers
alienation. To an open community which lives on commercial activities, the
stranger represents a business opportunity rather than a risk for its patrimony.
In addition, unlike the agrarian societies, where the main patrimony was the
land, for urban micro-societies the patrimony consisted of cash money and
goods with a small volume but great value - jewels, objects made of precious
metal, fine fabrics etc. - which guaranteed the owner the financial security
and implicitly his integration in the community.

8
Strangers and Aliens in the Romanian Medieval World
______________________________________________________________
Suspicions most likely existed regarding the strangers who were not
wealthy, but in a society where information was passed rapidly and was of
vital importance for increasing the patrimony, traditional taboos were of a
much diminished intensity. Therefore, we believe that belonging to a
community was not given by religion nor by the ethnic group, but by
observing the written rules of the micro-society and by maintaining good
relations with the other members of the community.
This brief review of the issue of aliens and strangers in the
Romanian medieval world, and despite the scarcety of documents, we can
reach a minimum set of conclusions.
Firstly, we must point out that the alienation mechanisms differ
according to the type of society. Hence, if in the case of agrarian microsocieties exclusion was less emphasized, in the case of urban micro-societies
it is more vigorously manifested. A possible explanation is the fact that
agrarian micro-societies protect their members who are closely linked by
community solidarity, a fact that exceeds exclusion criteria. Another aspect
concerns the strength with which the central authority exerts its prerogatives.
The more the central authority makes its presence felt in the micro-society,
the more obvious is the exclusion and alienation phenomenon.
The second aspect refers to the alienation of the stranger. We can
say that for the two types of societies studied, a reverse relation becomes
evident between exclusion and alienation of the stranger. The weaker the
exclusion is, the stronger the alienation of the stranger, and the other way
round.
An aspect that we believe requires further researches are the
correlation between the type of patrimony ensuring the social prestige and the
attitude towards the stranger. From the data available, we conclude that the
stranger is strongly alienated in a society based on patrimonial hierarchy
according to the real estate owned, such as the agrarian micro-societies are.
The conservatism of such a type of society, the community members major
interest in preserving the land within the community, the great significance of
the traditional images on the way in which collective mentalities are shaped,
all these generate an undoubted reaction of alienation of strangers. On the
contrary, in societies where the patrimonial hierarchy is based on goods of
great value with a little volume or on amounts of money treasured, strangers
are more easily accepted and their alienation is much limited.
References

9
Bogdan-Alexandru Halic
Ion Chiciudean
Corina Daba-Buzoianu
______________________________________________________________

1. Candrea, I A., Compared Romanian medical folklore. General

View. Magic Medicine, Polirom, Iai, 1999.

2. Chiciudean, I., Halic, B-A., Imagologie. Imagologie istoric

(Imagology. Historical Imagology), Comunicare.ro, Bucharest,
2003.

3. Documenta Romaniae Historica, B. ara Romneasc, I (12471500), Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Bucharest,
1966.

4. Documents on Romanian History, Wallachia, 16th century

(Documente privind Istoria Romniei, B. ara Romneasc, veac
XVI, III), Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania,
Bucharest, 1951.

5. Evseev, I., Dictionary of magic, demonology and Romaniani

6.

mythology, Amacord, Timioara,1999.

Feudal Institutions in Wallachia. Dictionary, Academy of the
Socialist Republic of Romania, Bucharest, 1988.

7. Halic, B-A., Chiciudean, I., Analiza imaginii organizaiilor

(Analysis of organisations image), Comunicare.ro, Bucharest,
2004.

8. Halic, B-A., Chiciudean, I., Prolegomene la investigarea

imagologic n Evul Mediu romnesc (Introduction to the
Imagological Investigation of the Romanian Middle Ages), in
Romanian Review of Communication and Public Relations, 2007.

9. Le Goff, J., Civilization of Medieval West, Scientific Publishing

House, Bucharest, 1970.

10. Le Goff, J., Les Marginaux dans lOccident Mdival, in Les

Marginaux et les exclus dans lhistoire, Cahiers Jussieu, 1979.

11. Mazilu, D H., Lege i frdelege n lumea romneasc veche, (Law

and Crime in the Old Romanian World), Polirom, Iai, 2006.

10
Strangers and Aliens in the Romanian Medieval World
______________________________________________________________
12. Oiteanu, A., Order and Chaos. Myth and Magic in Traditional
Romanian Culture, Polirom, Iai, 2004.
13. Stahl, H. H., Contributions to the study of Romanian villages owned
in common by inhabitants, 2nd edition, revised, introductory study
and edition prepared by P. H. Stahl, Cartea Romneasc, Bucharest,
1998.
14. Stahl, H. H., Les anciennes communautes vileageoises roumaines asservissement et penetration capitaliste, Academy of the Socialist
Republic of Romania, Bucharest 1969;

15. Stvru, I., Medieval Stories about Vlad the Impaler Dracula.
Critical Study and Anthology), 2nd edition revised, Univers
Publishing House, Bucharest, 1993.

16. Verancsics, A., Description of Transylvania, Moldavia and

Wallachia, in Foreign Travellers about the Romanian Principalities,
I, volume prepared by M Holban, Scientific Publishing House,
Bucharest, 1968.

17. Vulcnescu, R., Romanian Mythology, Academy of the Socialist

Republic of Romania, Bucharest,1985.

18. Zaremska, H., Marginalii, in Le Goff, J., Schmitt, J-C., Topical

Dictionary of the Western Middle Ages, Polirom, Iai, 2002.
Author identification:
Bogdan-Alexandru Halic, PhD, Reader at Faculty of Communication and
Public Relations, National School of Political and administrative Studies,
Bucharest, Romania.
Ion Chiciudean, PhD, Reader at Faculty of Communication and Public
Relations, National School of Political and administrative Studies, Bucharest,
Romania.
Corina Daba-Buzoianu, PhD Candidate at Alexandru Ioan Cuza University
(POSDRU/88/1.5/S/47646), Assistant Lecturer at Faculty of Communication
and Public Relations, National School of Political and administrative Studies,
Bucharest, Romania.

I Chiciudean, B-A Halic, Imagologie. Imagologie istoric (Imagology. Historical Imagology), Comunicare.ro, Bucharest
2003, p.135.
2
Consequently, from historical imagology perspective, the following types of societies are distinguished: agrarian societies,
warrior/hunters societies, urban/trading societies, industrial societies, postindustrial societies. Each of them generates
mentalities and specific collective behaviors, as well as different self images and images of the other.
3
The interpretation horizon is characterized by a very strong archaic mythological component and by a traditional
hierarchy. In this type of societies, traditions play a very important role. The role of information is low, due to slow
circulation and minor impact. The most likely explanation is that society has its own unchanging pace of evolution.
Therefore, images have a great remanence, being very hard to manipulate. The main characteristics of agrarian societies are:
reduced/suppressed aggressiveness, conservatism, access to resources (there is no need of competition in order to control
them), there is no warrior class, the community society being based on a patrimonial hierarchy.
4
The characteristics of these societies are: a high degree of urbanization, the existence of qualified labour force - which
implies training, wide access to information and, implicitly, a laic culture and a pragmatic interpretation horizon competition for controlling resources/raw material and markets. The relevant elements for these characteristics are
aggressiveness/strong competition in economic behaviors, the existence of an exclusively patrimonial hierarchy and of a
relative decentralization. We can say that the major interests of inhabitants of towns focus on creating/preserving favorable
conditions for the development of non-agricultural occupations (trade, crafts, banks, industry). In urban societies,
information is of vital importance. Hence, tools and skills are developed to process information. Credible opinion leaders
will appear, and the image of the other will be more human and credible due to contacts among civilizations. This scheme
too lacks explicit violence, the inhabitants interpretation horizon being focused on other values than the physical ones. This
is the reason why a special interest for arts and comfort will appear in this environment, urban societies being the ones to
substantiate and promote humanism and its values.
5
Social image is defined as implicit framework-interpretation, that framework-interpretation which shapes itself through
processes that remain unconscious and that are expressed as opinions, attitudes, beliefs, mentalities or socio-cultural
symbols. (Chiciudean, Halic, p. 32).
6
B-A Halic, I Chiciudean, Prolegomene la investigarea imagologic n Evul Mediu romnesc (Introduction to the
Imagological Investigation of the Romanian Middle Ages), in Romanian Review of Communication and Public Relations,
2007, 10, p.12
7
Hanna, Zaremska, Marginalii, in Jacques Le Goff, J-C Schmitt, Topical Dictionary of the Western Middle Ages, Polirom,
Iai, 2002, p. 429.
8
J Le Goff, Les Marginaux dans lOccident Mdival, in Les Marginaux et les exclus dans lhistoire, Cahiers Jussieu,
1979, 5, p.22
9
B-A Halic, I Chiciudean, Analiza imaginii organizaiilor (Analysis of organisations image), Comunicare.ro, Bucharest,
2004, pp. 27-29.
10
Although there are many mentions in the epoch of colonization with allogenous population coming from territories were
campaigns had been fought, the most frequent refer to the Balkan population transferred to the north of the Danube by
Wallachian princes in the 15th century, which settled as a compact group without mingling with the natives. This
phenomenon could be noticed both with agrarian micro-societies here compact settlements appear, and with urban
societies where they gather in living areas districts or streets. This due to the ethnic criterion.
11
With regard to inhabitants, religious aspects are more related to traditions and less to their canonical character, as in that
epoch, this was rather reserved for the elites.
12
The density of inhabitants in the 14th 16th centuries was of circa 4 inhabitants/sq.km.
13
In general, the average number of households making up a village was of 20-25.
14
As everywhere in the old demographic regime, average life expectancy was below 30 years of age.
15
H H Stahl, Les anciennes communautes vileageoises roumaines - asservissement et penetration capitaliste, Academy of
the Socialist Republic of Romania, Bucharest 1969; Stahl, Contributions to the study of Romanian villages owned in
common by inhabitants, 2nd edition, revised, introductory study and edition prepared by P. H. Stahl, Cartea Romneasc,
Bucharest, 1998.
16
Feudal Institutions in Wallachia. Dictionary, Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Bucharest, 1988, p.180, s.v.
redemption.
17
Ibidem, p.461, s.v. banishment.
18
Disease and illness are considered outside signs of sin, those suffering being thought of as cursed by God, and therefore
by people. (J Le Goff, Civilization of Medieval West, Scientific Publishing House, Bucharest, 1970, p.417).
19
I A Candrea, Compared Romanian medical folklore. General View. Magic Medicine, Polirom, Iai, 1999, passim.
20
A Oiteanu, Order and Chaos. Myth and Magic in Traditional Romanian Culture, Polirom, Iai, 2004, passim.
21
R Vulcnescu, Romanian Mythology, Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Bucharest,1985, passim.
22
Kindred with the fire and the underground, where ores are extracted, locksmiths have a known infernal appearance. /.../
their activity is close to witchcraft. They are, in one way or another, excluded from the society: they can be placed above

those around them /.../ or, quite the opposite, can be found at the margins of the society, contacts with them being
limited. /.../ besides usual work specific of his profession, the locksmith in the Carpathian-Danubian area was also a wizard,
making different amulets meant to guarantee womens fecundity or to protect against evil spirits. (I Evseev, Dictionary of
magic, demonology and Romaniani mythology, Amacord, Timioara,1999, p.137, sv Locksmith).
23
J Le Goff, Civilization of Medieval West, Scientific Publishing House, Bucharest, 1970, p.418.
24
Things are more radical if the stranger is an enemy and his contact with the natives takes place during military campaigns.
Other mechanisms appear in such situations but are not relevant for this paper.
25
A Verancsics, Description of Transylvania, Moldavia and Wallachia, in Foreign Travellers about the Romanian
Principalities, I, volume prepared by M Holban, Scientific Publishing House, Bucharest, 1968, p. 407
26
The living ghosts or people-ghosts were believed to live by night, after midnight their soul would come out of their
mouths and haunt the village and households. These ghosts night life is reflected in certain beliefs related to poor harvests,
dry forests, poisoning of wells, barren cows, maiming of travelers, etc. It was also believed that living ghosts called their
acquaintances by name or called the names of those who were to die or toppled things around in the households they
entered. People-ghosts could turn themselves into people-beasts if they wished so.
27
Solomoners are half deities of the weather. They come from doomed children, stolen and trained by arch-demon Uniil.
The traditional imaginary represent solomoners as wild giants with red hair, goggled bloodshot eyes, hairy body, dirty and
in ragged clothes. In hard times, solomoners come down from the mountains in order to beg. They throw the charity they
get over waters, for the evil spirits, and if they are sent away they bring rain and hail as revenge.
28
In medieval practice, exile is equivalent with the civil death of the condemned person, who is thus brought to a status of a
living-dead.
29
The mechanism of establishing the priority in purchasing real estate totally excluded de facto any stranger. The hypothesis
that all members of the community show lack of interest in purchasing those goods is quite unlikely.
30
In urban areas, the number of allogenous strangers was higher, without affecting the prevalence of the Romanian
population. Therefore, in older towns, the allogenous population comprised mostly Saxons and Magyars. Others to come
especially in the 16th century were Greeks, Armenians, Jews, Turks, Polish and a few Italians, most of them merchants. A
document from 1590 indicates the existence of a chief of the foreigners, a chief of the foreign merchants living in
Bucharest.
31
Ever since the beginning of the medieval urban life in the extra-Carpathian space, there were Catholic churches attested
here. Later, religious tolerance specific of the Romanian Middle Ages allowed for all communities to freely practice their
religion. Both in Wallachia and in Moldavia there were catholic churches and prince Alexandru cel Bun gave permission to
hussar refugees to settle in Moldavia and guaranteed them free practice of their religion. There was an exception the
Muslims, who, based on their ahdname rules, had no right to land property, nor any right to build mosques on Romanian
territory, an interdiction which they obeyed.
32
We excluded from our analysis the urban micro-societies in the intra-Carpathian space because, in the Middle Ages, they
had a predominantly Germanic character most of the towns in Transylvania were inhabited by Saxons, therefore they are
not relevant for our paper.
33
The urban population in the epoch never exceeded 10% of the total number of inhabitants. It is believed that, in the first
half of the 17th century, Bucharest had circa 30,000 inhabitants, a probably exaggerated figure, Trgovitea at the end of
16th century over 5,000 de locuitori, Craiova and Pitetii in the middle of the 17th century over 1,000 inhabitants
each, Buzul and Cmpulungul - in the same period - between 2,000 and 3,000 inhabitants, and Caracalul around 1,000
inhabitants.
34
He once ordered all the elderly, the sick and the poor throughout the country to come to him. A numerous crowd of poor
people and vagabonds gathered hoping to receive charity and mercy. And he ordered them to a big house for a feast, where
they would eat and drink all they could. They ate and rejoiced. An then, Dracula himself arrived and told them: What else
do you need?. They all answered: Good Lord knows and Your Highness will give as God will tell you to!. He then said
to them: Do you wish to live without a worry in this world?. As they were expecting something big, they all said: We do,
Master!. Then he ordered the house to be locked and set on fire, and they all died there. And he told his noblemen: I want
you to know that I chose to do as I did first of all because they are no longer a burden for other people, and because I want
nobody to be poor in my country, but all should be rich. Secondly, I wanted all to suffer nomore of poverty or any other
illness. Povestiri medievale despre Vlad epe Draculea. Studiu critic i antologie (A Story about Prince Draculea) in I
Stvru, Medieval Stories about Vlad the Impaler Dracula. Critical Study and Anthology), 2nd edition revised, Univers
Publishing House, Bucharest, 1993 p.135.
35
he hated all evil in this country so much that, if anyone did any wrongdoing, is it theft or lie or some injustice, that man
had no chance to stay alive. Whether it was a nobleman or a priest or a monk, or any ordinary people, or however rich one
would be, there was no way he could pay for his crime and escape from dying. Povestire despre voievodul Draculea (Story
about prince Draculea,) in I Stvru, p. 135.
36
This is the category of bonds-men, specific of the Romanian medieval world. There were only Gipsy bonds-men in
Wallachia, while in Moldavia there were Tartars also with a similar status. It seems that initially, bonds-men had a status

similar to that of the land, meaning that the ruling class had the property right over them. The first document attesting the
presence of Gipsy bonds-men in Wallachia dates back to October 3rd, 1385, when Dan I offers as a gift to Tismana
monestry gipsies, 40 dwellings. In time, the Gipsy bonds-men started to be the object of transactions, having a special
regime of circulation, just like land properties. A document dated August 25, 1496, issued by the chancellery of Radu cel
Frumos, mentions the buying of Gipsy bonds-men (Documenta Romaniae Historica, B. ara Romneasc, I (1247-1500),
Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Bucharest, 1966, p.19-22, 273-276).
37
D H Mazilu, Lege i frdelege n lumea romneasc veche, (Law and Crime in the Old Romanian World), Polirom, Iai,
2006, p.52.
38
Documente privind Istoria Romniei, B. ara Romneasc, veac XVI, III (Documents on Romanian History, Wallachia,
16th century), Academy of the Socialist Republic of Romania, Bucharest, 1951, p.13.
39
D H Mazilu, p.53.