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1161
1162
THE CONGRESS
'SYSTEM'
IN INDIA
in
follows,we tryto describethe partysystemas it has been functioning
India.
to formparties
Whiletheavailabilityofmultiplepartiesand thefreedom
of similarity
betweenIndia and the West,and while
gives an impression
as wellas an elementofcommonheritage,
thereactuallyaresomesimilarities
mustbe notedat theoutset.In thefirstplace,the"Western"
twodifferences
model posits a criterionof alternationor replacement-theideal of a
"choicebetweenalternatives"and the assumptionthatthe choiceis exercised in thatmanner-whichis not the criticalfactorin the workingof
thepartysystemin India. Secondly,thewesternsystemimpliesa relationin whichthelatter
and thepartyorganization
shipbetweenthegovernment
and subsidiaryrolewhichis nottrueofIndia.3
playsan instrumental
The Indiansystemcan be describedas a systemof one partydominance
fromwhatis generallyknownas
(which,it maybe noted,is verydifferent
a one partysystem).It is a competitive
partysystembut one in whichthe
competing
partsplay ratherdissimilarroles.It consistsof a partyof consensus and partiesof pressure.The latterfunctionon the marginand,
in this
indeed,the conceptof a marginof pressureis of greatimportance
system.Insidethemarginare variousfactionswithinthepartyofconsensus.
Outside the marginare several oppositiongroupsand parties,dissident
groupsfromtherulingparty,and otherinterestgroupsand important
indito
viduals.These groupsoutsidethemargindo not constitutealternatives
the rulingparty.Their role is to constantlypressurize,criticize,censure
it by influencing
and influence
insidethemarginand,
opinionand interests
above all, exerta latentthreatthatif therulinggroupstraysaway too far
fromthe balance of effective
public opinion,and if the factionalsystem
withinit is not mobilizedto restorethe balance,it will be displacedfrom
powerby the oppositiongroups.Both the ideas of an in-builtcorrective
withintherulingparty,and theidea ofa latentthreat
factionalism
through
fromoutsidethe marginof pressureare necessarypartsof the one party
dominancesystem.It is an assumptionof the systemthat the partyof
of power,
consensus,whichis presumablythe only legitimateinstrument
and demands,buta safeguardis noneis sensitive
enoughto publicpressures
thelessprovidedthroughtheoperationof thelatencyfactor,so thatthere
is always available an identifiable
groupor groupswhichcan be called
of competition
and externalcontrol,if the
intoactionforthepreservation
normalmechanismprovidedby competingeliteswithinthe partyfailsto
of the entiresystemdependson the sensitivity
respond.The sensitivity
of
and generalresponsiveness
the marginof pressure,its flexibility
beinga
functionof the elbow roomit providesto factions,dissidentgroupsand
opposition
partiesin themakingof criticalchoicesand decisions.
It is the consensussystemwhichoperatesthroughthe institution
of a
3 Robert Mckenzie has popularized this formula. See his British Political Parties,
Second Edition (London: Heineman,1963).
RAJNI
KOTHARI
1163
1164
THE CONGRESS
'SYSTEM'
IN INDIA
it
exercisedcontrolsand pressureson it, and in manyinstancesoverthrew
frompowerand replacedit.7In thisprocess,electionsin the organization
role,but also the generalelections,and the selection
played an important
of partycandidatesforthegeneralelections.Finally,thesystemof mediain theCongress8
coordination
as wellas an inter-level
tionand arbitration
of thecentralleadershipin the factionalstrucensuredactiveinvolvement
startingsometimebeforeMr. Nehru'sdeath,we find
ture.More recently,
theactivizationof the
theoperationof thesamesystemat thetop,through
centralexecutiveof theparty,and the latter'sfirmand successfulmediaof governmental
successionafterNehru.9The
tion in the determination
at all
of thepartyorganization
upshotof all thisis thecriticalimportance
and the govbetweenthe organization
relationship
levels,thecompetitive
and betweenthefactionswithineach of them.
ernment,
Thereis plurality
sucha partysystemdisplaystwofeatures.
Structurally,
provides
withinthe dominantpartywhichmakes it morerepresentative,
At the same time,it is preand sustainsinternalcompetition.
flexibility,
pared to absorbgroupsand movementsfromoutsidethe partyand thus
7 The pattern of replacementof the governmentleaders by leaders controllingthe
party organizationin the State began in Madras when Mr. C. Rajagopalachari was
replaced as Chief Ministerby Mr. Kamaraj, the State CongressPresident,in 1953. In
U5.P. Mr. C. B. Gupta firstacquired controlof the P.C.C. and then managed to win
over supportof a majorityof the membersin the LegislatureParty and broughtabout
the fall of Chief MinisterSampurnaanandin 1961, much against the wishes of Prime
MinisterNehru. The Orissa Chief Minister HarekrushnaMahatab was similarlyreplaced by Mr. Bijoyanand Patnaik in 1962, when the latter as Chief of the P.C.C.
virtuallyorganizedan agitationagainst the Congress-GantantracoalitionMinistrythat
the formerwas heading and forced the central leadershipto intervenein his favor.
Likewise in Gujarat and Mysore the leaders who had gained control of the P.C.C.s
took over as ChiefMinistersin 1963.
8 The Central leadershiphas been able to play a considerablerole in the rivalries
as the Central
between Congressfactionsin the States throughsuch instrumentalities
ParliamentaryBoard, the sub-Committeesin the Working Committee that are appointed fromtime to time to look afterthe affairsof P.C.C.s where the conflictsare
acute, and throughthe systemof the "observer"appointed to supervise,on its behalf,
the organizationalelections in the States. Possessing vast powers, rangingfrom the
of the eligibilityof primarymembersto vote to the conduct of the poll
determination
the "observers"have been able to help one or the
for electionof P.C.C. office-bearers,
otherfactionto gain controlof the organizationat the State level. The High Commland
itselfhas in a few cases been able to tilt the balance one way or the other,or bring
about a rapprochementbetween rival factionsthroughdirectintervention,usually at
the requestof local groups.
9Mr. Kamaraj as Congress Presidentplayed an importantrole in the selectionof
the successorto Mr. Nehru. With Lal Bahadur Shastri,Morarji Desai and Jagjivan
Ram in the field the task of determiningthe degree of support each enjoyed among
the M.P.s, State Chief Ministersand P.C.C. Chiefs was entrustedto Mr. Kamaraj.
Aftermeetingthemall informallyhe conveyedto the ParliamentaryParty, over whose
meetinghe was requestedto preside,his findingthat Mr. Shastri enjoyed the support
of the majorityamong the M.P.s and among the other elementsin the party. The
ParliamentaryParty accepted this findingand elected Mr. Shastri as its leader by a
unanimousvote.
RAJNI
KOTHARI
1165
It is a systemthatconcenpreventotherpartiesfromgainingin strength.
withinthedominantpartyand thenbuildsinternalchecks
tratesstrength
In thiswaythepartyrepresenting
a historito limittheuse ofthisstrength.
cal consensusalso continuesto representthe presentconsensus.This ensures the legitimacyof the systemand of the institutionalframework
underwhichit operates.
The role of the Oppositionin such a partysystemhas alreadybeen
discussed.By posinga constantthreat,it ensuresthe mobilityand lifeof
of the Congress.On the otherhand,its own
the internalpowerstructure
of theCongress,gainconditioned
by thestrength
strength
is continuously
whenthe
ing wherethe latterloses,and sometimesgainingsubstantially
has failed.10
latterhas lostgripoverthesituationor its internalthermostat
theOpposiElectorate-wise,
implications.
Such a positionhas its structural
at the local and regionallevels.
effectively
tioncan onlyhope to function
at the nationallevel and perhowever,it also functions
Legislature-wise,
formsa veryusefulrole in the maintenanceof the system.It shouldbe
traditions,
which
notedherethatthanksto the heritageof parliamentary
are further
establishedby theleadersof the
reinforced
by theconventions
nationalmovement
in the Indian Parliament,the Oppositionis givenan
to its size. This, in turn,helpssusimportance
whichis out of proportion
tain the moraleand activityof the Oppositionin spite of therebeinga
leadersof
slenderchanceof its comingto power.Also, certainimportant
the Oppositionare givenconsiderablepersonalimportanceby the ruling
and bitternessfrom
group in the Congress,thus preventingfrustration
At thesametime,thiscreatesa widegap between
takingundesirable
forms.
the leadershipand the rankand filein theOpposition,shieldingand profromtheradicalismof thelatter.
tectingtheformer
withinthe nationalpoliticalelite,however,
Apartfromthisrelationship
in India is, forall practicalpurposes,a regionalphenomenon.
theOpposition
Even the "national"partiesare loose coalitionsof State parties,which
withinoppositionparties,and theconstant
explainthegreatheterogeneity
disciplinefromabove. The secondstructuralimpliproblemof enforcing
and greatlydivided.Because
cation is that the Oppositionis fragmented
they are basicallynot partiesof consensusbut partiesof pressure,they
reasonwhysectional
presentan inchoatefront.This is anotherimportant
tribalpartiesand variouslanparties,such as the D.M.K., the different
and certainpartiesthatare essentially
sectional
guagepartiesand coalitions,
in Kerala and earlierin Andhra,and theJanSangh
suchas theCommunists
and Swatantrain certainareas, are muchmoresuccessfulin opposition.
experience
of parliamentary
Again,however,boththepositivestimulation
and thenegativecontribution
of Congressweakeningin partsof thecounofpressure:theOppotrendto sucha structure
tryhas set up a corrective
sitionpartiestoo are foundto containa wide varietyof social groups.
10 The analogy with the thermostatunderlinesthe absorbent,self-correctiveand
flexibility
functionsof factionalism.
1166
THE CONGRESS
'SYSTEM'
IN INDIA
of sectionalgroupswhichwill
Thereis also a greatersecularinvolvement
of a second
of theOpposition."But theemergence
helpin thearticulation
We shall returnto this
partyof consensusis not anywherein the offing.
trends.
pointwhenwe considerbelowtheemerging
Whatwe have discussedso farprovidesno morethana tentativedefiniof the one partydominancesystemas it operatesin
tionand description
hypotheses
India. We do notproposein thispaper to suggestexplanatory
of such a systemas we are moreconand development
fortheemergence
cernedherewiththelogicofits operationand its consequentimpacton the
is takingplace.
development
in whichpoliticaland institutional
framework
However,we may touch brieflyupon the historicaland environmental
contextin whichthe systemhas developed,as thismay help in bringing
outitsmorepeculiarelements.
to bear in mindthattheCongresstookrootand came to
It is important
forindependence
politicalpowernotas a politicalpartybut as a movement
and reform.What is importantis the long durationand organizationof
the movementand the formsit took. Establishedin 1885, and passing
througha longphase of intellectualagitationduringwhichits goals were
duringthe nineteentwentiesand thirties
articulated,it was transformed
This meanttwo
thatacquireddepthand traditions.
intoa massmovement
things.Encompassingas it did all the major sectionsand interestsof
whatwe
and came to represent
society,it acquireda stampof legitimacy
have calleda "historicalconsensus."But thisalso meantthatits structure
It was
determined.
of itscompetence
was firmly
laid out and theconditions
as a distinctive
politicalelite organizedin the formof a well-knitmoveoflevels-district,Pradesh,
mentspreadinlargeareasand alonga hierarchy
and all-India-that the Congressacquiredits identity.It is true that it
was not builtin the formof a modernbureaucracyas has been the case
parties,but it remainednonetheless
withvarioussocialisticand communist
to goals.
witha disciplineand a strongcommitment
a powerful
movement
which
ideologyoftheCongress,
theorganizational
It is thisthatdetermined
stillcontinues,and of whichthe "Kamaraj Plan" is the latest and most
characteristic
echo.
to a democratic
committed
Secondly,theCongresswas fromthebeginning
ideology,a stand fromwhichit neverwaveredin spite of a good deal of
"anti-Western"
feelingand a certainspeculativenostalgiafora utopia in
the past. Even the latterunderlinedthe democraticinclinationsof the
butpanchayatiraj (significantly
kingship,
leadership:it was nottraditional
translatedlater on as "democraticdecentralization")that was the point
of reference.Similarly,freedomof speech and toleranceof opposition
(indeedthenecessityof opposition)werecardinalprinciplesof themove11 For an account of the movementin which caste associationsare gettinginvolved
articleby Rajni Kothari and Rushikesh
in the total politicalprocess,see the forthcoming
Maru, "Caste and Secularismin India: A Case Study of the Gujarat KshatriyaSabha,"
to be publishedin the Journalof Asian Studies.
RAJNI
KOTHARI
1167
Non-violentnationalismand
ment'sideologyof politicalmodernization.
intellectualpacifismfurther
underlinedthe same democraticorientation.
characteroftheintellectual
All thisensuredthedemocratic
and competitive
climatein whichthe partysystemdevelopedin India, again settingit
apart fromthe"one-party"modelsof manyothercountries.The modelof
a one-party
statewas anathemato theCongressfromthebeginning.
conditionsfor the
Historicalreasonsare necessarybut not sufficient
of a system.Thereis no doubtthatin its characterand depth,the
efficacy
and this has
Congresswas an unparalleledmovementforindependence,
significantly
contributed
to thepresentplace of theCongressorganization
thatreally
thatfollowedindependence
in India. But it was theconsolidation
determinedthe presentfeaturesof the system.Moreover,there were
the Congressin
featuresthat not only confirmed
peculiarenvironmental
positionof unrivalledpowerbut considerablyadded to its strengthand
crystallizedit in concreteterms.It is oftensaid thatwiththe comingof
independence,
the Congressceased to be a movementand turnedinto a
politicalparty.This is a misreadingof the realityof the Indian political
situationfor even afterindependence,the Congresscontinuedto be a
movement.Having acquiredindependencefromforeignrule,it had now
to builda nation.It is thischarterofmodernization
through
nation-building
of theIndianparty
thathas determined
manyofthepresentcharacteristics
system.In this respect,it resemblesthe variousofficialand mouvement
developingnations,
partiesfoundin the communistand non-communist
features.It is in termsof
without,however,takingon theirauthoritarian
a movementbased on a consensusdevelopedthroughthe operationof
theexcessesof partisan
freeinstitutions,
whileat thesame timerestraining
character.
struggle,thatthe Congresshas achievedits post-independence
Let us look briefly
at themainfeaturesof thesystemas it operatestoday.
The Congress,when it came to power,assigneda positiveand overof society.
and politicsin the development
whelmingrole to government
thechiefconditionof
Secondly,it made thepowerof thecentralauthority
nationalsurvival.This powerwas not onlyconsolidatedbut greatlyaugmented.Thirdly,it madelegitimacy
theprincipalissueofpoliticsand gave
to the government
and the rulingpartyan importanceof greatsymbolic
value. "Only the Congresscould be trusted."This is why only the Congress was the party of consensus.The politicalsystemgot legitimized
and its agentsand heirs.
identification
witha particularleadership,
through
This made the symbolismof the Congressso concreteand manifest.
of resources,
a
Fourthly,the Congressin powermade fora concentration
monopolyof patronageand a controlof economicpowerwhichcrystallized
of its powerand madecompetition
withit a difficult
proposithe structure
it made
tion. Fifthly,by adoptinga competitive
model of development,
mobilizationand public cooperationa functionof politicalparticipation
OnlytheConratherthanof bureaucratic
controland policesurveillance.
gress,withits huge organizationallegacy,its leadershipand its control
1168
THE CONGRESS
'SYSTEM'
IN INDIA
of institutional
couldprovidesucha framework
ofparticipation.
patronage,
Similarly,
thebroadening
of thesocialand ideologicalbase of theIndian
of opportunities
withinthe Congress
politydependeduponthebroadening
as it wouldbe suicidalfornewsectionsand intereststo join an opposition
party and invitethe hostilityof the rulingparty.Indeed, it has been
repeatedlyobservedthat even whenthe grievancesof particularsections
have beensuccessfuly
ventilatedthroughagitationslaunchedby the oppositionparties,the resulthas been thattheseelementshave been absorbed
intotheranksof theCongresswhichonlystoodto gain fromthebargain:
a trulytragicplightfor the Opposition.'2The fact that the consensus
represented
by theCongresshas comenotonlyout of historicallegacybut
also a continuing
of interestsis not out of any intellectual
accommodation
alertnessor breadthof visionon part of Congressmen.
The Congresshas
beenhardon manygroups,has generallybeenconservative
on thequestion
of admitting
new recruits,
has givenin onlywhenit must,and has usually
gainedin the bargain.But the situationis such thatit confirms
the Congressmoreand morein its positionof the partyof consensus.In places
whereit has failedto accommodateentrenched
or newlyemergent
groups,
it has not occupiedsuch a positionand has been defeatedby dissidentor
opposition
groups.13
A significant
trendin politicaldevelopment
in India is the growthof
in thepoliticalsystemwhichhave led to a containment
built-inconstraints
ofconflicts
at pointswhereexcessiveconflict
is likelyto disrupttheintricate
balance on whichthe Congresssystemis based. An awarenessseems to
have grownin the leadershipthatwhereasthe mechanismof factionsto
whichthe Congresshas givenrise servesto make formobilityand leads
to a freshbalancewhenone is called for,neitherfactionalism
norpartisan
can be allowedto becomeendemic,and shouldbe heldin restraint.
struggle
There has developedover the years a conciliationmachinerywithinthe
at variouslevelsand fordifferent
Congress,
tasks,whichis almostconstantly
in operation,mediatingin factionaldisputes,influencing
politicaldecisions
in the States and districts,and not infrequently
backingup one group
againstanotherand utilizingthe electoraland patronagesystemsin confirming
theformer
in a positionofpower.Apartfromresolution
ofconflicts
and interference
in theoutcomeofconflicts,
thereis also a growing
tendency
12 Thus as a resultof the powerfulagitation for linguistic
states in Maharashtraand
Gujarat, new cadres of workerswere drawn into the political arena. Soon after the
successfulculminationof the agitation,however,the Congressabsorbed a large number
of the new entrantsand succeededin capturingfullinitiativein State politics.Similarly,
in Punjab Congressmenwho had left the party and organizeda new oppositiongroup
during the agitation against Chief Minister Kairon have re-joined it followingthe
formationof a new MinistryunderMr. Ram Kishen.
13 See, for instance,the articleson Amroha,
Farukkhabad and Rajkot constituencies
in which the Congresswas defeatedin 1963 bye-elections,in Myron Weiner and Rajni
Kothari (eds.), Voting Behaviour in India, to be punished shortlyby Firma K. L.
Mukhopadhyaya,Calcutta.
RAJNI
KOTHARI
1169
towardsavoidanceofconflicts
fromtakingan expressformat certainlevels,
suchas theAll-IndiaCongressCommittee(A.I.C.C.) or thegeneralmeeting
of thePradeshCongressCommittee(P.C.C.). This has beenmadepossible
in theformofsmallerexecutivecommittees,
by thegrowthofseveralbuffers
informal
consultative
committees,
and "innergroups"in theleadership.
The trendis also noticeableoutsidetherulingparty.Thus thesignificant
developmentin the workingof the Indian Parliamentis the growingimportanceof the CongressParliamentary
Party (C.P.P.) on the one hand
and variousfunctional
of the Parliamenton theotherin legiscommittees
lativeand politicaldecision-making.
Consultation
betweenleadersofvarious
in
partieson keybusinessissuesand thedevelopment
of State Committees
the C.P.P. are further
extensionsof thepivotalroleof theCommitteesystem in the makingof parliamentary
consensus.Similarly,in the Council
of Ministersthelatesttrendis theappointment
ofexpertsand "non-controversial" figuresto key ministerialpositions.Even among the politician
conflictand controversy
ministers,
appear to have been restricted
through
theemergence
ofan innergroupin theformofa "collective"and theavoidance of abstractissues throughthe eliminationof the "ideologues"from
important
positions.In otherspheres,therehas eitheralreadytakenplace
or a demandis being made forautonomyand non-politicalfunctioning.
Thus in civil-military
the militaryis givenmoreand more
relationships,
autonomyon its internaladministration,
as wellas in themakingof policy,
thus makingfora relationship
of mutualconfidenceand trustand fora
high state of moraleand respectforcivilianauthority.Similarpleas for
are being made for the PlanningComautonomyand "professionalism"
missionand thenationalizedindustries.
These are all developments
leading
to a limitationof the sensitivezone of factionalpolitics,withoutany attemptto limitpoliticalparticipation,
or restrictthe rightto criticizethe
or articulatepublicopinionto censureit on particularfailures
government
or shortfalls.
They constituteno morethanin-builtcorrectives
to a highly
politicizedstructureof institutionsthroughwhich the Congresssystem
operates.
Such a positionof theCongresshas been further
cementedby thepolicy
of neutralizing
some of the moreimportantsourcesof cleavage and disin the country.Thus the removalof feudalism,the linguisticreaffection
of labor
organizationof States,the energeticinfiltration
by Congressmen
unionscoupledwithprotectivelegislationforlabor,the removalof gross
social inequalitiesby grantof specialprivilegesto depressedsectionsof the
and the firmsuppressionof all acts of violence,secessionand
community,
disaffection-allthis has succeeded in neutralizingpotentialsources of
All of this has been part of the Congressdrivefor
politicaldisaffection.
on the other.Together,
legitimacyon the one hand and modernization
thesefeaturesadd up to a considerablestrengthening
of thepartyof consensusand a correspondingly
problematic
positionfortheopposition
parties.
On the otherhand, such an impressiveconsolidationof powerin the
1170
THE CONGRESS
'SYSTEM'
IN INDIA
RAJNI
KOTHARI
1171
1172
THE
CONGRESS
'SYSTEM'
IN
INDIA
RAJNI
KOTHARI
1173
RAJNI KOTHARI is Director of the Center for the Study of Developing Societies,
New Delhi.