20151009 Washington, D.C.

Meeting with Black Lives Matter Activists

QUESTION: (Inaudible, begins off mike) -- so that we could claim a piece of our history. The
council will be celebrating its 80th year this year. It was founded by Mary McLeod Bethune.
And in case you don't know, Mary McLeod Bethune founded Bethune-Cookman College.
(Crosstalk.)
QUESTION: (Inaudible, off mike)
QUESTION: Did you (inaudible, laughter.)
(Crosstalk.) (Laughter.) (Voices inaudible.)
QUESTION: And when I think about pioneers in this room, many of you probably know that
Dorothy Height (ph.) was the only woman, the only woman in the so-called leadership at the
time and the movement (inaudible, off mike) in the '60s of the civil rights movement.
And she had to claw her way into that position. But she held her own. And she held her own.
And to this day, she served as my mentor, and I served as the president of her foundation.
So I know that she is so proud and pleased to know that you're meeting here in this building.
And I was just telling Secretary Clinton that this office has everything that was her office. Her
desk and all of her little memorabilia that she used to like to collect. So welcome, and I wish you
a very good meeting.
QUESTION: Thank you.
HILLARY CLINTON: Thank you.
(Crosstalk.) (Voices inaudible)
QUESTION: (Inaudible) thank you for your work.
HILLARY CLINTON: Thank you. Thank you.
QUESTION: Something that Secretary Herman (ph.) didn't say is that all those women she
mentioned are members of Delta Sigma Theta.
(Crosstalk.) (Laughter.) (Voices inaudible.)
QUESTION: But welcome, everyone. Thank you for being here. As we've talked about, we
want to have a substantive policy conversation. I think that we're a little bit behind time, so we'll
go ahead and get started.
Go around the room, introduce ourselves, a good way to start.

(Break for introductions.)

HILLARY CLINTON: Well, first of all, thank you all. And what I would hope we can do
today is really hear directly from you about the ideas you have for changing policies, changing
approaches towards dealing with a lot of the problems you are committed to tackling.
I am very much interested in how we move from activism to action in the policy arena. And a lot
of what I've read about Campaign Zero, about other recommendations is very much in line with
what I think we need to be doing, and try to build coalitions outside of government, inside of
government to actually address the very concerns that you have brought to the forefront.
I want to echo what Alexis Herman said. I think Dorothy Height, who I was privileged to know
and served on the board of Children's Defense Fund for many years with would be thrilled to
have you in this place that she devoted the last years of her life to create.
And I want to hear directly from you about what I in my campaign and then, if I'm so fortunate
as to be elected, can continue to do to try to build the policy that needs to happen at the local
level, state level, and the national level.
I've had the honor of speaking to several of the mothers of the children who have been killed in
the last several years. And it's just an incredibly emotional and, for me, very touching experience
to be talking mother to mother with -- starting with Trayvon Martin's mom.
And, you know, to hear the pain and the confusion, the absolute shock and grief that they feel
about what happened to their kids (inaudible) mother who I also talked with. So (inaudible)
young men.
And we just have to figure out how we're going to stop it and how we're going to move beyond
it. So let me end there and throw it open in whatever order that you want to take it. And
(inaudible) you were the person who tweeted me, so I'm going to turn to you and ask you to
please organize this however you choose.
QUESTION: So three sort of framing things. One is that we are really appreciative of
(inaudible) energy and time that she's put into supporting making this happen. I mean, you being
available for this conversation, we're hopeful that this can be like a candid conversation.
Also, you know, we want to hear from you. We have a lot of questions about a range of issues,
not just focused on police, but policing is, obviously, central to the movement and central to this
space, but also a host of questions around race both at the national level and then at the local
level, which is why we were intentional about making sure that this space included people from
communities across the country.
So we will jump right in.
HILLARY CLINTON: Good.

QUESTION: And also, you know, at the end, so (inaudible) sort of just help manage it, but we'd
love for you to be thinking throughout this conversation about your first 100 days and so how all
the things that we talk about today can sort of fit into a framework of 100 days. So that will be
one of the last questions that I ask you. So I want to preview it here for you so that you're
prepared.
So I'll start with Sam and Britney to sort of jump off questions with us, and then we'll make it
work.
QUESTION: Great. So in your April speech on race and criminal justice, you spoke about
preventing federal funds being used to provide police weapons of war on our streets. And I was
wondering if you could provide some more specifics around what that really means. Does it
mean (inaudible) program? Does it mean preventing and requiring police departments to return
some of the military equipment they've already received? It would be helpful to get some of
your thoughts around what really that means.
HILLARY CLINTON: Well, Sam, I think President Obama has already taken action on some
of this to try to prevent or stop the transfer of military-style weaponry and additional equipment
to local police officers.
And I would certainly build on that and go as far as we can. I'm not sure that we can get people
to return it. That, I'm not sure of the legality. But we can certainly stop it, and stop the kind of
militarization that has taken place in our cities. And, in particular, in small towns.
I mean, it's one thing after 9/11 to say, okay, maybe we need to bolster what the N.Y.P.D. has, for
example. But Ferguson? Really? I mean, this thing got way out of whack in terms of what was,
I think, the original intention going all the way back to 1989, 1990.
So I would certainly put a stop to it. And I would certainly do everything I could to make sure
that the whole idea of militarizing the local police was disincentivized. Try to figure out how we
could change the federal pressure and programs to move away from that. And making sure that
local police didn't, you know, move as they have to try to be like the guys on TV, you know, that
sort of mentality.
So I would take that very seriously.
QUESTION: And does that include, you know, under the Obama Administration's actions that
you mentioned, it doesn't include MRAVs, which many of us refer to as tanks, in that sort of
prohibited class of weaponry. So would you include those in that class of weaponry?
HILLARY CLINTON: I'm going to find out why the Obama Administration didn't include
them. I'm not aware of why they did not include them. I'd like to know if they had some
legitimate reason for not including them. In the absence of a legitimate reason, I would include
them.

QUESTION: So I would love to go back a little bit to the conversation we had when you were
in St. Louis. You know, I asked about a great many things. But among them were how our
communities are policed and the necessity of federal support and intervention to prevent the
kinds of deaths and trauma that we're seeing in our communities.
So, specifically, I would love to know kind of about your evolution of thinking and the ways in
which you are prepared to support issues around a standard use of force across the country, and
anti-bias hiring and training for police officers, as we discussed.
And I know that you've also talked about actually putting more police officers in communities
and schools. And I will say, as an educator, you know, I'm executive director of Teach for
America in St. Louis in my full-time job. I'm worried about the idea of more police presence in
schools and in our communities because our children are over policed as is.
And so I would love to know how you are thinking about policing and community safety in our
communities and what level to which you're ready for the federal government to intervene under
your administration.
HILLARY CLINTON: Well, you know, Britney, I think we talked before the Policing
Commission report came out. And I thought that the work you and the others on the commission
did was really important. That would be a very good starting place for what I hope that this
administration in its last months, the Congress and then I could be building on.
And the questions you raised just now really go to the heart of how do we create an accepted
policing atmosphere in communities that feel over policed or feel discriminated against by those
who are, you know, allegedly sworn to protect them?
I want to do everything I can to try to empower people at the local level to take more control
over those questions because I can -- you know, I know that there's been a lot of talk about what
happened in the '90s. And I just want to say this because I know this is on people's minds.
You know, in the '90s, when a lot of the changes were done at the federal level, that was in
response to a huge outcry by communities that were caught in the middle of a horrific crime
wave.
And I was interviewed just the other day by Al Sharpton on his new TV show. And he started
out by saying, he said, you know, "I want to just be clear here. I was one of those people telling
your husband to do more on policing, get more police on the streets, get the criminals off the
street."
So, you know, we have to figure out what is the right balance to keep people safe and yet not be
oppressed and not be mistreated? And I don't know exactly what the right answers to that are.
I'll just be honest with you. I don't know.
What I do know is that it's an urgent effort to try to figure out what that is because, you know,
when, you know, when you look back on, you know, the exploding crime rates and the fact that I

think 100,000, you know, African-American men have been killed in every decade in the last
three decades by criminals, plus the police killings, that is just totally unconscionable.
And so how do we get back to an idea that has the right balance between, yeah, you know, the
lady walking to the grocery store, the kids on the playground, you know, the guy driving his car.
You know, I point out that on the very day that the shooting in Oregon happened, there was a
five-month-old baby strapped into a car seat in the back of her mother's car in Cleveland who
was shot.
So, you know, we've got to look at this whole violence situation broadly. And the police are an
important, critical part of it. And, therefore, how do we get police forces and police officers to
protect folks without killing them, without harassing them, without oppressing them?
And so all that you have recommended on training, anti-bias training, all of that has to be part of
it. And I think we need to take the Policing Commission and other recommendations and have
an ongoing -- I think your commission was disbanded. You made the report and then it was
disbanded.
QUESTION: We sunset on December 31st.
HILLARY CLINTON: Yeah, so you need to be continue -- I mean, somebody needs to be
continuing. And part of what we need to have, maybe we broaden it so we've got more people
involved. Okay, what are the models that we're going to try to fund, that we're going to try to
turn to communities across our country and say, "Here's what we think will work."?
We have a lot of experts. We have experts in criminal justice, in policing, in crime prevention.
We have experts, and we have people, practitioners, and folks on the ground. So I want to get
people together. This needs to be a national, ongoing effort. Not just one report, not just one
piece of legislation.
And we need to raise up the challenge of keeping people safe both in the community from bad
actors and from the police sworn to protect them. That's how I see it.
QUESTION: Are you open to supporting a national use-of-force standard to help -(Crosstalk.)
HILLARY CLINTON: I think we should move toward that, yeah. I think that there should be
some kind of national model, and the use-of-force standard would be part of that national model.
And that would key off of, then, the training and what the community could expect and all the
other pieces of it. But that has to be embedded in a larger strategic approach is how I see it.
QUESTION: Erica (inaudible, off mike)?
QUESTION: Yeah. One of the things that you said, that the police are a critical part of keeping
communities safe. I think many of us at this table would disagree. And the reason why is

because the piece that really keeps us safe is having the needs of the community be met. So
through jobs, through education, through programs that support youth and support people who
have been inflicted with trauma, who've experienced racial trauma by having their communities
be over policed, by having poor education, by not having a job, by living in poverty. And also by
being displaced.
That's what's happening in D.C. (inaudible) public housing community are now having their
homes stripped because of gentrification. So it's complete communities that are just being
pushed out, made homeless to make room for condos.
And in addressing the trauma that goes along with not feeling that your life is valued, that's what
brings about crime and violence in our community because there is no level of understanding
that my life has worth. If you look like me, your life doesn't have worth either, so I can take your
life. I can victimize you. Do you get what I'm saying? So -HILLARY CLINTON: I do.
QUESTION: With the police having that be a critical part of safety, that is something that I just
do not believe because it's not anything that's been proven. When we have police that are just -like what the mayor in D.C. is not putting on -- committed to putting 240-plus police officers in
black communities, not in communities that are gentrified, but specifically in black communities
that have been underserved. And that's the reason why we have a spike in crime.
There was a Richmond -- a program in Richmond, California, that actually identified those that
were more likely to commit crimes or to be killed or to kill someone. And they gave them jobs.
And violent crime dropped in double digits. And it's been doing the same all the way across the
board.
So if you have people's basic needs met, then this is not -- we're not going to have a need to have
so much force, to have military equipment and things in our communities if we just meet the
basic needs of citizens of this country, we won't have that issue, and police won't have to be a
critical part.
HILLARY CLINTON: I don't disagree at all about the need to improve conditions in every
aspect of life for people who are marginalized, who are left out, who are pushed out, as you say.
I don't disagree. That's what I've spent a lot of my life doing. I care deeply about that.
If you don't have good educational opportunities, good health opportunities, good housing
opportunities, you know, it's very hard for a lot of people to feel that they're worth anything. And
then the results, as you say, can often mean that people, if they don't feel like they're worth
anything, don't think anybody else is worth anything.
But I respectfully disagree that there's not a role for good, smart, empathetic policing. I just
disagree because I don't know -- I mean, we've been around on this earth for a really long time
and there are lots of reasons why people act out or why people do things that harm somebody
else.

But you need to limit the amount of policing that is necessary and focus more resources and
more attention on all these other factors that you're pointing out. But I don't think that -- I don't
see it as either/or. I think you have to improve policing, and you have to improve the
relationships with communities, and at the same time, try to reverse a lot of the trends that we've
seen in the last years that have really hollowed out communities and made people feel like they
don't have any future. And that's something that I care a lot about and would be focused on
trying to turn around.
QUESTION: I think that what she's saying, too, is it is not necessarily that there should be no
policing. When we think about safety, right, when we think about places like Georgetown, it is
safe not because it's flooded with police, but because it's resourced differently. Right?
So when we think about -- so what I think she heard you saying, what I heard you say was this
idea that, like, the police are central to notions of safety. And we say they're actually not central
in Georgetown, right? This idea that the police need to be ever present is specifically a racebased notion of policing.
And when we think about community policing, that's like this idea that the police are doing
barbecues and high-fiving kids, and that is not white kids in affluent communities. Right? That
is not how people talk about it. It is people in low-income and whatever sort of code word there
is for "black."
So trying to figure out how do we acknowledge that there will always need to be a mechanism
that, like, mitigates the harm to bodies and property, right? But that function will have to exist.
Call it the police, call it something else. But how do we also acknowledge the sentiment that
Erica expressed that, like, many people not only at this table, but definitely the people who are in
the streets represent that, like, the police just being around actually doesn't make people feel safe.
Right? That notion itself is something -- I think that that is what she's pushing on.
And you sort of -- what we heard is a statement that was like the police are keeping people safe.
And we're saying that the police don't, like, in general, don't actually make people feel safe.
Does that make sense to you?
HILLARY CLINTON: I understand what you're saying. And I understand sort of the source of
the differentiation that you were making. And I guess what I'm saying is I understand that and
you have to invest in communities so that they are more resource rich and they do have more
opportunities.
But there is a transition period. And how do you get the transition to be funded, effective, rooted
in what the community needs? And that will take time. That doesn't happen overnight. You
know, we make progress and then we fall back, unfortunately.
You know, we now have a big spike in poverty once again. You know, we were on the path to
really diminishing poverty. We now have 51 percent of the kids in public schools eligible for

free or reduced lunch. That's the highest percentage we've ever had. And it is white kids,
African-American kids, Latino kids, it's across the country.
You know, there are places that are hollowed out that are just falling apart in Appalachia, for
example. And adding police is not going to make them turn away from meth, opioids, or heroin,
you know? They might get their lives saved if somebody shows up with Narcan and provides the
antidote.
So it's not only, you know, from my perspective, policing. I'm not saying that. What I'm saying
is, though, there is a transition. How do we rebuild these communities? And the Richmond
example is a great example. How do you replicate that? How do you get the funding to do more
of that?
And that's why, you know, I'll go back to what I said about, you know, modeling this and trying
to figure out, what are the models that will work that then we can go around and say we know
whether it's a national standard for force or a program that puts people to work instead of, you
know, feeling that they have no future.
And there's a lot of good research out there about how to lift up communities. We just have to
have the political will and the focus on shifting resources to do that. So that's what I'm saying.
QUESTION: I think our ask -- and then I'll pass it to Delon (ph.) is like that the language -your language reflects what you just said, right? So this understanding that, like, safety -- we'll
always have to do with issues of safety and that police are a part of that.
HILLARY CLINTON: That's right.
QUESTION: What we heard was like the police are like central to that. And what we would
say is that like -HILLARY CLINTON: I got you.
QUESTION: Does that make sense?
HILLARY CLINTON: Yeah, I got you.
QUESTION: You mentioned the five-month-old shot in Cleveland as like kind of a caveat of
violence as a whole. And that's something that I kind of want to key in on because one of the
understandings is -- I sit on a police commission in Cleveland. And I had the police union
president boast about arresting a 9- and 12-year-old who were (inaudible) sitting out on their
porch. So he arrested those young people and took them to the juvenile detention center.
This is the thing that I'm afraid of because there's a focus and then there's this fear. And then you
round up all these black people and put them in jail, right? And it feeds this cradle-to-prison
pipeline when it should be services that are rendered, especially for trauma when we're talking
about the trauma that is experienced from witnessing a crime or being in a space where the

people who are sworn to protect you, you're not really sure if they're going to protect you or if
they're going to kill you.
So having their very presence is almost debilitating, right? Because you've seen them snatch
people out of your community before.
So this, like, fear of violence as a whole is problematic to have in the same kind of conversation
as police violence. Right? These two things are very different because they have very different
solutions on how you look at it.
Also, I'd like to say that the term "policing" when we start talking about policing, there's this
mindset that things and people need to be policed. And that's not necessarily the case.
I think that there needs to be a paradigm shift that shows police as maybe mediators to issues.
Right? They may be able to come in and mediate a problem and have a conversation versus
coming in and policing something.
When you police something, you're trying to protect you or I fear for my life so I can shoot you.
That type of thing. So that paradigm shift of how officers who are sworn to protect and serve
interact with people in communities.
I think the last thing that I'd like to say is -- just piggy backing on what my sister said, there
needs to be a new deal for black people. The New Deal that FDR did, largely and almost wholly,
kept out minorities, period, and created a middle class in this country. And that was done by
giving houses, giving jobs, subsidies on property tax so that there was this opportunity and this
space and this time, decades even, where wealth was built. And then now we're talking about
there should be like a bootstrap.
So I guess my question is: What does a new deal look like for the minorities in this country that
allows us to close the racial wealth gap? Because that's what will solve our violence issues, and
then on some level, it'll solve some of our policing issues because the police will be forced to
look at you differently.
HILLARY CLINTON: I want to answer that, but I want to ask you, you made an interesting
point, and especially from your service on the police commission. So when that police officer
saw the 9- and 11-year-old with the TEC-9, what should that police officer have done in your
sort of mediating idea?
QUESTION: Well, since they were arrested and they were loading it, let's have a conversation.
Right? Because I'm not under any illusion that there was a real and present danger, right, for an
adolescent to have a weapon. I get that. But you signed up for a job that requires real and
present danger.
So if your first reaction is to arrest or subdue instead of have a conversation like it was your kid,
because we're talking about a 12-year-old whose mind is not fully formed in order to make those
kinds of decisions rationally. So if it was your child on a porch loading a TEC-9, what would

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you do with that? The first thing you do wouldn't be to arrest them and throw them in jail. The
thing that you would do would be have a conversation, let's try to talk to a counselor, let me get
this gun away from you. Where did you even get this gun? Let's have that conversation. So
those conversations don't take place, we just remove the issue. And that's what the military does,
that's why that militarization thing is so important that Sam brought up because the military
eliminates issues, police officers are supposed to solve them.
HILLARY CLINTON: Well, you know, the reason I asked is because, you know, I've done a
lot of work on this substance abuse issue. And I've been very encouraged that a lot of police
departments are changing their attitudes toward low-level use of drugs and also moving more
towards trying to get people into treatment, not many, but there are like four or five departments
that I'm aware of. And that's kind of a model that I'd like to see spread. So that's why I was
asking you about how you (view?) the mediation, and as you said, conversational role.
Look, I think that there's a lot of -- there are a lot of unmet needs that should be addressed in
some kind of New-Deal-like approach. And I think it has to be both the government trying to
help, business trying to help, and communities trying to help themselves. I think it's a tripartite
approach.
You know, we did have a program that we started in the late '90s called a New Market Credit,
and it was aimed at trying to help, you know, depressed communities invest in more jobs and
development so that they could have, you know, more opportunities like you're talking about.
Congress let it expire, you know, that's the kind of approach I'd like to see that we put back in
and that we really target places that are, you know, poor, inter-generational poverty, high levels
of joblessness, and all of the other characteristics that I think, you know, would merit a so-called
new deal.
And I think that, again, this is an area where, you know, communities have to lead. It's not just
top down, it's got to be bottom up. And it also -- I know there are some very simple observations
about some of the communities that have been really hammered in the last, you know, 50 years
or longer. How can they do more to empower themselves?
And, you know old-fashioned things like, you know, voters. You know, it's just astonishing that
a community like Ferguson, which is a majority black community, didn't have any black people
serving in any position. And at some point, people have to say, "I want to stand up and have
somebody that I can connect to, that I can relate to." And use the tools that we already have, plus
what additional investment we would bring to those communities so that they can have a chance
to lift themselves up.
So I see it, as I said, as tripartite. You know, federal government, other governments like state
government, but also the role that business can play by being incentivized to go into these
communities, offer job training, offer more opportunities, and the community themselves that
need to do kind of a needs assessment and figure out, you know, what they want so that it's not
somebody imposing it.

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And it's also a way to organize against gentrification and some of the other issues that people and
communities are facing today.
QUESTION: Can I ask a clarification question? I'm sorry. Because I -- so -- because the point
that was made was really important, and he very specifically said black people need a new deal,
right? And we know -- there are two things we know historically: One is that marginalized
people, especially African Americans have needed direct intervention from the federal
government because we cannot rely on local and state governments to do things for us.
And the second is that when policy only addresses economics and does not also address race,
black people always get left behind. And so what I heard you say was consistent conversation
about economics that was absent of this racial piece that he just brought up.
And so I want to ask for a bit of clarity on how you're thinking about specifically addressing
those issues in African-American communities.
HILLARY CLINTON: Well, I think if you look at what's possible in the legislative process, I
think you have to have formulas that will predominately impact black communities, but you're
never going to get anything passed that is only for black communities.
QUESTION: Sure.
HILLARY CLINTON: Okay? So, you know, Jim Clyburn has a very interesting idea, the 1020-30 plan which he has been laying out, which you probably know about, which, you know, by
definition, would disproportionately impact black communities to use the formulas to send
federal money there, but wouldn't be called "a new deal for black people."
QUESTION: Would you be in support of something like that?
HILLARY CLINTON: Yeah, I've told Jim Clyburn I'm in support of that. Yeah. So it's a -maybe it's just a packaging or semantic issue, but I think you can shift resources based on
formulas that will also apply to some other communities because then you get more support, but
will be predominately aimed at trying to lift up, you know, black communities that have been left
behind across the country.
QUESTION: Sally, Malia (inaudible).
QUESTION: I'm going to start by saying fear of police, that black people experience police
officers differently than white people. When you ask a black male (inaudible) experience police
officers or security guards even walking in a mall differently than a white male does.
So knowing that experience is different, we have to rethink police in general. And we've been
talking so far about police being a central part to safety, and how we kind of disagree with that
because our experiences with police are so much different.

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One of the things I do want to talk about is you mentioned these alternative models. And that
when we rethink police, we need to rethink the roles of the police. What can they do? And what
things do they do now that they don't currently need to do? Specifically when it comes to the
interactions with black people because we have a lot of incidences this year and last year where
mothers have called the police because their sons have mental health issues and then the police
officers came and shot the young man. Right?
So what kind of alternative methods can you do that we can call someone else other than police
for these incidences, right? And what will you do as president to commit to funding these
alternative models instead of funding more police officers?
HILLARY CLINTON: Well, that's really what I mean. We need to fund alternative models.
And that's why I mentioned the drug policy approach that some police officers are now taking.
It's totally different. And, you know, I've meet with some of these guys who are now saying,
look, used to be I'd show up, I'd arrest somebody, I'd throw them in jail. We're not doing that
anymore. I show up, I try to get the person into some treatment program, I try to help them, I
stay with them.
That's especially important for mental health, which is woefully underfunded, and when police
and, frankly, you know, not just police, all kinds of people in the community have no experience,
don't know how to deal with somebody who is having some kind of mental health episode.
So I would like to see, and I would like to fund, going back to my models idea, I would like to
fund programs where, you know, a mom calls and says, "You know, my son is acting out, I can't
control him." Which is usually what the call is. So if the police are there, they're only there as
support for somebody from a mental health facility, somebody who can try to deal with someone
who's off his meds or who's had some other terrible experience.
That's what I mean by a model because, you know, I don't think you can expect most people, let
alone most police, to know how to deal with that. And I think that is a big part of the problem
we've got. You know, like Dontray Hamilton (ph.) I met with his mom. You know, he had
mental health problems. You know, but he was harmless. He didn't hurt anybody. And he got
shot 14 times. And the police officer was wrong.
You know, you've got a guy there who, as far as I can tell is sitting on a bench somewhere,
maybe he's sleeping on it. And he has a history of mental health problems. Get somebody to
help him. Call whatever the local community health center or someplace is, if that's what he
needs.
So you've got to change the training, you have to change the mindsets and the assumptions, but
you also have to get more support. And the people who are providing that support are woefully
underfunded. Like if you're an addict and you want to get help, you've got a one-in-ten chance
of getting help in any kind of reasonable period of time. If you're a mental health person -suffering from all kinds of challenges, that's about what you've got on your side, too, because
you don't have the facility, you don't have the trained people, you don't have the resources.

13

So I think your point is absolutely right. When somebody calls for help, maybe they call 311 or
211 or something else and say, "I have, you know, my son is schizophrenic, he's not taking his
medication, I need help because I'm afraid he's going to hurt either him or me. What can we
do?" And I think that deserves a better response than just send the police to the door.
QUESTION: To go back to even that thing about the federal funding. When you think about
how these resources will be allocated, we know that there's not an infinite amount of money out
there. So how do we determine who gets this money and that these communities that are in dire
need of this money are actually the ones that's getting it and not other communities? What type
of formula will you use?
HILLARY CLINTON: Yeah.
QUESTION: Not even a formula, just make sure that these communities with these high crime
rates are the ones that are specifically getting these funds.
HILLARY CLINTON: Well, we have the data now. And so we can construct a formula that
really does direct the money to go to those communities that are most in need. And that's what I
mean by the 10-20-30, which is more about fighting poverty and development, but you can also
do it on, you know, crime statistics, on mental health statics, on all kinds -- joblessness statistics.
You can, I think, construct a model that would guarantee the money goes where it's most needed.
And that's what I would be interested in. I mean, I think we spend a lot of money on stuff that
doesn't make any difference to anybody. And so we need to be getting rid of stuff that is not
helping anybody, not changing circumstances anywhere, and try to construct these formulas so
that federal funds go where they're most needed.
But then we also -- we've got to have some kind of community support that when those funds are
coming that way, people on their local level know what to do with them. I mean, we can go from
the 30,000-foot level and say, "Here's the formula." So shoot the money down into these
communities. But then communities have to be helped and, you know, empowered to know what
to do with that money so that they've got a better shot.
You know, when I was with Britney at the forum that we had in St. Louis County, you know,
Superintendent Jennings, this incredibly impressive superintendent of schools who took over a
district in St. Louis County that was not even accredited. It was about, I guess as I recall, 99
percent African American, practically 99 percent free or reduced lunch. It was not even
accredited. And she came in, and from everything I've been able to find out, she's really making
a huge difference.
So one person can make a difference if they are backed up and empowered. That's what the
Freedom Schools are really about -- training people to go out and be those change agents. And I
think that's, you know, a large part of what, you know, you have done is to sort of light that fire
under people. But then you've got to follow through. It's not enough. Okay, get the formula, get
the money, you've got to stay with it. It doesn't happen easily or quickly, but I think we can
make some significant changes if we did that.

14

QUESTION: And I don't have a question, I just wanted to name three real quick things. I don't
like what you said about Ferguson and Body, without addressing disenfranchisement or the fact
that Ferguson is segregated, and much like small towns. And all across America white people
are making sure that black people do not vote. So that's -- you didn't address voter education or
the resources to even get to go vote. Black people in Ferguson, most of them do not have cars.
Public transportation is not dropping them off at a poll to go vote anywhere.
Secondly, I would like to say that your language around community leading to -- like there's this
responsibility for black communities to do something to help themselves. One, it sounds like
victim blaming. Two, it sounds like we're not doing enough to get our own selves like to be selfsufficient. And I don't feel like that's true. I feel like black people have been saying for a very
long time in this country, what is wrong in our communities, what we actually need. But what
white people hear and what people in power hear is getting more police, and that's just not the
solution.
Thirdly, I wanted to say that your experience as a wealthy white woman in power will absolutely
never be the same as mine or as (Nikos?) or any other woman in America who is black, or a
person of color.
In Chicago, two days ago, a man called the police on me in a cab, and literally I'm dealing with
interpersonal (problems?) with this cab driver, and then he calls the police, and I have to turn on
my laptop so I can record the interaction between not only me and him but me and the police,
because knowing who I am, and I know the Chicago police force knows who I am, I do not feel
safe. I didn't feel safe with just the black man in the car, but I damn sure didn't feel safe with the
police coming up. And Chicago police will absolutely kill people.
So I just wanted to name those three real quick things because I'm really like I'm trying to calm
down. I don't like that. I think that you're really speaking for a place of privilege without
acknowledging that you're speaking from a place of privilege, and that's just not okay.
HILLARY CLINTON: Well, let me respond. And I'm not sure we will ever agree. So you
asked for a candid conversation. I'm going to give you a candid conversation.
I have done voter registration. I have done a lot of work to try to get people to polls, to get
people to register, to get people to mobilize. And yes, maybe it's old fashioned, but there are
ways to encourage people to stand up for themselves, despite the obstacles, and to own their own
futures. And that has to be a part of any equation or we ain't ever going to get there is my view.
So when it comes to voting, and I did pick out Ferguson, yeah, segregated, disenfranchised, all of
that. But now there's energy around it, and people need to get back to good old fashioned
organizing and mobilizing and turning people out to vote.
It does make a difference. And in the absence -QUESTION: (Inaudible/crosstalk).

15

HILLARY CLINTON: In the absence -- let me finish. I listened to you. In the absence of it,
it's very hard to have any kind of lasting changes. If people don't believe that their vote matters
or they can't get to the polls, then organize in some way to help them do that. And we've just
gone down this road too many times over too many years.
And it is discouraging. I have no doubt about it, and I've seen it, and I have fought against it,
because there are a lot of structural and implicit barriers to people actually getting out and
voting.
The second thing, on the community, I just respectfully disagree again. You know, I'm not
blaming anybody, I'm not pointing fingers at anybody, but I do think these transitions we're
talking about, taking advantage of whatever programs, whatever additional money might come
your way can only be successful if people themselves feel empowered and organized to attempt
to take advantage of all of that. I think that's just a given, and I just again hold that position.
On the third I have no argument with you. Yeah, I am white. I've always been white. And I
have no way of putting myself in your shoes or having the experiences that you do. I'm not
pretending that I do.
And so when I hear what happened to you in the cab, that is very real to me and it's very
disturbing to me, because it shouldn't happen. It shouldn't happen to anybody. So I'm not saying
that you are someone I can't in any way empathize with, but I'm not saying that I can understand
what it feels like being inside your head and living the life you've had to live, given the kind of
problems that you have had to encounter.
So I'm not pretending any other way that that. I do want to be a partner in trying to help deal
with a lot of these issues and to use whatever influence and whatever experience I have to try to
support a lot of the goals that you all are advocating.
QUESTION: (Alea El?).
QUESTION: Yeah, I wanted to make a statement. I'm from Cleveland, Ohio, and we had the
first black mayor of a major metropolitan city in the country. And I want to say that black faces
in power doesn't really make a difference. And getting people -- like our organization, we've
registered over 30,000 people to vote this year. And we can do as much as we can to get them
out to vote, but if they don't have something to believe in or know that the person or the issues
that they're voting for is going to directly affect them in their everyday lives, then -- I mean, and
that is why voter turnout over the past year has been so slow specifically in the state of Ohio
because people have lost hope in their elected officials and the issues that are on the ballot to
represent them.
But I also wanted to ask you about your position around school-to-prison pipeline and zero
tolerance policies in general.

16

HILLARY CLINTON: Well, the pipeline is something that in a way we've been talking about
has to be disrupted at the very beginning. And that means you've got to have, from my
perspective, a lot of the investments we've been discussing, starting with the support for families,
early childhood education, universal pre-kindergarten, schools that are structured to support kids,
not to basically dismiss them if they're not of a certain background or a certain level of ability, to
try to look at the child as a whole to try to find ways that each child's going to be lifted up.
And there has to be a lot more mentoring and supporting, again within larger communities for
kids. There have to be more jobs for kids. There have to be more of the kind of combined
resources to provide services so that, yeah, there's a mental health service, there's a health
service. There's all these other ways to aid and support families and kids as they move forward.
So that to me is one of the critical issues confronting us when we're talking about ending mass
incarceration. We need to do more to help on the frontend, and then we need to do more to help
people that are going to be released, under these new policies, to find jobs and to find a place in
the community.
And we're not set up for that. We don't have the services for that. So we need to hurry up and
get those services in place so that people have some kind of supportive environment.
So I think that is the best way to really think about it, trying to stop it on the frontend and then
try to provide help for people who are either hopefully going to be diverted from going to prison
and going to be let out of prison under these new changes.
QUESTION: (Inaudible).
QUESTION: September of last year, I was kidnapped by the police. I was abducted during a
protest and was lost within the system for about 13 hours, which they wouldn't -- and during that
time they took me on a rough ride, not unlike Freddie Gray's ride, where I was taken around the
city, outside of their jurisdiction, Atlanta police department's jurisdiction, to scare me, because I
was a protester and because I was an organizer.
And so when we talk about policing and talk about police as pillars of safety in community, I
think that you need to recognize that for most folks who are black or brown, police are exactly
the antithesis of that.
And I think that that's why I stand so strongly behind (Netta's?) statement about privilege and
about how when you come into these conversations about policing and about how we attack
policing as an issue and not as a solution, we have to come to the table in that conversation with
our biases in check.
So I don't believe that as a white female protester I would have ever been kidnapped by the
police. There is no record of that from the past year or year and some change for organizers who
are white. None of them have been kidnapped by the police. Many of them have not even been
arrested for infractions that black females have been.

17

And so when I went to vote in the local level a couple months after my arrest, one of the police
officers who was involved in my abduction was handling security at one of the voting booths,
and I did not vote, because I could not go into that space because of the violence that that man
had inflicted (in my experiences?).
And that is a part of the lived trauma that a lot of black women and black folks and black
communities deal with. And it is a part of the infrastructure of anti-black racism in this country.
And so we can't have a conversation about eradicating police issues without talking about
eradicating implicit bias and eradicating anti-blackness within the DNA code of policing.
And so I want to talk about specifically what your commitment to targeting anti-blackness is in
this country. Because I hear a lot of rhetoric about rehabilitation and resources on sort of like a
glossed over sort of like area and atmospheric way, but I want to be very specific.
We're having a very reactionary conversation right now about anti-blackness in the country that
is proactively anti-black. And because of that, our solutions need to be proactive as well.
So I think we're talking about at this table not just the theoretical solutions that we can put into
place but like in the way that anti-black racism in this country is specific, is definitive, is
aggressive and absolutely, our solutions need to be as well. And I think that is the conversation
that I'm not hearing, because we are talking about a country that has benefited for -- since its
inception, violence against black folks. And I know -- sorry, reparations is like the word that you
don't say in political conversations. But in a sense we need to be talking about how we can
rehabilitate the black community and the relationship that we have with political power and
infrastructure, political infrastructure in America.
And so I want to go back to when we were talking about redirecting resources from policing
black youths to rehabilitating black youths and adding resources into a solution-based
conversation with them. How do we make sure that that conversation doesn't get lost in all of the
business that you have to handle in your first 100 days?
Because we're at a point where black youths are dying at a rate of at least 17 more times likely
than that of their white counterpart. And that is a number that means that at any point my two
young brothers could be killed and taken away from me. And I need to know that the president
that I put in office is proactively dedicated to that solution, and not using acceptable waterdowned rhetoric to direct a problem that is not watered down in any way, in my experiences.
HILLARY CLINTON: I think that's totally fair. And look, as I said to (Jenetta?), I cannot put
myself in either of your positions. I mean, it's just outrageous, disgusting what happened to you
and what happened to you, and what has happened I'm sure to everybody around this table.
All I can tell you is that I have worked on, spoken out against, and will continue to do everything
I know to do -- and I would welcome your advice about how best to do it -- against the sort of
systemic racism that still stalks our country. It is the original sin of our founders.

18

And how we deal with it, and I know -- I mean, look, I worked with President Obama for four
years. I know how painful all of this is to him. And how you deal with it, how you speak about
it, how you try to change attitudes, shame people, force folks to take a hard look at themselves,
create an unacceptable atmosphere for a lot of the attitudes, the rhetoric, all of that, which is all
too common still, I'll do whatever I can because it is at the root of so many of the serious
unanswered, unfulfilled questions and promise that we have.
So what works and how best to make it work I think is something we're struggling with.
Because I don't want to be just -- I mean, obviously I care a lot about channeling resources and
trying to change policing and all of that stuff, but at the bottom of it, if you can look at your
fellow human being and treat someone as though they are less than you, that they are the other,
that they have no right to be in that cab, they have no right to be protesting, that's a serious,
systemic flaw. And you can't just fix it by trying to get programs, I'm well aware of that. You
know, we have to go much deeper than that.
And, you know, there's a lot of trends that are connected to this right now. This huge increase in
gun violence and this attitude of using violence, using force, is just so deeply disturbing. And
people, black people are the principal victims of whatever it is that's motivating that mindset.
You know, the rhetoric you hear from the Republican candidates, you know, dehumanizing
people, attacking people, insulting people, I mean, what is wrong? I mean, what is that about?
Think about it. That kind of rhetoric and that kind of attitude gives aid and comfort to people
who have bias, who are scared and insecure and take it out on somebody, whether they're a
police officer or a cab driver.
So yeah, I care deeply about doing a better job trying to think of how we connect in an authentic
way about this whole challenge of racism. And I don't know exactly the right way to do it. So
I'm asking for help.
(Crosstalk.)
QUESTION: (Inaudible/crosstalk) couple things from (Pico?), and then (inaudible) your name.
QUESTION: (Alia?).
QUESTION: (Alia?).
QUESTION: Okay. I'll go. I want to say that I live by a poem from Lucille Clifton called
Celebrate, and the last line is, "Won't you celebrate with me that every day something has tried
to kill me and has failed?"
Earlier, I talked about representing the 20 trans women of color who have been murdered this
year. And in thinking about police violence, I think a lot of times we focus on how it shows up
with men, because you met with a lot of the black male family members who have been
murdered by police, but only one woman, and it was (Sandra Bland?).

19

And I can tell you that specifically or particularly black trans women are being criminalized by
the police at a disproportionate rate.
I know you just spoke at the HRC National Dinner, and I don't know what they told you about
the culture or climate for LGBT folks in this country (since love one?) this past summer.
But this is LGBT history month, and so I have to like speak up and list the names of Marsha P.
Johnson (ph), and (Ms. Major?), who are black trans women, who started the movement back in
1969 at Stonewall. And they were rebelling against police, because when they would come in
and raid the bar they would separate people based on gender and tell them, if you don't have on
three articles of clothing that match your ID, then you're going to jail for falsification or
impersonation of the opposite gender.
And I think those legacies of policing, much in the same way that they've been passed down
since slavery and like bounty hunting and like fugitive catchers, slave catchers, still exist today
when we're dealing with the police.
I think about (Shelly Hilliard?) from Detroit who was coerced into being an informant by the
Detroit police department. And when they apprehended the person they wanted to arrest, they
told him he was a well-known drug dealer, and they told him that Shelly was the one who told -ratted him out basically. And the next day she went missing and we're still -- I think a few
months ago they were still finding body parts of hers that had been scattered around Detroit,
right?
I also think about (Keisha Jenkins?), who was only 22 years old in Philadelphia, who was
murdered earlier this week. And she was beat by six men, and then shot twice in the back.
And so I'm wondering like about your commitment to going there for our communities' most
vulnerable and at-risk populations. I think the conversation around poverty and policing goes
hand-in-hand because I think that that's where a lot of the interaction first happens with folks
when they come into the police.
I think about Eric Garner selling loose cigarettes, but I also think about Shelly from Detroit
because she was a sex worker.
And so I'm just wondering, what do you think your role would be as president to kind of work on
the decriminalization of like black LGBT folks, and specifically around like decriminalization of
sex work, decriminalization of marijuana, those things that have historically been used to oppress
us.
HILLARY CLINTON: Yeah. You know, first of all, just as I've said before, I just can't even
imagine the kind of pressure and the constant anxiety and insecurity that you and so many others
live with.

20

From my perspective we do need to look hard at decriminalizing behavior that is not harmful,
that is not leading to violence, and try to figure out how best to do that.
Sitting here today, I can't tell you. I don't know. I haven't -QUESTION: But do you support it?
HILLARY CLINTON: I support the idea of it. I'm not sure exactly how you would implement
it and how -- you know, because remember, most of the laws you're talking about are state and
local laws. I mean, the federal government can encourage, can make suggestions, can provide
incentives, but most criminal law, most policing, all of the problems that we've been discussing
are really controlled at the local and the state level. So you have to have a buy-in by others, not
just by the federal government.
I think there is more conversation going on about this now, at least that I am aware of, of people
talking about what can be done to decriminalize low-level offenses to try to avoid prison, to try
to provide different kinds of support and diversionary measures to people who might be in need.
I mean there is a difference between an adult sex worker and a child trafficked into being a sex
worker, so you cannot just make a blanket statement, you have to figure out what the different
work situations are.
QUESTION: Human trafficking is what would be illegal because rape and kidnapping are
illegal when the police arent doing it. I think I heard you say when, with the Boston Black Lives
Matter quote that you cannot change hearts and minds but I do believe that we can change hearts
and minds.
I consider you one of the queens of America, and as the leader of the DNC and certainly
someone who millions of people look up to, having you go there, be a little more radical, to lead
and push folks, I think would do wonders. So you do not think that that would work? Or you do
not want to do that because of your position?
HILLARY CLINTON: No, I have been very supportive of transgender rights and I will
continue to be and I will continue to speak out against violence against transgender Americans
and I think there is a greater awareness, now, of the issue so I think there is more openness for
people to actually understand. But the violence issue is something you have to come down very
hard on. And it is not something that you change hearts and minds on. You say no, it is wrong.
People are going to be arrested and convicted for stalking; you were talking about the recent
incident
QUESTION: So, we do not want to be arresting and convicting more people. We do not want to
make the prisoner -HILLARY CLINTON: Even the people that kill
QUESTION: I went to the Huffington Post yesterday and they asked me what would I say to the
people that killed Keisha Jenkins, and I would say that I would tell them I loved them. We do not
want to make the prison industrial complex bigger. We actually want to

21

HILLARY CLINTON: What would you do with them assuming they are apprehended? What
would you do with them?
QUESTION: I think that
HILLARY CLINTON: These men, I am assuming they are men, targeted, stalked and brutally
murdered a human being. What would you do with them?
QUESTION: I think that many of the suggestions today would certainly help. When you think
about giving people access to the things that they need.
HILLARY CLINTON: There are some bad people in the world. I am sorry; there are some bad
people in the world. Bad folks, I mean there are bad rich people, they have every advantage in
the world and they are bad people. So yes, I want to help everybody I can have a different future.
And I am particularly focused on people who have not had much of a chance. They deserve a
second, third, and fourth chance. But there are bad people, and bad people should not be allowed
to hurt innocent people who are just going about their lives. So we have to make those
distinctions. That is all I am saying.
QUESTION: I think as evidence of this conversation, you are obviously somebody who is
willing to work around criminal justice and pushing that forward, but I also know that you are
getting [inaudible] and we acknowledge that that is a systemic problem and there is going to be
policy that needs to be changed, I also know that you are getting campaign money from CCA and
GEO, so I am wondering what is the justification for that, and if you are willing to publicly say
something about that
HILLARY CLINTON: I have, I have said that we are going to end private prisons. Period. End
them. I do not believe in them. I think that they have become a very insidious, pernicious player
in the whole criminal justice mess that we are facing right now. And the idea that they get paid
on keeping debts [inaudible] is absolutely wrong. So I am on the public record, I am going to end
them. The sooner the better as far as I am concerned.
QUESTION: And you get money from the lobbyists, from CCA and actually getting money
from [inaudible]
HILLARY CLINTON: I do not know who people represent. If they did, I do not know anything
about that other than to say, I am going to get rid of private prisons.
QUESTION: So if you did know, would you be willing to find out if that was part of your
HILLARY CLINTON: I am on record. I have said, we are going to end private prisons. We are
going to end them as quickly as I can. Again, I have the problem that states are running most of
the private prisons so I have to figure out how I get federal dollars away from private prisons,
that is my goal.

22

To starve them of any federal money and to cause them to have to shut down. Look, a lot of the
public prisons are not very good either. But there is something deeply offensive about private
prisons to me so yes, we are going to shut the private prisons down.
QUESTION: Let me recap some of the things that were heard today. With the understanding
that the black organizing [inaudible] has not come out yet, so we are hoping that this
conversation can inform the platform in both how you talk about issues and I think one of the
things that I heard consistently from people when talking to you was really about how you frame
and talk about things which is to push around, and I think this is [inaudible] there is this thing
about the bully pulpit that is like, what you talk about, people talk about.
And the way you talk about it, people talk about it, so I think that Biko is split on should we
arrest anybody, but what Biko was surfacing was this tension that what happens in prisons is we
throw people away.
So as much as we know there are bad people, its a question of like, are you bad forever? If you
spend fifty years in jail, the way reentry recidivism works is well you come out and youre sort
of still in jail, youre just not physically there right now. So there is this push around, lets not put
people into a system that literally throw people away. So how are we sensitive to that?
The federal thing, and I think that this is sort of, a lot of what you are saying is [inaudible] that, I
dont know your intents, Im just going to say what it feels like, it feels like this, in some ways,
an abdication of the responsibility of the President, making everything sound local, and that is
how people experienced it. So if that is your intent, then we got it. If thats not your intent, then
trying to figure out how you talk about the role of the federal government that does not let the
federal government off the hook.
And make everybody like all the states and local places have to do it. Because I think that is a
theme that people felt often. Then paraphrasing, the communities need to work really hard, we
have two examples, we know that yes people are disenfranchised and we need to be invested in
their future, we agree.
Right, everyone agrees about that. But there is something about acknowledging that people
didnt choose to get there. Like people dont wake up and think I want to be poor and live in the
projects.
And I think about I was a teacher, and I think about my parents who worked two jobs, so they
didnt come to parent-teacher conference not because they didnt care about their kid, but they
care more about their kid eating than sitting with me for thirty minutes. So I had to figure out
structurally how to accommodate them. And the language you used seemed to suggest that that
parent should have worked harder.
That would be the logical extent on the language you used, and I want to believe you dont mean
that, again but there was something about when you talked about places like Ferguson, that
people would say people worked really hard and it wasnt until people got in the street that
anybody listened, and that people had been the unheard [inaudible] and with voting the same

23

thing, that people didnt disenfranchise themselves, so people should vote. Like Malia said,
people dont vote because of other reasons.
They feel like things never work for them, and we are sitting around this table and meeting with
you because we feel like theres something about the political process that actually matters for
people, to be candid, though its important for us and the people we speak to that they also feel
like somebody in your position will actually do something different or theyre not going to vote,
right?
You and none of the other Democrats will have a future if black people just stay home, right, so
figuring out how we try to figure out how we reinvest people in the process and your statements
on bullying do seem to suggest that the voters just need to care a little bit more. And like it is that
language piece there. Again piggybacking off how Erica started, the police is central, Zelly hit on
that too, Elle hit on that. I think that how you talk about safety, that does not make the police the
central part, we would love to see you grow in that language over time. And then Delon talked
about, the mental health piece, how do we tease that out as a discreet and specific thing?
And then when we had this conversation about programs and alternative models, it would be
interesting if you could, after this conversation, lift up some, so people have these anchors. So
what we heard was a lot of commitment to exploring them, which we appreciate, but we want to
see the fruits of that exploration after this conversation.
And another thing about the New Deal. I think a lot of people have followed things about that. It
was important to hear you talk about formulas, but trying to figure out will you actually talk
about that publicly?
This idea that we need to acknowledge America's original sin, as you put it, right? What does
that actually mean in terms of how you talk about the issues and like the platform that you will
eventually release? Because we would say, is a color blind platform erases us, because it actually
does not speak to the lives of black people.
So that is sort of my recap of these things as I have front loaded at the beginning. We would love
to hear you close with like your hundred days. And given the range of conversation we had
today, in the role of president, if you win, is what would your hundred days look like for us and
the people we represent?
HILLARY CLINTON: Well first, thanks for this. I have found it really educational and
stimulating and I appreciate everybody just sharing your views with me. I want to just say, I
thought I had made it clear that I see this as a three legged stool. The federal government has to
take the lead and has to provide the incentives and the programs and the support.
We have to figure out how to get the private sector to help create the jobs and have some kind of
sustainable economic development and a community has to do its part. That is how I see it. I
those are all three necessary to move toward where we are wanting to go. Of course, as a
president, the federal government would be the principle tool that I would look to and how I
would try to use it.

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I think that it is fair for you to say that we all have to do, or I will speak for myself, I have to do a
better job of figuring out how best to communicate these concerns, and to use the bully pulpit
that I currently have, to try to connect better the legitimate and heartfelt anguish that people are
feeling, that you are representing.
I will look for ways to do that and I would welcome your suggestions. We are going to come
forth with our platform in the next few weeks and it will, I can tell you, reflect a lot of what I
have heard today and a lot of your suggestions.
I think the first hundred days, there has to be a concerted effort to make everybody feel that there
is a role and an opportunity for them in this country, and that I as president, am going to be
taking executive actions and proposing legislation that will reflect and react to a lot of the most
serious concerns we are facing.
And so I would hope to be in a position to introduce legislation on criminal justice reform, on
mass incarceration, on figuring out what the federal government can do to end private prisons. I
would be prepared to try to get all of that prepared, ready, and presented so that it can be part of
the topics in those first hundred days.
I would also look for what we can do from the federal level on tax credits, and formulas, and
support for the kind of New Deal that was mentioned, and look for any executive action that I
can take. I do not know what that would be.
I will be prepared to do as much as possible in those first hundred days to take this issue and
elevate it, and to make sure that it is part of the national discussion, to address it in everything
from my speeches to my policies to whatever else I can use.
So your work, at least from my perspective is incredibly helpful and incredibly impactful
because you are speaking clearly and forcefully about these issues and I want to reflect that in
the campaign and in the presidency.
I would just end by this. Look, I come out of the different time than all of you do. You are a lot
younger than I am. And for me working in my own way to try to promote civil rights and voting
rights, and women's rights, and gay rights and everything else that we have seen happen in the
last fifty years, provides a lens through which I see a lot of what is needed in the country.
I know that we have not done as much as we need to do and we do have a lot of continuing
injustice and racism that we have to deal with.
But there are differences. There have been changes that are important, that have to be
acknowledged, and I think we have to consider what worked and why, and what did not work
and why.
That is an ongoing analysis. I think a lot of what we tried in the past worked. Affirmative Action
worked and it was a necessary part of improving and increasing access to education for
everybody.

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QUESTION: You know affirmative action pretty much helps white women not people of color.
HILLARY CLINTON: That is not my understanding. That is certainly not my understanding.
At all. I would be happy to look into it, but that is not my understanding. Now it may be, but in
the original formulation, it was very much a help to African-Americans.
QUESTION: Right, and then because that language was not specific, it ultimately ended up
benefiting white women.
HILLARY CLINTON: See I taught at the University of Arkansas Law School. And I taught a
lot of black students who were admitted on affirmative action and who needed a lot of help. And
I spent a lot of time helping them because they were smart, they were ambitious and they were
poorly prepared.
But they were there and I worked as hard as I could to make sure they not only stayed there but
they graduated. And they would not have been there but for affirmative action.
QUESTION: I think what we are asking you is the shift in perspective and a look at how our
privilege or specifically your privilege may shape your understanding of these concepts. I think
that is why we are being very specific about using race as a structural part of our perspective.
So to clue you in on how race has shaped your perspective as well. So what may have happened
at Arkansas is all fine and dandy, but structure, like sorry -- the infrastructural level of
affirmative action and so many other programs, because they didn't specifically say, "this needs
to benefit marginalized folks of color"
HILLARY CLINTON: Right.
QUESTION: The anti-black system has allowed it to have not benefited
HILLARY CLINTON: Well, I am going to look into that. This is the first time you have that
I have ever heard this, and that is an important piece of information. I will look into that
QUESTION: We will follow up with stats.
HILLARY CLINTON: That has not, that has not been my experience, either my personal
experience or my positional privilege or my understanding, more broadly, of what was possible.
So look, we need to tackle these problems as specifically and as effectively as we can. I am 100
percent there with you. And that is why these ideas that you are putting are ones that I am
certainly going to take seriously and look to see how we can build on.
And I will not always agree with you. I mean, I am not going to mislead you. I am not always
going to agree with you just because I think you are smart and you are really incredibly wellinformed and you have got great ideas. But I will certainly listen and I will do everything I can to
try and partner with you to deal with the problems that we're facing. That's what I promise you
in those first 100 days and before and after.

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QUESTION: The logistics before we go. One is can we get a picture from Bud Sides,
HILLARY CLINTON: Sure.
QUESTION: like from somebody not at the table, so that we can
HILLARY CLINTON: Yeah
QUESTION: With a cell phone.
HILLARY CLINTON: Yeah, right. Hey Nick, do you have a camera?
QUESTION: So we can And then the other thing So that's that. People on Twitter wanted
to know about your, thisthey wanted to know about Bill President Clinton put in things that
ostensibly hurt communities of color and what will you do
HILLARY CLINTON: Yeah, well first of all as I said about what Al Sharpton said, he was
responding to a very strong request from a lot of people and to deal with what had been an outof-control crime problem.
Now he went to the NAACP last summer and he said, "Look I apologize for unintended
consequences that have grown up since he certainly has been gone from office. And so we are
you learn things, you evaluate things and I think that the mass incarceration that flowed primarily
at the state level but encouraged by federal policy is what we now have to tackle. So, that's what
I'm interested in doing.
QUESTION: That makes sense. And then what we will do is staff has committed to stay after
a little bit after you leave so we are going to meet with them. We will through LaDavia send the
feedback and the notes from this, hopefully again to inform the platform that actually comes up.
Wanted to know if you can commit to some other forum before the election where we can have a
conversation. That this cannot be the end of
HILLARY CLINTON: No, I agree with that
QUESTION: what we're talking about.
HILLARY CLINTON: No I agree with that. Yes, hopefully before the general election. Yes,
because I think that would be the right time to raise it and draw the contrasts.
And I take what you're saying about language. I do not pretend to have the right touch or feel for
language that you think is going to be most connective or responsive, so please do not only offer
ideas about policy, offer ideas about language. If language is something that makes a big
difference to you. And I will take that into account too, so

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QUESTION: I certainly think that folks our age are looking for a language that is about a longterm commitment, given our age and the ways in which we want to continue to engage, so a long
term commitment, yeah a long term commitment to marginalized communities of all kinds when
we speak of
HILLARY CLINTON: Yeah no.
QUESTION: Is definitely a language we're looking
HILLARY CLINTON: Well you can count on that. I am definitely making a long-term
commitment. I just want to make sure I am making the right commitment and that we're doing
things that will work and that will actually change lives and improve communities. And that is
what I am looking for.
QUESTION: So this would be folded into your actual agenda like your actual platform, as
opposed to being just marginalized as this is what I am talking about when I talk to black people

HILLARY CLINTON: No, no. I want to be clear about that and that is a
commitment, that that is something you will talk about in all places.
HILLARY CLINTON: Yes and I have been. I know that some of the folks in the movement
have been at my events. And I have talked about it everywhere. I have talked about it with small
groups, with large groups: criminal justice reform, ending mass incarceration and doing my best
to try to communicate that to whatever audience I am talking to.
QUESTION: Thank you.
HILLARY CLINTON: And these tough problems about what to do about mental health and
substance abuse I am really focused on those, because those are a lot of the underlying
conditions that create the kind of reactions that we now have to figure out how better to deal
with.
QUESTION: Thank you for your time.
HILLARY CLINTON: Thank you. Thank you all, thank you all very much.