Journal of Consumer Marketing

Compulsive buying behavior

Aviv Shoham Maja Makovec Breni

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Aviv Shoham Maja Makovec Breni, (2003),"Compulsive buying behavior", Journal of Consumer Marketing, Vol. 20 Iss 2 pp.
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An executive summary for

managers and executive
readers can be found at the
end of this article

Compulsive buying behavior

Aviv Shoham

Senior Lecturer, Graduate school of Business, University of Haifa,

Haifa, Israel

Maja Makovec Brencic

Assistant Professor, Faculty of Economics Ljubljana, University of

Ljubljana, Ljubljana, Slovenia

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Keywords Behaviour, Purchasing, Israel

Abstract Consumer compulsive buying is an important area of inquiry in consumer
behavior research. The importance of studying compulsive buying, stems, in part, from its
nature as a negative aspect of consumer behavior. Specifically, exploring negative
consumption phenomena could provide modified or new perspectives for the study of
positive consumption behaviors. Moreover, research on negative facets of consumption is
useful because it can potentially contribute to society's wellbeing, an important criterion
for usefulness of any research. This paper builds on earlier papers to propose a model of
compulsivity antecedents. Gender, consumers' tendency to make unplanned purchases,
and their tendency to buy products not on shopping lists, serve to predict compulsive
tendencies in a sample of Israeli consumers. The findings suggest that these antecedents
affect compulsive tendencies.

Introduction
Faber et al.'s qualitative paper (1987) and O'Guinn and Faber's (1989a)
phenomenological exploration on compulsive buying behavior have
generated a number of empirical papers. The increase in the study of
consumer compulsive buying behavior illustrates its importance as an area of
inquiry in consumer behavior research. The importance of this phenomena
stems, in part, from its nature as a negative aspect of consumer behavior
(Faber and O'Guinn 1992). Thus, it parallels other negative behaviors, such
as gambling and alcoholism (Faber et al., 1987).
Research on negative
aspects of consumer
behavior

Importantly, negative consumption phenomena could be compared and

contrasted with positive consumption behaviors (O'Guinn and Faber, 1991).
Beyond this benefit, research on negative aspects of consumer behavior can
provide potential guidelines to policy makers about how to combat it and
reduce its impact. In this way, such research can contribute to a society's
wellbeing, an important criterion for usefulness of any research in marketing
(Peter, 1991).
Recent empirical studies have provided reliable and valid measures of
compulsivity, designed as screeners of compulsive buying tendencies. Two
operational approaches appear to have dominated the literature. Faber and
O'Guinn (1992) developed a seven-item scale and assessed its reliability and
validity. Notably, an earlier version of the scale used a subset of three items
(O'Guinn and Faber, 1989b) and Faber and O'Guinn (1989) used a super-set
of 14 items to operationalize compulsivity. A second approach (Youn and
Faber, 2000) used a nine-item scale, developed by Rook and Fisher (1995).
To the best of our knowledge, both operationalizations have been tested
exclusively in the USA. Thus, there is a need to assess the role of consumer
compulsivity, both substantively and methodologically, in other countries.
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Additionally, previous research on compulsivity has centered on consumer

personality traits that are linked to or affect compulsive behavior. For
example, Faber and O'Guinn (1988, 1992) reported that, compared to other
consumers, compulsive buyers are lower on self-esteem and higher on
fantasy and materialism (see also Faber and O'Guinn, 1989b). Significant
differences have also been reported between compulsivity tendencies and
positive feelings, feeling fat, and feeling depressed (Youn and Faber, 2000).
However, a number of potential antecedents of compulsivity have not been
included in previous research. First, cross-gender differences might exist
between compulsive buyers. Second, the extent to which consumers tend to
buy products on impulse (non-pre-planned items, which are not included in
purchase lists) could determine their compulsivity. Third, compulsive
behavior might depend on consumers' tendency to buy complementary and
unplanned items.
A theoretical overview

This paper builds on earlier papers to propose that these three compulsivity
antecedents could serve to predict compulsive tendencies in a sample of
Israeli consumers. Below, we provide a theoretical overview and develop
research hypotheses. Then, we discuss our study and its findings. The paper
concludes with research and managerial implications derived from the
findings.
Theoretical overview and research hypotheses
Unplanned purchases, shopping lists, and compulsive tendencies
Researchers have argued that studying negative consumption phenomena is
important to the development of the field of consumer behavior (Faber and
O'Guinn, 1988, 1992). Important in this context is the ability to measure
such negative consumption tendencies. The instruments developed for this
purpose provide reliable and valid pre-screening scales.
Three types of processes/purchase types have been recognized in the context
of this research (Solomon, 2002). First, unplanned buying occurs mostly
when a consumer is unfamiliar with a store's layout, is under time pressure,
or is reminded of the need to buy if an item when seeing it on the shelf. In
contrast, impulse buying is an outcome of a sudden consumer's irresistible
urge to buy an item spontaneously. Finally, compulsive buying refers to
consumers' repetitive shopping, at times excessive, because of boredom,
tension, or anxiety (Solomon, 2002). Our emphasis in this research is on the
latter form of negative consumption.

Negative economical and

psychological
consequences

Compulsive buying has been defined as a ``chronic, repetitive purchasing

that becomes a primary response to negative events or feelings'' (O'Guinn
and Faber, 1992, p. 459). In time, such a tendency implies negative
economical and psychological consequences (O'Guinn and Faber, 1989).
Previous studies have shown that, compared to other consumers, compulsive
buyers tend to have lower levels of self-esteem, a higher level of tendency to
fantasize (O'Guinn and Faber, 1989), and higher levels of depression,
anxiety, and obsession (Scherhorn et al., 1990). Thus, prior research has
provided some evidence about underlying dynamics of compulsive buying.
However, previous research has mostly excluded behavioral and
demographic characteristics.
Unplanned purchases and the use of shopping lists. Solomon (2002) refers to
two types of in-store decision-making situations (spontaneous and impulse
purchases). Spontaneous purchasing occurs in three contexts: when a
shopper is unfamiliar with the store's layout, is under severe time pressures,
or is reminded by in-store shelves or displays to purchase a product. For

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JOURNAL OF CONSUMER MARKETING, VOL. 20 NO. 2 2003

example, consumers may spontaneously buy a shirt to go with a planned

purchase of a pair of pants. Research has shown that about one-third of
unplanned purchases are made on the basis of in-store need-recognition
(Iyer, 1989) and that more than a half of all purchases are spontaneous
(Block and Morwitz, 1999).

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In contrast to spontaneous shopping, impulse purchases are made when a

person experiences an irresistible urge to buy a product. Many retailers cater
to and encourage impulse purchases by conveniently locating impulse items
(such as candy) near checkout counters (Solomon, 2002). Consumers can be
categorized to planned, partially planned, and impulse shoppers on the basis
of the extent of the advance planning they do (Cobb and Hoyer, 1986; Iyer
and Ahlawat, 1987).
Determining compulsivity
tendencies

The extent to which consumers engage in in-store decision-making processes

(spontaneous and impulse purchasing) could be used to determine their
compulsivity tendencies. Consumers, who make many spontaneous and
impulse in-store decisions, will be more inclined to compulsive purchase
behavior than other consumers are. Moreover, higher levels of impulse
buying and, consequently, compulsive buying should depend on the extent to
which consumers tend to pre-plan and stick to their plans or shopping lists.
In combination, these arguments suggest a positive link between unplanned
purchases and purchase of items off consumers' shopping lists, and
compulsive purchase behavior:
H1. The higher the individuals' unplanned purchases, the higher their
compulsive purchase tendency.
H2. The higher the individuals' tendency to buy items off their product list,
the higher their compulsive purchase tendency.

Women are more likely to

plan their purchases

Gender
We included gender based on Block and Morwitz's (1999) study about the
use of shopping lists. Cobb and Hoyer (1986) found that women are more
likely to plan their purchases than men are. Block and Morwitz (1999)
attribute this tendency to three reasons. First, traditionally, females have
been in charge of grocery shopping. Second, because of such traditions,
females tend to know more about stores and products. Third, also due to their
traditional role, females have a better idea about inventory levels when they
go shopping than males do (Goldman and Johansson, 1978; Urbany et al.,
1996).
Thus, it is not surprising that Block and Morwitz (1999, pp. 361-2) found
that the probability that a purchased product was on a planned list was higher
for females than for males. They concluded:
. . . the probability that an external memory aid [formal or informal shopping list]
was used for an item given the item, was purchased, is . . . greater if the shopper is
female.

Therefore, females, who abide by pre-planned lists (written or mental), will

exhibit lower levels of compulsive purchase behavior than males will. Thus:
H3. Females will exhibit lower levels of compulsive purchase tendencies
than males will.
Figure 1 provides the model tested in this research. The hypotheses were
tested in a study of Israeli consumers. Details about the study follow.
Importantly, the shopping environment in Israel is very similar to the one in
JOURNAL OF CONSUMER MARKETING, VOL. 20 NO. 2 2003

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Figure 1.

the USA. Regarding store types, Israel, like the USA, has numerous
specialty, department, convenience, discount, off-price, factory, and
combination stores, as well as supermarkets, warehouse clubs, superstores,
hypermarkets, and catalog showrooms. Not only are these types popular in
Israel, their marketing mix tends to follow the ones used by their US
counterparts (Kotler and Hornik, 2000).
Research methodology
Sample
The data used to test our research hypotheses were gathered in Israel through
a structured questionnaire. The questionnaire was distributed to 112 Israeli
individuals, all of whom provided sufficiently complete questionnaires (we
used the maximally available data in our analyses, resulting in effective
sample sizes between 92 and 112). Student teams were thoroughly instructed
in research methodology. Then, they collected data in community, shopping,
and student centers. The teams were instructed to collect data in centers
located in mid-class neighborhoods in a Northern city in Israel.
Low mean age

Regarding gender, 45.5 percent (51) were males and 54.5 percent (61) were
female. The sample was young, with individuals varying between 21-65
years (mean age = 31.9; SD = 11.3). We attribute the low mean age to the
fact that data were collected in the beginning of school breaks, when many
young families visit the centers in which data were collected. Consistent with
this age distribution, income (coded at three levels: below average, average,
and above average, but with numerical ranges corresponding to Israel's
means) was skewed to the lower level (58.2 percent, 17.3 percent, and 24.5
percent, respectively).
Questionnaire
The questionnaire included a number of items and scales. Other than
traditional demographic items, it included two scales and one item used to
test the research hypotheses. These are discussed below.

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JOURNAL OF CONSUMER MARKETING, VOL. 20 NO. 2 2003

Compulsive purchase tendency. The questionnaire included seven items of

the combined lists used and validated by O'Guinn and Faber (1989) and
Faber and O'Guinn (1992). The seven items were introduced by ``How
frequently have you experienced each of the following?'':
(1) Bought something and when I got home I wasn't sure why I had
bought it.
(2) Just wanted to buy things and didn't care what I bought.
(3) Bought things even though I couldn't afford them.
(4) Wrote a check when I knew I didn't have enough money in the bank to
cover it.
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(5) If I have money left at the end of the day period, I just have to spend it.
(6) Felt anxious or nervous on days I didn't go shopping.
(7) Bought something in order to make myself feel better.
Unplanned purchases. The questionnaire included two items designed to
measure the extent to which respondents tend to make unplanned purchases.
The two five-point items (1 = almost never/never to 5 = almost always/
always) were: ``How frequently have you purchased a planned item and an
unplanned, related item at the same time (i.e. searched for a shirt and
bought related pants as well?)'' and ``How frequently have you purchased a
non-planned item near the counter as you waited to check out?''.
Tendency to buy items off the product list. One five-point item was used (1 =
almost never/never to 5 = almost always/always). The item was: ``Do you
buy non-pre-planned items or items not on your list?''.
Bilingual translators were
used

Since the items in the compulsive purchase tendencies' scale were developed
in English, one bilingual individual translated them into Hebrew. Then, a
second bilingual individual, blind to the original items, back-translated the
items into English. Finally, a third bilingual individual, in consultation with
the other translators, assessed the accuracy of the translation. Inconsistencies
were resolved through a discussion of the three individuals.
Reliability
Compulsive purchase tendency. The scale's validity and reliability (in
different combinations) has been established previously. O'Guinn and Faber
(1989b) provided support for their scale's reliability (alpha = 0.75) and Faber
and O'Guinn (1992) provided evidence of validity for their scale.
The scale was reliable in our study as well. Alpha was 0.69, only slightly
lower than the reliability reported by O'Guinn and Faber (1989b).
Additionally, corrected item-to-total correlation coefficients exceeded 0.30
and the deletion of any item would have weakened the scale's reliability. We
created an average score for respondents' compulsivity tendencies. The
sample's mean was 2.20 (SD = 0.56), which is lower than the middle point
on the scale (3.0). This is not surprising, given that Faber and O'Guinn
(1989b) estimated that the incidence of compulsive buyers in the population
was bound by 5.9 percent.
Unplanned purchases. Two items were used to measure unplanned
purchases. The scale exhibited an acceptable level of reliability for earlystage research ( = 0.59). We averaged the two items to create an unplanned
purchases' scale to capture consumers' tendency to buy non-pre-planned

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131

items. The scale averaged 2.75 (SD = 0.83), close to the middle point on the
scale (3.0).
Tendency to buy items off the product list. As noted, this tendency was
measured with one item, which averaged 3.28 (SD = 1.08). This suggests that
respondents tended to buy items off the list fairly frequently.

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Analysis
An ANCOVA model was used to test the hypothesized relationships.
Unplanned purchases, the tendency to buy items off the product list, and
gender served as independent variables. Compulsive Purchase Tendency
served as a dependent variable (Table I). The ANCOVA model was
significant (F-value = 14.75; 3 df; p-value < 0.01). The model resulted in an
R2 of 0.34, accounting for 34 percent of the variance in Compulsive Purchase
Tendencies.
A significant predictor of
compulsive purchase
tendencies

Unplanned Purchases. The extent to which consumers tend to make

unplanned purchases was a significant predictor of their compulsive
purchase tendencies (b = 0.29; p < 0.01). Consumers, who make more
unplanned purchases, were significantly more likely to exhibit compulsive
tendencies. Eta2 was 0.20, suggesting that the impact of this variable was the
strongest of the three dependent variables. Thus, the data supported H1.
Tendency to buy items off the product list. The data supported H2. The impact
of venturing off one's list or pre-planned set of items on compulsiveness was
positive and significant (b = 0.09; p < 0.05). Eta2 was 0.04, suggesting that the
impact of this variable was the weakest of the three dependent variables.
Gender. Gender played a role in line with our expectations in H3. Females
were significantly (p < 0.01) more likely to exhibit compulsive purchase
behavior (mean = 2.24) than males were (mean = 2.02). Eta2 was 0.09,
suggesting that the impact of this explanatory variable was of medium
strength compared to the other two dependent variables.
In sum, the data provided strong support to H1-H3. Below, we discuss this
pattern of relationships, explain the findings, and derive implications.
Discussion, implications, and limitations
Limitations
We acknowledge several limitations of our research, which suggest that the
findings should be viewed with caution. First, we used a convenience sample
of Israeli consumers. Thus, generalizing from our sample should be done
cautiously. As was noted earlier, our sample included consumers, who were,
on average, young and with lower-than-average income. Future research is
needed with a more balanced age and income distribution.

Source
Model
Intercept
Gender
Unplanned
purchases
Purchases
off the list

Type III sum Degrees of

of squares
freedom
9.21

p<

SE

Eta2

3
1
1

14.75
30.37
8.41

0.01
0.01
0.01

1.17
0.28

0.19
0.10

0.34
0.26
0.09

21.54

0.01

0.29

0.06

0.20

3.84

0.05

0.09

0.05

0.04

Table I. ANOVA results

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JOURNAL OF CONSUMER MARKETING, VOL. 20 NO. 2 2003

Second, to what extent can we generalize from our findings to other

countries? In answering this question, we note that Israel is a just-developed
country. Israel has opened the local market to imports over the last decade.
As a result, many multi-nationals have entered the market (e.g. Domino's
Pizza, Office Depot, and Ikea). Given these changes in Israel, we believe that
our findings can be generalized to nations undergoing similar changes in
their markets. For example, Slovakia, the Czech Republic, and Slovenia are
three markets going through structural changes similar to Israel's. Further
research in such countries would increase confidence in the generalizability
of our findings.

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Third, we used a single measure for off-list buying tendencies. While this
item had the hypothesized impact, suggesting that it has nomological
validity, future research may benefit from the use of a more elaborate scale.
Compulsive buyers have
lower self-esteem

Discussion and research implications

Previous research has shown that compulsive buyers have lower self-esteem,
a higher level of tendency to fantasize (O'Guinn and Faber, 1989), and
higher of depression, anxiety, and obsession (Scherhorn et al., 1990),
compared to other consumers. Thus, prior research has gone a long way in
addressing and enhancing our understanding of the underlying dynamics of
compulsive buying. However, as noted earlier, earlier research has
concentrated on the study of character traits that give rise to compulsivity. In
contrast, our research incorporated behavioral and demographic drivers of
compulsivity.
Unplanned purchases and the use of shopping lists. Two in-store decisionmaking situations exist: spontaneous and impulse purchases (Solomon,
2002). The former can occur when consumers are unfamiliar with stores'
layout, when severe time pressures limit the ability of consumers to engage
in extended decision making, or when in-store shelves or displays remind
consumers of an unfulfilled need. While our study did not assess the
frequency of such purchase behavior, our findings provide some support to
earlier research, which has documented that many purchases are spontaneous
or unplanned (Block and Morwitz, 1999; Iyer, 1989). The average tendency
to make purchases off the list or in our sample was higher than the mid-point
on a five-point scale (3.28).
We argued that the extent to which consumers engage in in-store decisionmaking situations (spontaneous and impulse purchasing) should determine
their compulsivity tendencies. The hypothesized positive links between
unplanned purchases and purchase of items off consumers' shopping lists
and compulsive purchase behavior were substantiated by our data.

Gender was a significant

predictor of compulsivity

Gender. In line with our theoretical arguments, gender was a significant

predictor of compulsivity. Thus, our study provides additional support to
earlier research on cross-gender purchase differences in the context of usage
of shopping lists (Block and Morwitz, 1999) and pre-planned purchase
behavior (Cobb and Hoyer, 1986). Apparently, as argued by Block and
Morwitz (1999), Israeli females are still in charge of grocery shopping and
serve as family experts on stores and products in many families.
Additionally, in line with their traditional roles, females recognize inventory
depletion when they go shopping (Goldman and Johansson, 1978; Urbany et
al., 1996). Because of their traditional roles as house-makers, females in our
study were more likely to exhibit a tendency for compulsive purchasing.
Notably, the impact of gender, while statistically significant, was not large.
Thus, the traditional housewife may be a decreasing phenomenon in many

JOURNAL OF CONSUMER MARKETING, VOL. 20 NO. 2 2003

133

countries. As house chores are split more evenly in developed countries, the
expertise of both husbands and wives may be more evenly divided than it
was in the past. Future research might examine the impact of gender in more
traditional societies, such as Moslem countries.

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Additionally, previous research has established differential gender roles

across products. The seminal work of Davis and Rigaux (1975) added
structure to the study of family decision-making roles (Davis, 1970). They
identified three phases of decision making: problem recognition; search for
information; and final decision. The roles and relative influence of husbands
and wives differed based on decision-making stage and product type (MooreShay and Wilkie, 1988; Wilkes, 1975; Yavas et al., 1994). Davis and Rigaux
(1974), Bonfield (1978), and Putnam and Davidson (1987) found that
decision making tends to become more syncratic or joint in more advanced
stages (Moore-Shay and Wilkie, 1988; Shuptrine and Samuelson, 1976).
Since women plan what to buy, a worthwhile topic for future research is to
assess if compulsivity is invariant across all products or if its impact is
strongest for female-dominant product categories.
Can only speculate about
other demographics

In terms of demographics, we examined gender and can only speculate about

the impact of other demographics. Would marital status affect compulsively?
The added responsibility of having a family may reduce the tendency for
compulsive buying. Similarly, would age affect compulsivity? As
individuals grow older, they become more risk-averse and, hence, less
inclined to buy compulsively. Future research can address these questions.
Implications
Multiple reasons for unplanned or compulsive purchases exist. One may see
an item in the store and recognize a need or only decide when visiting a
store. Since positive links between unplanned purchases and purchase of
items off consumers' shopping lists and compulsive purchase behavior were
substantiated, firms have to be aware of compulsivity when creating sales
and in-store strategies. Substantial consumption can be affected by negative
buying impulses (Faber and O'Guinn, 1988), which should be accounted for
by marketing managers and by consumer advocates. Being aware of the
compulsive buying phenomenon, firms can use it strategically to increase
sales by implementing in-store promotional and selling techniques. These
would make a positive and persuading impression on potential customers,
building on their compulsive tendencies. Segmentation on the basis of
gender, compulsivity tendency, and tendency to buy off the shopping list and
targeting females and high-compulsivity or high-impulse people should
improve sales and profits.
On the other hand, since consumption compulsivity can be seen as a negative
social and cultural phenomenon, social policy makers should consider this
negative impact and design policies to reduce it. Segmentation, based on
gender, compulsivity tendency, and tendency to buy off the shopping list, is
called for. Targeting public programs at females and high-compulsivity or
high-impulse people should help reduce the social negative impact of
compulsivity.
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Further reading
O'Guinn, T.C. and Faber, R.J. (1988), ``An exploration of the world of compulsive buying:
correlates, process, and consequences'', working paper, University of Illinois.
Park. C.W., Iyer, E.S. and Smith, D.C. (1989), ``The effects of situational factors on in-store
grocery shopping'', Journal of Consumer Research, Vol. 15, March, pp. 422-33.

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&

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This summary has been

provided to allow managers
and executives a rapid
appreciation of the content
of this article. Those with a
particular interest in the
topic covered may then read
the article in toto to take
advantage of the more
comprehensive description
of the research undertaken
and its results to get the full
benefit of the material
present

Executive summary and implications for managers and

executives
Compulsive buying do we have a problem?
Compulsive buying is a well recognised phenomenon but marketers (as
opposed to psychologists) have given little attention to its provenance.
Indeed, we have on occasion been accused (not without some justification) of
exploiting compulsive shopping tendencies. Shoham and Brencic build on the
existing body of research into compulsive buying by looking at behaviour
outside the USA (in Israel) and at looking beyond psychological traits
influencing compulsive buying. The incorporation of demographic and
behavioural elements into our understanding of compulsive buying is
especially important since these factors are more readily identifiable than
character traits (which will always rely on individual intervention).
Compulsive buying covers a range of conditions from the relatively benign to
the pathological. Understanding how (and indeed whether) individuals move
along a path from benign to problem compulsive buying is important to us in
appreciating the dynamics of consumer behaviour.
Retail therapy
Ever heard the term ``retail therapy'' as in: ``I have had a lousy day, I am
going for some retail therapy''? For many people (mostly but not exclusively
women) shopping is a relief from stress and the problems of everyday living.
For a brief while the individual consumer can submerge himself/herself into
the pleasure of looking at things to buy and, of course, making purchases
that will, he/she hopes, lift the gloom a little.
The problem comes when the ``retail therapy'' becomes unsustainable and
contributes to the stress rather than relieving it. Going shopping might be
relaxing but it is not so if the result is debt, compulsion and more stress.
Marketers have a responsibility to recognise that part of what they are doing
(quite properly) by promoting the product and services they sell helps to
encourage compulsive shopping behaviour. Shoham and Brencic work
sounds a little warning bell that may make us think about the consequences
of some marketing activities without suggesting that these activities are in
any way reprehensible. Indeed, just as we do not ban gambling to solve the
problem of the compulsive gambler or prohibit beer because of the alcoholic,
we should not apply too many constraints on marketing to deal with the
pathological condition of compulsive buying.
Unplanned purchases the first step towards compulsion?
Shoham and Brencic point out that a large proportion of purchases are
unplanned we buy things that we see in the store either because we forgot
to put them on our list or because they appealed when we saw them.
Marketers and retailers use in-store display, offers and presentation to
encourage this behaviour since it makes a significant contribution to store
income (Shoham and Brencic report that over a third of purchases are
unplanned in the sense that the consumer didn't set out with that purchase in
mind).
The problem is that the more people make unplanned purchases the closer
they get to compulsive behaviour. Shoham and Brencic find that there is a
link between purchases that were not on a consumer's ``shopping list'' or
were unplanned and compulsive buying behaviour. The more organised the
shopper the less likely they are to drift in compulsive buying behaviour.

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This finding creates a dilemma for marketers and retailers since we like
unplanned purchases and make every effort to encourage consumers to act in
this way. Unfortunately, we are also contributing to the conditions where
pathological compulsive buying occurs.
Men and women who are the compulsive buyers?
Shoham and Brencic confirm that women are more likely to indulge in
compulsive buying behaviour. Partly this reflects the fact that women are
more likely to do the shopping and especially the main weekly shop for a
family. The authors raise the question as to whether the changing nature of
gender roles within western societies is acting to reduce the expectation that
women will indulge in compulsive buying (presumably while the men are
getting drunk or losing money on the horses).
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However, and despite the less subservient role for women in western society,
they still dominate in the high street. Regardless of income, education or
social class women remain the main shoppers. Partly this reflects
socialisation (women take their daughters shopping while men take their
sons to the match) but it also reflects preferences in terms of enjoyment and
relief of stress.
Is compulsive buying a growing problem?
This question is not answered but must be relevant to any debate about how
we respond to the problem of compulsive buying. As average incomes rise,
the opportunities for buying also rise and we might expect to see an increase
in compulsion. If this is the case then there is a valid argument for seeking to
develop programmes to educate and prevent compulsive buying developing.
If it is not the case, then this argument is less easy to sustain despite more
money, more advertising and a bewildering range of goodies to buy we are
not becoming more tempted by impulsive or compulsive buying. If this is
demonstrated then we marketers are off the hook. If the reverse is true we
should think seriously about the ethics of some marketing activities and
especially sales promotions aimed at encouraging impulse buying.
(A precis of the article ``Compulsive buying behavior''. Supplied by
Marketing Consultants for Emerald.)

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