Etruscan Coinage

The coinage of the Rasna : a study in etruscan
numismatics. Part I
Autor(en):
Vecchi, Italo
Objekttyp:
Article
Zeitschrift:
Schweizerische numismatische Rundschau = Revue suisse de

numismatique = Rivista svizzera di numismatica
Band (Jahr): 67 (1988)
PDF erstellt am:
30.08.2016
Persistenter Link: http://doi.org/10.5169/seals-175117
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ITALO VECCHI
THE COINAGE OF THE RASNA

A STUDY IN ETRUSCAN NUMISMATICS
Parti
HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION
Mystery has surrounded the Etruscans for centuries. They were described either as
indigenous Italians or Slavs, Basques, Celts, Canaanites, Armenians, Egyptians or
Tatars. Today the most generally accepted theory is that they were a race of
indigenous Italic origin infused with oriental influences. The Greek name for the
Etruscans is Tyrsenoi or Tyrrhenoi, the Latin Etrusci or Tusci, but according to
Dionysius of Halicarnassus their own name for themselves was Rasenna '. He quotes
Hellanicus' identification of the Etruscans with the Pelasgians, the original inhabitants
of Greece who came to Italy and founded Cortona, but, rejecting this legend, states
that the Etruscan race is very ancient and has no similarities in language and customs
with any other race2.
Etruria proper, lying between the Arno and the Tiber rivers, takes in part of mod
ern Umbria, all of Tuscany and Latium down to Rome. Etruscan colonies were estab
lished in the Po valley and Campania as early as the 6th century B.C.
Etruscan civilization seems to have developed from the Iron Age culture known as
Villanovan from the site near Bologna where it was first identified in 18533. These
Iron Age sites later became important Etruscan cities and were usually situated near
the sea or on lakes or rivers, and often in naturally defensive positions such as hill-tops
surrounded by rich farmland.
The 8th century saw increasing economic development with Phoenician and Greek
merchants and colonists trading for Etruscan commodities such as iron, bronze and
wood. Though condemned as pirates by a hostile Greek tradition, by the 7th century
the Etruscans were naval rivals of the Greeks and Carthaginians. Their influence
spread abroad and Etruscan bucchero ware has been found in North Africa, Spain,
Southern France and Greece.
An ostentatiously luxury-loving aristocracy evolved, encouraged in its tastes by
goods imported from Greece, Phoenicia, Cyprus and Egypt. Fantastic animals and
demons, copied from eastern prototypes, were especially appreciated and are promi
nent in Etruscan art.
' Roman Antiquities I 30 Paovai, Paovva; see also Thesaurus Linguae Etruscae (Rome
1978), 301, rasna and TLE Pars I, Liber Linteus Zagrabriensis XI (u), 5.
2
Ibid. I. 30, 2.
3
H. Hencken, Tarquinia, Villanovans and early Etruscans, American Society of Prehistoric
Research, 1968.
43
By the 6th century southern Etruria had an advanced culture attested by the tomb
paintings, sculptures and monumental architecture found at Vulci, Tarquinia, Cervetri, Veii and Praeneste. The orientalising style was more slowly absorbed in north
ern Etruria and the Po valley. Apparently the mining areas of Populonia and Vetulonia were not yet developed.
By about 700 B.C. the Etruscans had adopted the archaic Greek alphabet, using the
scripts of Pithecousae and Cumae as a model. They developed it locally (subject to dia
lect and individual solutions to the problems of adaption), mostly for votive inscrip
tions and for the religious literature which was to influence later Roman ritual practice
profoundly. The Etruscan alphabet gave rise to the Oscan and Umbrian scripts in cen
tral Italy, and to various alphabets in northern Italy, as well as to the early Latin script
used on the Lapis Nigra of ca. 600 B.C.
During this period appears in Etruria and Latium the use oi praenomen and nomen fol
lowed by cognomen as a means of distinguishing/amz/w and gentes, a system of nomen
clature unique in the ancient world4.
Parallel with the Greek world, an artistic golden age blossomed in Etruria where we
find migrant Greek painters such as Aristonothos at Caere and western Asiatic metal
workers whose tradition combined Cypro-Phoenician and Greek elements. Vulci
housed a school of Greek craftsmen who produced vases of Corinthian type. Scullard
well describes how the historical events of the early period down to the 5th century
(often handed down to later ages by oral tradition rather than documented evidence,
unfortunately), bound the social and economic relations of Etruria with Rome ever
closer5. In ca. 616 Lucius Tarquinius Priscus of Tarquinia became the first Etruscan
king of Rome, establishing a dynasty that was to last until the end of the 6th century
B.C. He secured both the Tiber bridgehead and the land route to Campania. Even
with a developed agricultural base, industry, advanced mining technology, irrigation,
timber and animal husbandry, and despite the spectacular economic and cultural
growth of the 6th century caused by the influx of Ionian refugees from the Persian
Wars, a system of local coinage was not introduced as it was in the Achaean colonies of
southern Italy. This is a controversial statement which I hope to clarify later. In
Rome, central Italy and Etruria, however, use was made of bronze bars and crude
bronze lumps, aes rude, as bullion for limited commercial transactions.
The extent to which Roman institutions and culture are indebited to Etruria is best
evaluated by Ogilvie in a constructively critical and scholarly account of Rome's early
history6. He sifts through the facts and fables in the histories of Livy, Dionysius of
Halicarnassus, Diodorus and Cicero and tries to establish what really took place from
the start of the Etruscan domination in ca. 625 to the sack of Rome by the Gauls in ca.
390. From this study it emerges that Rome inherited anthropomorphic representations
of the gods from the Etruscans as in Tarquin's temple where the Capitoline triad of
Jupiter Optimus Maximus (Tinia), Juno (Uni), and Minerva (Minvra) were repre
sented by statues sculptured by Vulca from Veii. This temple probably replaced altars
E.g. vel tutna tumu (Vel, of the family of Tutna, surnamed Tumu), see M. Cristofani, Dizio
nario della civilt Etrusca (Florence 1985), 232.
5
H.H. Scullard, The Etruscan Cities and Rome (London 1966), 243-284.
6
R.M. Ogilvie, Early Rome and the Etruscans (Glasgow 1976).
4
44
in an open sanctuary dedicated to Italic deities such as Mars and Quirinus. In com
mon with other cities, Etruscan Rome acquired a Trojan hero-founder in Aeneas.
Although the traditional histories handed down to us are full of anachronisms and
are written in a cyclical form similar to the Greek epic where facts and fiction are fitted
into a preconceived framework, there is a hard core of fact7. Rome became a civilised
Etruscan city with a lunisolar calendar, the toga and trabea, the sella curulis, the
ceremony of the triumph and a modern hoplite infantry with Greek tactics, recruited
by a levy legio based on individual wealth. Etruscan doctors, priests, craftsmen,
builders and traders all helped in this transformation from village to city.
Chaos followed the fall of the Tarquin dynasty to which the insurrections of Mastarna and Porsenna bear witness. Etruria was now to lose contact with Campania via
Latium; the salt route (the via Salaria) probably was also interrupted. The general
insecurity in central Italy led to a spate of wall building as in Veii and Rome. Accord
ing to Livy (2.9.6.) the monopoly of salt, the price of which was high, was taken from
private individuals and transferred to state control, an indication of troubled economic
times. Archaeological evidence for the period 475-450 B.C. shows a reduction in trad
ing relations throughout the region, a recession that was to deepen in the 4th century
when the Italic hill tribes encroached on the territory of Latium and the Campania. It
is during this period that Etruria began, paradoxically, to become progressively
Romanized.
One consequence of these economic setbacks was that many individuals were com
pelled into bondship, nexus; as Ogilvie observed, in a world without money, there were
few ways of discharging debt once it had been incurred8. There was in fact money
in circulation, in the form oi aes rude and aes signatum of the ramo secco type. By the
end of the 4th century Rome began to issue a true silver and bronze coinage of Greek
type which was soon followed by a reformed system of cast units and divisions, the aes
grave. Etruria probably followed Rome's initiative in the early 3rd century. Good rela
tions between Rome and Etruria endured; as late as 310 Livy (9.36.36) records that
the half brother of the consul Q. Fabius Rullianus was educated at Caere and spoke
fluent Etruscan. An important feature of Etruscan society, and lasting until the end of
the Roman period, was that no priestly rank could be held by anyone not of aris
tocratic birth. In Etruria as in Rome, the spiritual power was with the Rex Sacrorum,
the chief priest.
This aristocratic priestly caste with kings, lauchme, and magistrates, zilath, supported
by a middle class (possibly free farmers) apparently ruled the Etruscan cities before the
3rd century. There seems to have been no need for coined silver and gold, but as we
know from Roman sources, the use of bronze was sanctioned as an economic commod
ity. In his study and analysis, Peruzzi describes the traditional inception of the mon
etary function of bronze at Rome during the reign of Numa Pompilius, the role of
bronze in the Servian census and the system of fines until ca. 4349. A means of
See the fine analysis by M. H. Crawford, Coinage and Money under the Roman Republic
(London 1985), 17-24.
7
Supra (n. 6), 108.

E. Peruzzi, Money in Early Rome (Florence 1985).
45
exchange, as distinct from coinage, had indeed existed in Etruria and central Italy in
the form of bronze from early times and lasted until, if not later, than the introduction
of coined money in the area at the end of the 4th century.
Etruria had never developed a central political organisation and when faced with the
growing power of Rome failed to achieve unity. The league of twelve cities was mainly
of a religious character, with a common sanctuary at Volsinii and an annual fair and
festival where the representatives of its members would meet.
The decline of the Etruscans is well documented. They were defeated in 524 by
Aristodemus of Cumae and again in 505 at Aricia. Tarquinius Superbus, last king of
Rome, an Etruscan, was expelled in ca. 510. The Etruscans lost the naval battle of
Cumae in 474; moreover, the 5th century saw the loss of Campania to Samnite tribes
which deprived the Etruscans of all their southern territories. In the latter part of the 5th
century the Gauls invaded the Po valley and in the mid 4th century were
threatening Etruria itself. Yet Rome was to prove even more dangerous in the long
run and in 396 took Veii after a long siege. Bologna (Felsina) and Marzobotto had
fallen into Gaulish hands, and the Senonian chief Brennus entered Etruria and
attacked Clusium. Roman envoys responded to the call for help from Clusium which,
like Caere, had abstained from assisting Veii; the fact that they fought personally in
the battle caused the Gauls to march on Rome itself in 390. Caere gave shelter to the
Roman priests and vestal virgins when they fled with their sacred objects before the
invaders. According to Livy, Rome bought off the Gauls with 1000 pounds of gold,
and then continued its hostilities in Faliscan territory and against Tarquinia10. Be
tween 358-351, however, all the Etruscan cities united in resistance to Rome. In 353
Caere signed a hundred year's truce while Falerii and Tarquinia obtained one of forty
years.
In 311 war broke out again when an alliance of the Etruscan cities (not including
Arretium) besieged Roman Sutrium, which had become a Latin colony ca. 383. Rome
succeeded in expanding along the upper Tiber valley. The coastal cities were less sub
ject to Roman pressure and were able to send ships to Agathocles of Syracuse when he
was blockaded by the Carthaginians in 307 B.C. "
In the early 3rd century some Etruscan cities allied themselves with the Samnites,
Umbrians and Gallic tribes against Rome, but this coalition was decisively beaten at
Sentinum in Umbria in 295. In 294 Rusellae in central Etruria fell to Rome. In 285
the Gaulish Boii and the Etruscans were defeated at the battle of Lake Vadimo. Fur
ther Roman triumphs are recorded for 281/280 against Tarquinia, Volsinii and Vulci,
while Caere fell in 273. After this Rome employed a policy of garrisoning southern
Etruria and building military roads: the Via Aurelia to the Tyrrhenian coast, the Via
Clodia to Saturnia, the Via Cassia to Arretium and the Via Flaminia to Umbria.
Social tensions during the wars had caused internal struggles, as at Volsinii in 264
which can possibly be associated with an issue of rare coins (if so, probably the first to
show a mark of value, nos. 1-4). From the sack of Volsinii the Romans carried off two
thousand statues, an indication of Etruscan wealth in the early hellenistic period. In
The Early History of Rome, 5.48.

Diodorus Siculus xx.61.6-8.
46
241
Falerii revolted; it was also destroyed and its inhabitants were deported to
a new
city.
The last great Celtic incursions into Etruria was made by forces composed of tribes
from Cisalpine Gaul and mercenaries from Transalpine Gaul. They were annihilated
by two Roman armies in 225 near Telamon. The Etruscans made no move to ally
themselves with the Gauls as they had done in the early 3rd century.
During the Second Punic War (218-202) the Etruscan cities generally kept their
treaties of alliance with Rome although in 202 some of their leading citizens were
investigated by the consul Servilius Geminus for conspiracy. In 205 Etruscan allies
helped to supply Scipio's expedition against Carthage: Caere provided grain and
provisions for the crew, Populonia iron, Tarquinia linen for sails, Volterra corn and
wood for shipbuilding, Arretium a vast quantity of armour, weapons, tools, handmills
and corn, Clusium and Rusellae timber and wheat. All this suggests considerable agri
cultural and industrial wealth.
The great aristocratic families appear to have retained their rank and wealth during
Rome's gradual incorporation of Etruria into the Roman state and the examples of
Arretium and Volsinii show that Rome was always ready to support the ruling classes
against the plebians. In 196 a general slave uprising in Etruria was repressed by a
Roman army under the praetor M. Acilius Glabrio, who returned the surviving slaves
to their owners.
In 137 the quaestor Tiberius Gracchus observed that southern Etruria had been
almost abandoned by a free peasantry of smallholders and shepherds and was now
dominated by a few rich landlords whose latifundia were worked by foreign slaves. In
northern Etruria small farms apparently continued to flourish.
In 91 there was unrest in central Italy owing to the economic consequences of the
agrarian laws of Livius Drusus. By 89, however, Rome conferred citizenship on those
Etruscans who had remained loyal during the Social War of 91-89. In the subsequent
conflict between Marius and Sulla most Etruscan cities favoured Marius, much to
their cost. Populonia and Volterrae were besieged and starved out in 82-80.
In 41-40 Octavian besieged Marcus Antonius' brother Lucius in Perusia. This last
Etruscan city to make a stand against Rome was starved into submission and burnt to
the ground; many of its leading citizens were slaughtered.
The Etruscan nation as such had ceased to exist and in 27 B.C. Etruria became the
7th region of Augustus' Italy. By the time of Varr and the Emperor Claudius the
Etruscans were already a matter for antiquarian speculation.
Most of the obscurities of Etruscan history can be traced to a lack of native his
torians and to a largely hostile Roman tradition. Yet the Etruscans were the first
civilized nation which the early Romans encountered. Religion, civil institutions,
warfare, architecture, art, engineering, a taste for gladiatorial games, the alphabet
and a shared use of bronze currency and monetary institutions demonstrate how
Rome was civilized under Etruscan influence.
At some time in the 3rd century Etruria produced a coinage based on a scruple
weight standard. In ca. 215 it was modified to conform to the Attic weight standard
which prevailed in the hellenistic world, concurrent with the Roman silver denarius
introduced in ca. 211.
47
The monetary tradition
The origins of Etruria's coinage can be sought in the central Italian bronze currency
system of the 1st millennium B.C., for which we have literary evidence from Roman
sources and oral traditions only. They are anachronistic, however, and tend to invent
historical as well as monetary events.
It has long been evident that Rome's early political and cultural development is
more closely linked to that of its northern neighbour Etruria than to the Greek colonies
of southern Italy where a silver coinage had been introduced in the mid 6th century
B.C. based on a weight standard of about 8 g. This coin, Aristotle says, was called a
nomos at Taras. This weight standard which is found nowhere else seems to have had
no influence on the bronze weight standard of central Italy.
The evidence of primitive bronze (aes rude) currency hoards in the Po valley,
Etruria, Umbria, Campania and Sicily confirms the use of bronze currency, as dis
tinct from coinage, at a very early date. Roman tradition made the beginning of coin
age respectably antique by associating it with king Numa Pompilius.
Pliny (N.H. 33, 34), quoting Timaeus, says that Servius Tullius (later identified
with the Etruscan Mastarna) was the first king to adopt marked bronze in Rome. This
statement probably reflects the designation of a bronze unit of weight in some form in
the middle of the 6th century so that commodities, not only bronze, could be cal
culated in their bronze value by weight in asses. Fibulas, adzes, aes rude and aes sig
natum of the ramo secco type were hoarded and must have been the bronze which
needed re-weighing with each transaction, a process that was still in use after the
introduction oi aes grave at the beginning of the 3rd century B.C.
The central Italic libra or pondus was known as an as, pound, and was weighed, i.e.
pensum, and not counted, numeratum by weighers or cashiers, dispensatores. Soldiers'
pay, sipendium, was heaped and weighed; payments, expensa, were weighed out. The
etymology of as is probably the Greek word '(XGI weighed or what draws down.
The early aes rude, coarse unfinished lumps of bronze, were weighed out in aestimatio,
appraisal or estimate. All these terms lasted well into imperial times (by which
time their origins had been forgotten) and many have passed into modern languages
with little change in their meaning.
Peruzzi has demonstrated that the Latin linguistic tradition produces a clearer
understanding of the function of bronze currency12. Legal acquisitions were confirmed
by the formula per aes et libram, by bronze and scales in a transaction called mancupium, laying one's hand on something acquired as early as the period of the XII
Tables (451-450 B.C.). Libra, from the Greek litra, is also attested by the XII Tables
and may have come from southern Italy.
That Etruria must have had a similar economic system is evident from the bronze
hoards in its territory and from the extraordinary occasion recorded by Dionysius of
Halicarnassus which is traditionally dated to 508 B.C. Lars Porsenna, the Etruscan
king of Clusium, narrowly escaped assassination by Mucius Scaevola while he over
saw the payment of Stipendium to the Etruscan army which was besieging Rome in an
12
48
Supra (n. 9), 13-77.
attempt to reinstate the Etruscan Tarquinius Superbus, Rome's last king, who had
been expelled in 510 B.C.
We have terms from this early period which relate to later coin-striking activities.
Nummus perhaps derives from Numa Pompilius, owing to the tradition that this king
started currency in bronze, and came to mean a coin; it has no connection with the
Greek nomos meaning custom or law, thus nomisma
current coin. The word moneta,
coin, derives from the temple oi Juno Moneta (from the root monere, to admonish or
remind) dedicated in 344, which was built on the site of the older shrine where the
sacred geese of Juno had been kept. This became the location ad Monetam, the mint,
during the war against Pyrrhus (281-272). Solarium was the money given for salt,
hence allowance or pay; the aerarium, place of bronze, was the public treasury.
Between 295 and 293, Livy (X, 30.3) informs us, 1740 Perusian prisoners were
ransomed for 310 asses each. Perusia and Arretium (X, 37.4) were fined 5,000 asses
each, and the Faliscan settlement cost 100,000 asses of heavy bronze (X, 46.5). It was
in the context of the bronze-using economy of central Italy that Etruscan coins
appeared in the early 3rd century on a weight standard and with marks of value com
patible with the contemporary Roman system. Today Roman issues are well under
stood but they have a long history of misinterpretation owing to Pliny's mistaken dat
ing of the introduction of the denarius to the 485th year of Rome (269 B.C.), with all
the misleading implications this has had for the chronology of the early cast coinage of
the region.
The curious delay in the appearance of coinage at Rome has been ascribed by
Ogilvie to the economic collapse that followed on the sack of Rome by the Gauls and
the slow recovery thereafter13. Etruria was never to become seriously involved with
the production of coined money in the way of its Greek and Latin neighbours.
Etruscheria'4, attribution and dating
Etruscan coins were first described by Passeri as early as 176715. From the onset
they were misunderstood, misdescribed, misattributed and incorrectly dated. Eckhel
properly identified coins of Populonia and Volterra but added to the general confusion
by attributing the Koson gold stater to Cosa and the coinage of Elis (with F-A in the
field) to F alisci16. Millingan identified Etruria's aes grave issues as parallel to those of
Umbria and Rome but saw Populonia's early struck issues as archaic on grounds of
style and types, and believed them to be influenced by coins from Phocaea in Ionia17.
Carelli correctly catalogued Populonia but attributed the bronze coinage of Vetulonia
to Telamon '8. In his monumental work Mommsen gave a metrologica! analysis of the
13
Supra (n. 6), 135.
14
A term still in use,
see
Enciclopedia dell'arte antica (Rome 1960), 504 and Cristofani
(supra n. 4), 99-100.

15
G.B. Passeri, In Thomae Dempsteri libros de Etruria regali paralipomena (Lucca 1767),
nummaria Etruscorum dissertatis).
J. Eckhel, Doctrina nummorum veterum (Vienna 1792).
J. Millingen, Considrations sur la numismatique de l'ancienne Italie (Florence 1841).
F. Carelli, Nummorum Italiae veteris (Leipzig 1851).
153 ff. (de re

16
17
18
49
subject but dated Populonia's inception of coinage to the mid 6th century following the
example of Solon at Athens19. Gamurrini wrote an excellent study of the material
available; he followed Mommsen's dating but noted the parallels between Populonian
and Syracusan litrae for silver and those between the Etruscan and Roman marks of
value for gold and bronze issues20. He was the first to publish the hoard of Auriol-type
coins from Volterra (IGCH 1875) and other finds. Corssen validly interpreted most of
the Etruscan legends in their generally accepted attributions21. Mller and Deecke
catalogued the various Etruscan issues with traditional dates, adding a list of finds22.
Hultsch identified the scruple standard of the early silver of 11.38 g and followed
Mommsen for its Babylonian origin, dating it to the 5th century B.C.23 A parallel was
made between Pliny's denarius of 269 B.C. and the Attic standard 20 litrae silver
stater which he called a double denarius. Garrucci was the first to give systematic
descriptions of Etruscan coins with find spots and hoard information24. His chrono
logy followed Mommsen's and Hultsch's but the Roman parallels were not taken up.
Falchi provided a good catalogue of the Vetulonian coinage but misattributed some of
Populonia's silver; he adopted Mommsen's chronology and his parallels with Rome25.
Sambon's work was more complete than Garrucci's and attempted both to include
all known types and mints and to discuss the beginning of Etruscan coinage from the
mid 5th century on the basis of style and its standard, which he considered Persic26.
To this day it is the basic study. Haeberlin compared the Roman gold coins with the
XXX value mark, now known to be false, with the genuine Volsinii issues27. He later
published an excellent study of central Italian bronze metrology, including Etruria,
though using traditional dating28. Head fixed the beginning of the gold coinage to the
5th century and the gold issue of Volsinii to ca. 300-26529. According to him, an early
Euboeo-Syracusan litra standard before 350 B.C. was followed first by a Vi -litra stan
dard, then in the 3rd century by a 2-scruple standard and finally later by a 1-scruple
standard and its bronze equivalents, a very tidy arrangement. In the same year
Kovacs also neatly divided the coinage on metrological grounds into six periods from
500 to 200 B.C., relying heavily on Mommsen, Hultsch and Sambon, and drawing on
Asiatic origins for the weight standard30. Cesano arranged and dated the series by
historical probabilities to the wars against the Gauls and the Romans from the 5th to
the 3rd century31. In the same year Sydenham noted that it would have been most
natural for the Etruscans to have imitated Rome; he went on to date Etruscan silver to
19
20
21
22
23
24
25
26
27
T. Mommsen, Die Geschichte des rmischen Mnzwesens (Berlin 1860), 260-272.

CF. Gamurrini, Le monete d'oro etrusche, Per. Num. Sfrag. II (Florence 1874).
W. Corssen, Die etruskischen Mnzaufschriften, ZfN 3, 1876, 1-26.
K. O. Mller - W. Deecke, Die Etrusker (Leipzig 1877), 379-434.
F. Hultsch, Griechische und rmische Metrologie (Berlin 1882), 684-689.
R. Garrucci, Le monete dell'Italia antica (Rome 1885).
I. Falchi, Vetulonia e la sua necropoli antichissima (Florence 1891).
A. Sambon, Les monnaies antiques de l'Italie (Paris 1903), 7-83.
E.J. Haeberlin, Die jngste etruskische und die lteste rmische Goldprgung, ZfN 26,
1908, 229-272.
28
id., Aes Grave (Frankfurt 1910).
29
HN, 11-16.
30
E. Kovacs, Le systme montaire de
31
S. Cesano,
50
l'Etrurie, RIN 24,
Tipi monetali etruschi (Rome 1926).
1911, 382-403.
before 271 and aes grave to between 275 and 26832. Giesecke attributed the early silver
coinage of scruple standard to the 5th century in southern Etruria33. He dated the lionhead gold issues to after 450, linking them to the Syracusan litra standard, and gave
the Populonian 10-litra Attic weight staters to the 4th century and the 20-litra Attic
weight staters to the 3rd century under Roman influence, thus chiefly following tradi
tional theories.
Mattingly noted that the Populonia 20-unit stater was struck on the standard of the
denarius34. His second edition, after the revolution in which the date of the denarius
was lowered, omitted the reference to Populonia35. He later assigned the light
Etruscan silver to the Second Punic War (218-201), considerably earlier than his date
for the introduction of the denarius which he calculated to be in 18736.
Pallotino published all known Etruscan inscriptions including those on coins and
dated them to the 4th and early 3rd century on grounds of style (see TLE nos. 357,
378, 409, 459 and 789)37. Thomsen, in his fundamental study, for the first time placed
Etruscan coins in their logical chronological context, parallel to the coinage of Rome,
and placed the introduction of the denarius to ca. 211 B.C. on the evidence of the
Morgantina finds38. The Plinian school was superseded and it became evident that the
Etruscan marks of value denote the same bronze as equivalents which were later
adopted by Rome for its silver 10-a.s coin, the denarius.
Jenkins published two carefully thought-out articles on the subject. He stated that
of Etruscan coins is notoriously difficult
yet there appears to be no
hoard evidence of value for chronology and indicated that the Populonian X and XX
value didrachm series probably reflected the central Italian bronze devaluations39.
The Etruscan bronze he found tolerably datable
they suffer a reduction from
triental to sextantal, but found it hardly possible that silver and bronze ran parallel as
the style was so different. Later he confirmed the early dating of the X-value
didrachms, but rejecting Breglia's Asiatic weight standard and Giesecke's Chalcidian
litra, he opted for a scruple and double-scruple standard for inland Etruria40.
During the 60s and 70s the Plinian school was championed by Panvini Rosati who
stressed the traditionalist dating and attributions in several articles41.
the dating
32
A. E. Sydenham, A Study of the Cast Coinage of Rome and Central Italy (Oxford 1926),
700 ff.
W. Giesecke, Italia Numismatica (Leipzig 1928), 20-30.

H. Mattingly, Roman Coins (London 1928), 12, n.l.
35
id, 2nd edition (London 1967), 5 ff. See also H. Mattingly - E. S. G. Robinson, The date of
the Roman denarius and other landmarks in early Roman coinage, Proceedings of the British
33
34
Academy 1932, 211-266.

36
H. Mattingly, The first age of Roman coinage, JRS 35, 1945, 65-77.
37
M. Pallotino, Testimonia Linguae Etruscae (Florence 1954 and 1968).
38
R. Thomsen, Early Roman Coins. Vol. I-III (Copenhagen 1957-1961); see II, 287-305.
39
G. K.Jenkins, NC 1955, 132.
40
id., NC 1959, 23-24.
41
E.g. F. Panvini Rosati, La monetazione delle citt etrusche e italiche prima della conquista
romana (Bologna 1970).
51
of the Contributi introduttivi allo studio della moneta

zione etrusca with numerous articles by eminent scholars in the field42. The tradi
tional school was prominent, but much useful work was done in specific areas which I
shall note later. Perhaps the most interesting article was by Sutton; it was not well
received by traditionalists as it upheld Thomsen's theory of the parallel between the
introduction of the denarius and the 20-as gorgoneion issue of Populonia43. Marchetti
took Thomsen's theory to its logical conclusion by demonstrating the metrologica!
linkage between Etruria's four main coinages with marks of value and Roman aes
grave44. The Etruscan issues were shown to be parallel to the Roman librai through to
sextantal revaluations which had been identified by many earlier scholars and con
firmed by Crawford45.
Marchetti published an all-embracing study of the period in which he repeated the
theories already expounded in his Naples Atti paper on Etruscan metrology46; he was,
however, rebuked by Thomsen for some of his interpretations of the weight standards
used during Rome's bronze revaluations47. Thomsen goes on to refine and confirm
the dating of the various stages of bronze revaluation from librai aes grave to uncial aes
within the 3rd century.
In 1979 Thurlow and Vecchi attempted a summary of the latest developments in the
dating and attribution of the aes grave of central Italy including Etruria48; their chrono
logy was based on Thomsen's original survey and was therefore roughly in line with
the modern trend toward a lower dating of Republican bronze, with all its implications
for Etruscan metrology.
With Catalli we witness the re-emergence of the traditionalist school; he used the
excellent line-drawn plates of Garrucci to illustrate a well-researched catalogue but
made no attempt at metrological analysis, repeating the traditional chronology based
1975 saw the publication
on style49.
The Italian Ministry of Culture declared 1985 the year of Progetto Etruschi and a
great deal was written on Etruscan coins by well-known scholars such as M. Cristofani
and L. Tondo50. Mostly based on material from the Museo Archeologico of Florence,
catalogues were compiled and dated along traditionalist lines with no concession
given to the latest research. The same year also saw the publication of
Peruzzi's study of central Italy's pre-coinage bronze currency economy which clearly
showed how the Etruscan economy was integrated into that of Rome and central Italy
42
Atti del V convegno del Centro Internazionale di Studi Numismatici (Naples 1975), here
after Naples Atti.
43
R. F. Sutton, The Populonian coinage and the Second Punic War, Naples Atti, 199-211.
44
P. Marchetti, Monnaies trusques avec marques de valeur, Naples Atti, 273-310.
45
M. H. Crawford, Roman Republic Coinage (Cambridge 1974), 3-35.
46 P.
Marchetti, Histoire conomique et montaire de la deuxime guerre punique (Brussels
1975).
47
R. Thomsen, Les dvaluations Rome (Rome 1978), 9-30.

B.K. Thurlow - LG. Vecchi, Italian Cast Coinage (London 1979).
49
F. Catalli, Numismatica etrusca ed italica (Rome 1984).
50
M. Cristofani, L. Tondo et al., L'Etruria mineraria. Artigianato artistico and civilt degli
Etruschi (Florence 1985).
48
52
from
very early date, but did not take into consideration the anachronistic tendencies
of the classical authors51.

Crawford not only clarified and confirmed the revaluations of bronze from a librai
to a sextantal standard in 218-21152 but demonstrated the widespread use of pre-currency bronze in central Italy and the parallel between the emergence of the 20-a.r
Populonian silver and the Roman denarius which reflected common efforts and
economic conditions in the Second Punic War. Little consideration, however, was
given to Etruria's early issues except to state that for all practical purposes (coinage)
was not adopted in Etruria for three centuries after its adoption by the Greek poleis in
the west.
of the traditionalists of the Naples Atti of

coins
the
of
standard
with those of Syracuse in the 5th and
Attic
linking
weight
4th century and resuscitating the archaic Asiatic origin for the earlier scruple silver
standard53. No attempt was made to refute the chronology for central Italy established
by Thomsen and Crawford, although Gardner54 was liberally drawn on, and
Breglia55 and Hackens56 were freely cited, all of whom date the introduction of coins in
Etruria to between the 6th and 5th centuries.
It is my intention in this brief study to demonstrate how close the relationship was
between Etruria and its neighbours in central Italy, most particularly with Rome, its
heir and then its master, in numismatic matters as so often and so potently in the
affairs of war and the arts of peace.
In
1985 Parise vigorously argued the cause
1975,
Metrology
The scruple standard
By the treaty of Apamaea between the Seleucid Empire and the Romans in 188
B.C., the Roman libra was for practical purposes tariffed at 80 to the Attic talent of
25,8 kg, giving a libra or pound of about 325 g, subdivided into 12 unciae of about 27 g
and 288 scripula of about 1,13 g.
Since the earliest Etruscan silver and gold coinage is based on a scruple standard,
the probable date for the unmarked silver of Vulci and Populonia will be that of
Rome's earliest silver staters of between ca. 300 and 255. The Roman staters were
ultimately stabilised at a weight standard of about six scruples while Etruria kept to
units of 20, 10, 5 and 2 scruples, with or without marks of value.
"
E. Peruzzi, Money in Early Rome (Florence 1985).

Supra (n. 7), 1-60 passim.
53
N. Parise, La prima monetazione etrusca, in: Il commercio etrusco, Concilio Nazionale
delle ricerche (Rome 1985), 257-261.
54
P. Gardner, A History of Ancient Coinage 700-300 B.C. (Oxford 1918).
55
L. Breglia, Le antiche rotte del Mediterraneo documentate da monete e pesi (Rome 1955).
56
T. Hackens, La mtrologie des monnaies trusques les plus anciennes, Atti Naples,
221-270.
52
53
The marked silver was probably introduced after the inception of aes grave, first
issued in Rome and Etruria from ca. 280. The issue with the mark of value 5 (nos.
28-35) of about 11,3 g is based on a double scruple silver-related as standard corres
ponding to the so-called librai bronze as. The semilibral revaluation of 217 B.C., or
soon after, is reflected in the Octopus/Amphora series (nos. 36-38) by 20-as pieces of
about 22,5 g, 10-as pieces of about 11,3 g and unmarked fractions (nos. 39-45)
probably intended to correspond to one as of the single scruple standard.
Populonia and possibly Vetulonia issued gold multiple-^ pieces parallel to Rome's
Mars/Eagle series struck during the Second Punic War shortly after 211 B.C.; they are
on a 72o-scruple gold-a^ standard with multiples of 50, 25 and 12 M> asses. These issues
were also contemporary with Rome's new 10-sextantal as denarius (of 4 scruples) and
its fractions, all reflected in the Populonian 20-as (or didenarius) and a series of frac
tional silver coins which I shall discuss later.
While the various allegedly librai aes grave issues vary in weight, both above and
below the theoretical standard Roman pound57, the silver scruple standard is more
consistent, confirming the weight of the pound at ca. 325 g except in the case of the
small fractional silver pieces which seem to have been struck carelessly.
That the Romans and central Italians overestimated the worth of bronze compared
with silver and gold is confirmed by Etruscan issues of silver and gold coinage with
ever increasing marks of value relative to the bronze as.
A remarkable anonymous series, possibly privately issued, with marks of value 1
and 10 reflects a gold as standard (theoretically about 0.075 g) related to the bronze socalled triental standard. These libellae may well reflect the need for gold coins during
the triental 10-as Gorgoneion period of between 215 and 211. Crawford attributes the
oath-scene gold issues of so-called staters and half-staters on a six-scruple stater stan
dard of about 6.75 g to this period. There also exist other anonymous issues which do
not belong to any recognised weight standard but nonetheless bear a mark of value;
they come chiefly from central Etruria and are either votive or reflect an era of
economic anarchy in the 2nd century B.C. An example of one these libellae, which I
shall discuss later, can be seen in Garrucci pl. 71,3.
The scruple standard of the librai as period,
Denomination
Volsinii
20-as gold
5-as gold
1
-as
silver
Ratio
Approximate
theoretical weight
4 ser.
1
ser.
2 ser.
4.5 g.)
1.13 g.)
2.25 g.)
gold/silver
rd century-217
Bronze as of 288 scruples
(theoretical weight 325 g.)
gold
Vs
ser. (0.225 g.)
1:10
silver/bronze
silver
2 ser.
(2.25 g.)
2 ser.
(2.25 g.)
1:144
Populonia
and
Vulci
Silver piece
Silver piece
Silver Piece
5-as silver
15 ser.
(16.9 g.)
g.)
5 ser.
5.6 g.)
10 ser. (11.3 g.)
10 ser. (11.3
silver/bronze
silver
1:144
57
There is an excellent deliberation on the weight of the Roman pound in Crawford (supra
n. 45), 590-592. See also Thomsen (supra n. 47), 12 ff.
54
The scruple standard of the semilibrai
Populonia
and
Vetulonia
Denomination
Ratio
Approximate
theoretical weight
20-as silver
10-as silver
5-as silver
20 ser. (22.5 g.)

10 ser. (11.3 g.)
5 ser.
as
period, ca. 217-215
silver/bronze
Bronze ai of 144 scruples

(theoretical weight ca. 162 g.)
silver
ser. (1.13 g.)
1:144
5.6 g.)
The scruple standard gold and related denarius silver of the sextantal
as
period, after 211
Denomination
Ratio
Approximate
theoretical weight
Bronze as of 48 scruples
(theoretical weight ca. 54 g
2.5 ser. (2.8 g.)

1.25 ser. (1.4 g.)
gold
Populonia
50-as gold
25-as gold
12.5-as gold
10-as gold
and
Silver
Vetulonia
20-as (didenarius)
10-as (denarius)
5-as (quinarius)
2.5-as (sestertius)
1-as
(libella)
Vi
gold/silver
S4o
ser. (0.056 g.)
1:8
ser. (0.70 g.)

ser. (0.56 g.)
silver /bronze
8 ser.
(9g.)
4 ser.
2 ser.
1
ser.
% ser.
(4.5 g.)
(2.25 g.)
(1.13 g.)
(0.45 g.)
silver
ser. (0.45 g.)
1:120
The Hoard Evidence
Of the
several Etruscan and related hoards in the IGCH only the first three have
relevance
to the present study:
any
The Volterra hoard (IGCH 1875) contained silver coins of the Auriol type; they
were published as Etruscan issues by Gamurrini58. Cristofani attributed the Pegasus
types to a local mint in the 5th century59. Furtwngler identified them as Phocaean/
Massalian, dating them to the early 5th century as coins of the general Auriol type as
found in Spain and Gaul60.
The Pyrgi hoard (IGCH 1905) of 1957, published by Colonna, is another example
of a foreign group found in Etruria61. It consisted of 4 tetradrachms of Athens, 3 of
Syracuse, and one each of Messana and Leontini and was apparently buried ca. 400
B.C. It is significant that there are no known hoards of Etruscan coins of this period, a
sign of absence of monetary activity in Etruria during the 5th and 4th centuries.
58
59
60
61
Per. Num. Sfrag. 1872, 208; ibid, (supra n. 18), 54-57.
Atti Naples, 87-104, esp. 99-101; (supra n. 50), 239-240.

A.E. Furtwngler, Monnaies grecques en Gaule, TYPOS III (Fribourg 1978), 41-44.
A. Colonna, Ripostiglio del santuario di Pyrgi, CIN 1961 Vol. II Atti (Rome 1965),
167-177.
55
The Campiglia Marittima hoard (IGCH 1943) found in 1932 consisted of lion's
head gold of 50, 25 and 12 Vi asses, two male head types of 10 asses and the unique owl
type of the same value. Kraay in IGCH doubted that there was any silver in the find
(as reported by Ravel in 1936) and queried a 4th century date. The hoard represents
part of the Populonian gold issue parallel to Rome's Mars/Eagle gold struck on a gold
as standard of about 0.056 g (V2o-scruple) and corresponds to the bronze sextantal as of
about 54 g (48 scruples). This hoard may well have been much larger in number than
the recorded pieces; since the 1930s many examples of what was previously a very rare
coin have turned up in commerce.
The Populonia hoard (IGCH 1953) of 1867"; the Cecina hoard (IGCH 1954)63 of
1858 (which includes the wheel type, Sambon 26); the Sovana hoard (IGCH 2041)64 of
1885; the Val d'Orcia (IGCH 2042)65 of 1930; and the large Populonia hoard (IGCH
2043) of 1939 first published by Scamuzzi66 and again by Petrillo Serafin67 are all of
the Roman sextantal period (ca. 211-200 B.C.).
The Gattaiola hoard found by Zecchino in 1985 contained three 10-a. hippocamp
silver types (SNG ANS 17) and five fractional pieces of a previously unknown type, a
goose68. Based on the weight standard of the 10-<u pieces, this hoard seems also to be of
the sextantal period though it was found with hellenistic pottery of reputably earlier
date.
A group of aes grave found at Tarquinia and published by Haeberlin is on a heavy
bronze as standard of up to 367 g and is related to Rome's heavy librai aes grave of ca.
280-24069. It was probably during this period that Etruscan silver coins with marks of
value were first issued on a consistent scruple standard, but apparently in small
quantities only, as witnessed by the lack of hoards of Etruscan silver coins of this early
period.
Other Etruscan bronze appears in the Monteriggioni hoard (IGCH 2049), dated by
Crawford to ca. 18070, and the Citt Sant' Angelo hoard (IGCH 2051)71, dated by the
same author to ca. 150.
The 3500 silver coins of the Carrara hoard (IGCH 2055), dated ca. 80 by Craw
ford72, were mainly Roman silver victoriati, denarii and quinarii together with 3
triobols of the Achaean League; it contained no Etruscan coins at all.
A few stray finds of Greek coins mainly from Napolis, but also from Macedonia
and southern Italy listed by Crawford73 indicate the sparseness of coin and hoard
62
63
64
Gamurrini, Per. Num. Sfrag. 1872, 209.

id., Per. Num. Sfrag. 1874, 68 n. 1.
C. F. Gamurrini, Le monete dell'Italia antica II (Rome 1885), 184; R. Bianchi Bandinelli,
Studi Etruschi 1932, 552 note 1.

65
Bianchi Bandinelli, 543-553.
66
E. Scamuzzi, Studi Etruschi 1941, 141-162.
67
P. Petrillo Serafin, AIIN 23-24, 1977, 69-106.
68
Le monete etrusche di Lucca, RIN 87, 1985, 273-274, da: Archeologia Viva 4, 1985, 3.
69
Haeberlin (supra n. 27), pl. 92.
70
M.H.Crawford, Roman Republican Coin Hoards (London 1969), 555.
71
Crawford (supra n. 70), 129.
72
Crawford (supra n. 70), 260.
73
Crawford (supra n. 52), 3-5 and App. 1.
56
evidence in Etruria though the area has been intensively searched for centuries by
archaeologists and tombaroli. The find of a 10-as gorgon type stater in the Prestino, via
Isonzo excavation, presents problems of chronology74. The stratum in which the coin
was found has been attributed to 5th century B.C. and this led to a very early date for
this type in the archaeological report.
The Castelfranco Emilia ramo secco bar hoard was published along with a list of
other associated bars and aes rude from the Po valley to Sicily, gives us a picture of their
extensive circulation, especially in Etruria75.
74
R. de Marinis, Prestino, via Isonzo, in: Como fra Etruschi e Celti, Societ Archeologica
Comense(Como 1986), 113-120.
75
F. Panvini Rosati, Il ripostiglio di Castelfranco Emilia, nuovi elementi, in: Emilia Prero
mana (Modena 1971), 15-26.
57
CATALOGUE
Cesano
note 30
note 19
note 23
note 25
auction Santamaria 1937 (coll. Venturi Ginori)
see
see
see
see
Gamurrini
Garrucci
Sambon
Venturi Ginori
VULCI
Thezli
series,
(Velch-)
3rd cent. -217
Silver
10 scruples
1
Ol
Gorgon running 1., holding a serpent in each hand. Border of dots.
RI
S Archaic cart-wheel with long crossbar supported by two struts.

Border of dots.
9.81
10.99
9.25
2*
3
O
R
1*
O
R
Same die as no.

Similar to no. 1
11.13
2
3
Leiden (inv. 16)

New York, ANS, SNG 12
Rome, Villa Giulia Garrucci pl. 73,
(found at Vulci)
Similar to no.
Similar to no.
11.30
03
Similar to no.
Similar to no.
2*
11.62
11.50
31
Cesano
London BMC p. 12,

(found at Vulci)
1*
58
e*
Garrucci pl. 73, 29
Sambon
11
but no legend
Paris, de Luynes 8
(found at Vulci)
Garrucci pl. 73, 30
Sambon pl.
Gulbenkian
Private coll.
(Hess purchase 1953)
Exhibition Antikenmuseum Basel
1, 12
O4
R5
Similar to no.
Similar to no.
1*
11.36
O
R
5
5
1*
Cesano 6
Naples, Museo Nazionale (Fiorelli coll.)

ner pl. 1,6
Gard
Head and shoulders of cow r., nearly facing. Linear border.
Sea-monster r. with head of horse, fins and tail offish.
O6
9.39
London, BMC p. 397, 1 Garrucci pl. 73, 33 Sambon 14

(purchased in Civitavecchia in 1861, it passed from the
Sambon to the Wigan coll. and finally to the British Museum
in 1872)
5 scruples
7
O6
R7
Sphinx seated r. Linear border.

OB X 1 Young male head 1., nearly facing; above and below, serpents.
Border of dots.
1*
5.35
O6
R8
Same die as no.

Similar to no. 7
1*
2*
5.31
5.25
O 7
R9
Similar to no.
Similar to no.
1*
5.23
Paris, de Luynes 9
Garrucci pl. 73, 32
Sambon 13
Berlin (inv. 956/1904)

Florence, Museo Arch.
Cesano 24
7
7
but no legend
Private coll. (found at Vulci)
This series can be attributed to Vulci on find evidence. The weight standard of this
issue is based on pieces of about 11.3 g (10 scruples) and halves. Thezle (or Thezli)
may be the combination of the Etruscan name Theforie and Zilat, rendered in Latin as
Tiberius praetor76.
An exemple of type
(fourr, 11.45 g) was reported by Eckhel (D.n.v.I, 269)

the Gotha collection and to have been found on Malta.
76
Supra (n. 36), 467 and 875. See also G. and L. Bonfante, Lingua
(Rome 1985), 188.
as
in
cultura degli Etruschi
59
VOLSINII
(Velsu, Velsna, Velzna)
Gold, 3rd cent.
20
-217
asses
10
O 8 Young male head 1., wearing myrtle wreath; on either side of neck, X.
R 10 lf1rirtC>l44 Bull walking 1; above, dove flying 1. with wreath in beak; in
field 1., star of eight rays.
4.67
1*
London, BMC p. 11,
(Pembroke)
Garrucci pl. 71,
13
Sambon 9
asses
11
09
R
11
1*
12
O
R
Female head r., wearing diadem, earring and necklace; below, A. Border
of dots.
V2>ll Dog prancing r.; above, A. Border of dots.
1.15
10
12
New York, ANS, SNG
Similar to no.
Similar to no.
1*
1.15
2*
1.13
11
Garrucci pl. 125,
14
Strozzi 539
11
11
Gotha Eckhel p. 16 (Bracciano Museum and Queen Chris

tina coll.) Sestini p. 22 Millingen (supra n. 15) p. 172
Garrucci pl. 71, 12 Sambon pl. 1, 10
Paris, BN 4
The weight standard is based on a gold as of approx. 0.225 g or l/s scruple, possibly
issued in 265/4 at the time of the slave rebellion which was put down by Rome on
behalf of Volsinii.
60
Silver, 3rd cent. -217

1 as
13
Oil
R
1*
13
Head of Athena r., wearing Corinthian helmet bound with laurel

wreath.
A f1JJ(l)Lion crouching 1., spear in mouth; below, I.
2.78
Present location unknown. Haeberlin, ZfN 26, 1908, 231 and

pl. 1,3 Giesecke (supra n. 31), pl. 21, 10.
As the coin is not available the recorded weight could not be checked. This unique
piece probably represents a silver as on a two scruple standard of about 2,25 g.
POPULONIA (Pupluna)
Silver, Animals and monsters series, 3rd cent. -217
15 scruples
14
Obv. Boar advancing r. on rocky ground. Border of dots.

Rev. Plain.
1*
16.35
London, BM
Hess-Leu 1958, 5 Mnzhandlung Basel 4,

Cesano 4
New York, ANS, SNG 14 Strozzi 541
1935, 136
15
Obv. and Rev. Similar to no. 14

1*
16
Cesano
16.15
Paris, BN
Sambon 19

1
2*
18
16.67

1*
17
16.12
15.75
15.95
New York, ANS, SNG 15 Venturi Ginori 17

Vatican, Medagliere della Biblioteca Garrucci pl. 71,
Obv. Lion crouching

Rev. Plain.
1*
16.67
1.,
17
tail ending in serpent's head. Border of dots.
London, BMC p. 7,
Garrucci pl. 71,
15
Sambon pl. 1,
18
61
19
20
Obv. and Rev. Similar to no.

1*
16.38
16.57
18
Florence, Museo Arch. (Mazzolini coll. 166, found at Populo

nia) Garrucci pl. 71, 16 Cesano 1
Paris, BN 5

1*
16.33
Berlin, pl. 1,8 (Fox coll.)
10 scruples
21
Obv. Lion-monster 1. with head and forepaws of lion and coiled fish-like body
with a fin, terminating in serpent's head. Border of dots.
Rev. Plain.
1*
2
22
Hess-Leu 1956, 2 Jameson 1849

Cesano 2
Museo
Nazionale
Rome,
10.62
New York, ANS, SNG

1*
24
London, BM

1*
23
10.87
9.97
10.62
Gotha
Obv. Similar to no.

Rev. Plain.
1*
11.00
21
Strozzi 540
13
21
Sambonl5
but type to r.
Florence, Museo Arch. (Mazzolini coll.)

(found at Populonia)
Sambon 16
5 scruples
25
Obv. Head of lion

Rev. Plain.
1*
2
26
with raised mane and open jaws. Border of dots.
Glendining, 13 Dec. 1963,

Rome, Museo Nazionale
Hess-Leu 1959, 4

1*
62
3.66
5.48
1.
3.40
Private coll.
27
Obv. and Rev.

1
3.87
2*
3.85
Similar to no.
25

17= Cesano 3 (found at Populonia)
Florence, Museo Arch. (inv. 5531)
Sambon,
This series like the one of Vulci is based on the scruple standard and is characterised
by plain reverses. It is attributable to Populonia on find evidence. Since coinage was
not in general circulation in Etruria these issues must have served a specific local
purpose.
Silver, Bearded male head series, 3rd cent.
-217
asses
28
Obv. Bearded and laureate head r.; behind, A

Rev. Plain.
1*
29
10.54
Berlin 20 (Lbbecke)
Obv. Similar to no. 28 but head

Rev. Plain.
1*
2
31
Paris, BN 30 RN 1859, pl. 15,

19 Sambon 99
Garrucci pl. 72,

1*
30
11.37
11.37
11.27
11.14
London, BMC
1.
Sotheby 1896 (Bunbury), 18 (part)
Linear border.
Milan, Castello Sforzesco (inv. 7385, overstruck)

Paris, BN 31
Obv. Similar to no. 30. Border of dots.

1
11.24
London, BMC
Sambon 100
The weight standard is based on a silver 5 as piece of about 11.3 g (10 scruples) giving
a silver as of about 2.25 g (2 scruples) equivalent to a librai bronze as.
Silver, Young male head series, 3rd cent. -217
asses
32
Obv. Young male head r., wearing laurel wreath; behind, A Border of dots.
Rev. Plain.
1*
10.42
London, BMC
4
63
33

1*
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
0
11.25
10.78
10.83
11.13
11.13
11.12
10.79
10.84
10.81
11.13
Auctiones 10, 1979, 43 Leu 20, 1978, 2

Berlin (inv. 32/1907, Krupp gift)
Florence, Museo Arch. Strozzi 623
Leu 7, 1973, 12
London, Lloyd, SNG 22
Naville 6, 1924 (Bernent), 24 Egger 40, 1912 (Prowe), 36
Niggeler 1, 1965, 11 =Jameson 20 Hirsch 21, 1908 (Consul
Weber), 175
Numismatic Fine Arts 4, 1977, 5
Sambon 1903 (Maddalena), 45 Sambon 100
Schweiz. Bankverein Zrich 2, 1977, 3 Sotheby, May 1974,
276
11*
34
Sternberg 15, 1985, 77
Obv. and Rev. Similar to no. 32 but with locks of hair next to ear
1
2
3
5*
6
35
11.11
11.10
11.43
11.02
11.11
10.75
11.29
Glendining, April 1955 (Nobleman),
Hess-Leu 49, 1971, 10

Oxford, Ashmolean, SNG 12
Private coll. Exhibition Antikenmuseum Basel
Obv. Similar to no. 32

Rev. X
within two circles. Overstruck on
type, as nos. 28-30
1*
2*
10.81
11.25
of the beared male head
25
Sambon 102
of about 2.25 g
(2 scruples) which in the

10 semilibral asses in 217 B.C.
as
Silver, Octopus/Amphora series,
36
5 asses
Milan (inv. 7386) Garrucci pl. 72,

Vatican (also with X in rev. field)
The weight standard is based on a silver

case of no. 35 may have been revalued to
20
72
c.
217-215
asses
Obv. Octopus emerging from amphora on stand in the shape of an octopus

apron; below, X X* Linear border.
Rev. Plain.
3*
4
64
22.39
22.68
21.41
21.95
Gulbenkian 1 Jameson 21 Strozzi 542 (found at Pisa)

London, BM Sambon 20
New York, ANS, SNG 16 Garrucci pl. 71, 18
Private coll. Exhibition Antikenmuseum Basel 4
10
asses
37
Obv. Octopus emerging from amphora; below, X Linear border.

Rev. Plain.
1
2
3
4*
5
10.14
10.50
11.69
10.02
9.71
7*
11.50
Hess-Leu 1957,
Jameson 22
London, Lloyd, SNG 19 Hirsch 33, 1913, 12
MM AG 52, 1975, 2
Private coll. Exhibition Antikenmuseum Basel 5
Private coll. Sotheby, May 1983, 3
Sotheby, May 1983, 2
Volterra, Museo Arch. Carelli pl. 7, 10 Sambon 21
3
asses
38
Obv. Amphora; to 1., A Linearborder.

Rev. Plain.
1*
2*
4.85
5.48
Jameson 23
Private coll.
The weight standard is based on a silver as of 1 scruple of about 1.13 g, corresponding

to a bronze semilibral as of theoretically about 162 g.
Silver, Octopus series,
c. 217-215
2 scruples
39
Obv. Octopus. Linear border.

Rev. Plain.
1
1.94
New York, ANS, SNG
19
Venturi Ginori
11
Sambon 28
1 scruple
40
Obv. Octopus. Linear border.

Rev. Plain.
1
0.91
0.75
0.97
1.03
1.10
1.13
0.71
4*
5*
6
7

Hess, Lucerne, 1936, 238
London, Lloyd, SNG 21 Ratto 1925,5 (bronze core)
Ratto 1934,
18
65
41

1*
2
42
0.92
0.77

1
1.10
2*
3*
0.81
1.04
43
1.15
MM AG
52, 1975, 4

1*
45
Berlin (inv. 829/1899 9)

London, BM Strozzi 547
Ratto, listino 1933, 181
Venturi Ginori 12

1*
44
Campana coll.
Tempestini coll.
0.97
de Nanteuil 29
Obv. Octopus within linear circle. Border of dots.

Rev. Plain.
1*
0.70
Sambon 29
This series may represent the smaller denominations of the octopus/amphora series;
the weight standard seems to be the scruple of about 1.13 g, corresponding to a silver
as equivalent of the semilibral bronze as.
Gold, Lion's head series, c.
50
46
211-200
asses
Obv. Head of lion r. with open jaws and protruding tongue; below, 'K Border
of dots.
Rev. Plain.
1
2.72
2.79
Ars Classica 16, 1933,

Ars Classica 17, 1934,
Florence, Mus. Arch.
2.83
2.80
Hess-Leu 1954, 19
4 Sambon 1 Gamurrini 1
Hess-Leu 1957, 9
Hess-Leu 1958, 3
Hess-Leu 36, 1968, 5
4
5
6
7
66
2.80
2.73
2.83
4
4
Strozzi 526
Garrucci
10
11
12
13
14
15*
16
25
47
2.91
2.87
2.82
2.78
2.81
2.79
2.80
2.81
Hess-Leu 45, 1970, 2

Leu 33, 1983, 188 Hess-Leu 31, 1966, 10
Leu 36, 1985, 11 Hess-Leu 49, 1971, 7
Leu 45, 1988, 6 Hess-Leu 28, 1965, 3
London, Lloyd, SNG 9 (Campiglia hoard)
New York, ANS, SNG 1 (Campiglia hoard)
Private coll. Exhibition Antikenmuseum Basel
Rome, Museo Nazionale
asses
Obv. and Rev. Similar to no. 46 but behind head + +

1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24*
25
26
27
28
29
30
1.56
1.39
1.41
1.38
1.60
1.60
1.36
1.39
1.43
1.41
1.37
1.49
1.43
1.43
1.40
1.45
1.38
1.45
1.38
1.41
1.40
1.61
1.49
1.39
1.43
1.40
1.59
1.38
1.38
1.40
Ars Classica 16, 1933, 5

Berlin (inv. 24/1907)
Canessa-de Nicola, listino 1948, 1
Copenhagen, SNG 36
Dewing coll. 72
Florence, Museo Nazionale Gamurrini
Lucca in 1867)
Florence, Museo Nazionale
Glendining, Aprii 1955 (Nobleman), 3
(purchased in
Hess 253, 1983, 1

Hess-Leu 1957, 10
Hess-Leu 1959, 2
Hess-Leu 1963, 9
Hess-Leu 28, 1965, 4
Hess-Leu 31, 1966, 11
Hirsch 16, 1958, 26
Jameson 17
Leu 13, 1975, 5
Leu 20, 1978, 1
Leu 36, 1985, 12
Lockett, SNG 42 Ars Classica 17, 1934, 9

Milan (inv. 1706)
MM AG 38, 1968 (Voirol), 3 Mnzhandlung Basel 10,
1938,12
MM AG 41,
MM AG 44,
MM AG 54,
1970, 1
1971, 1
1978, 9
New York, ANS, SNG
Santamaria, listino 1962,

2
(Campiglia hoard)
67
31
32
33
34
35
36
37
38
12 Vi
48
1.43
1.43
1.35
1.43
1.40
1.41
1.36
1.35
Oxford, Evans, SNG 1

Private coli.
Ratto, listino 21, 1939, 65
Santamaria, listino 1966, 183 1964,
Sotheby, June 1979, 1
Strozzi 527 Garrucci 5 Gamurrini
Venturi Ginori 5
asses
Obv. and Rev. Similar to no. 46 but behind head, |l<.

1
0.71
Hess-Leu 31, 1966,
o*
0.69
0.75
0.72
0.60
0.72
London, BM
New York, ANS, SNG 3 (Campiglia hoard)
Paris, BN 1
Private coli.
Strozzi 528 Garrucci 6 Sambon 3 Gamurrini
(purchased in Pisa in 1872)
3
4
5
12
Gold, Female head series, e. 211-200
50
49
asses
Obv. Female head r.; behind, f*. Linear border.

Rev. Plain.
1*
2
25
50
London, Lloyd, SNG
MM AG 64,
1984,
11
(Campiglia hoard)
asses
Obv. Female head r., wearing neacklace, hair rolled; behind, A XX.
Linear border.
Rev. Plain.
1
1.35
1.31
1.30
1.36
68
2.70
2.83

Cambridge, McClean, 122
Florence, Museo Arch. (Mazzolini coll.) Sambon 5
Gamurrini pl. 3, 5 (Mancini coll., found near Roselle in 1873)
1.40
6*
1.38
1.32
51
Obv. Similar to 50 but type

1*
52
New York, ANS, SNG 7 Strozzi 530 Gemurrini 5

(found near Populonia in 1872)
Private coll.
Strozzi 531 Gamurrini 5 bis (found near Buonconvento)
1.32
Private coll.
Obv. Similar to 50 but before head, < and below, ><

1*
1.43
MM AG 61,
53
1982, 3
Gold, Male head series,
25
?*
c.
211-200
asses
Obv. Youngh male head r. with curly hair and necklace; below, A XX
Linear border.
Rev. Plain.
1
4
5
6
7
1.37
1.41
1.35
1.50
1.41
1.06
1.41
1.36
9
10
11
1.41
12
1.48
13
1.38
1.37
1.23
1.40
1.50
1.34
1.40
1.36
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
1.40
1.39

Cahn 68, 1930, 880
Cahn 68, 1930, 881
Cahn 68, 1930, 883
Canessa 1923 (Caruso), 1
Florence, Museo Arch. (inv. 83090) Sambon 4
Glendining, 13 Dee. 1963, 6
Hess-Leu 1957, 12 Jameson 2378 Venturi Ginori
(Piombino hoard)
Hess-Leu 1958, 4
Hess-Leu 28, 1965,
Hess-Leu 45, 1970,
5
3
Hirsch 34, 1914, 3

Leu 36, 1985, 13
Leu-Numismatic Fine Arts 1984 (Garrett II), 93
Lloyd, SNG 12 (Campiglia hoard)
Lloyd, SNG 15 Naville 6, 1924 (Bernent), 18 (Campiglia
hoard)
Lockett, SNG 43
69
23
24
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32*
33
34
35
36
37
38
54
55
3*
4

Private coli.
Roselle Museum (found locally in 1873)
Venturi Ginori
Venturi Ginori
Gamurrini
1.42
Strozzi 532 (found at Populonia)
0.57
0.54
0.55
0.52
Kricheldorf 7, 1959, 16
0.61
Private coll.

1
3*
4
0.55
0.50
0.57
0.58
Obv. and Rev.

1*
70
de Nanteuil, 28 Hirsch 34, 1914, 4

de Nanteuil 27 Sotheby 1916 (Headlam), 269
New York, ANS, SNG 4 (found near Florence)

1*
58
1971, 2
1978, 11
Obv. Young male head r. with curly hair; below chin, X. Linear border.
Rev. Plain.
2
57
MM AG 44,
MM AG 54,
asses
56

Montenapoleone 8, 1988, 1
MM AG 8, 1949, 692

1
10
1.30
1.28
1.37
1.39
1.37
1.29
1.40
1.38
1.40
1.46
1.34
1.52
1.37
1.26
1.25
1.30
0.52
Canessa 1923 (Caruso), 3

Sotheby 1983 (Brand III),
Strozzi 533
Similar to no. 55
Hess-Leu 1959,
Pozzi 37
59
Obv. Similar to no. 55 but type to

Rev. Plain.
1*
2
3
4
5
60
0.57
0.58
0.52
0.56
0.56
0.50
2
3
0.58
0.57
0.60
0.56
5
6
7
8*
9
2*
3
0.61
0.57
0.61
0.57
Jameson 19
London, BMC p. 6, 29
Private coll.
Strozzi 535
0.70
0.59
0.61
0.58
1*
0.57
0.57
17
(Campiglia hoard)
61
Venturi Ginori
10
61


2
61
London, Lloyd, SNG

1*
65
Venturi Ginori

1*
64

Gamurrini 8 (Strozzi coll.)
Hess-Leu 1963, 10
Kricheldorf 30, 1976, 25
Mnchen, SNG 19
Trinci coll.

1*
63
0.57
0.55
0.61
0.56
Canessa 1923 (Caruso),
Obv. Young male head r. with curly hair; behind neck, X. Linear border.
Rev. Plain.
1
62

Lockett, SNG 44
MM AG 19, 1954, 306
Paris, de Luynes 1 Gamurrini 8 bis
Ratto, listino 1933, 171
Sangiorgi 1907 (Martinetti), 142 (Vetulonia hoard)

1
61
1.
Naville 5, 1923, 104
61
Florence, Museo Arch. (inv. 5526, found at Populonia)
Leu 38, 1986,
71
66
Obv. Similar to
Rev. Plain.
1*
67
0.68
61
but with necklace
Hess-Leu 1960, 25

Budapest, National Museum
1*
Gold, Owl series, c. 211-200
10
68
asses
Obv. Owl with closed wings, standing 1.; behind X. Border of dots.
Rev. Plain.
1*
0.68
London, Lloyd, SNG
18
Gold, Gorgoneion series,
50
69
c.
211-200
asses
Obv. Gorgoneion, hair bound with diadem; below, 1.

Rev. Plain.
1*
70
(Campiglia hoard)
2.73
London, BM
Hess-Leu 1962,
12

Rev. Plain.
1*
2.87
Private coll.
The weight standard is based on a gold as of about 0.056 g and is linked to the Mars/
Eagle gold issue at Rome (Crawford 44/2-4), itself corresponding to the sextantal
bronze as.
72
UNCERTAIN MINT (Vetulonia?)

Silver series,
c.
217-215
asses
Obv. Hippocamp r., surrounded by four dolphins; in field r.,

Linear border.
Rev. Cerberus within linear square.
71
1*
5.36
London, BM
Garrucci pl. 71, 30
The weight standard is based on a silver

ing to a bronze semilibral as.
as
211-200
asses
72
Obv. Hippocamp r.; below, \h (for^). Border of dots.

Rev. Plain.
1*
I2I/2
73
Sambon 22
of one scruple of about 1.13 g, correspond
Gold, Hippocamp series, c.
50
<
2.77
New York, ANS, SNG
10
Strozzi 529
Sambon 8
asses
Obv. Hippocamp
Rev. Plain.
1*
0.75
1.;
below, X IK
Border of dots.
Milani
1912 (Piccione),
187
The weight standard is similar to that of Populonia for the sextantal as period. They were
possibly produced at Vetulonia together with this city's large sextantal bronze issues.
Italo Vecchi
Scheuermattweg 4
3007 Bern
73
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23
Italo Vecchi, The coinage of the Rasna
24
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Italo Vecchi, The coinage of the Rasna
45
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46/15
52
47/24
53/32
48/2
55/3
54
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57/3
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59/1
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50/6
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60/8
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61/2
63
62
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64/1
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67
66
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69
71
70
72
73
Rasna

Sprache

Etruscan Coinage

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The coinage of the Rasna : a study in etruscan

Schweizerische numismatische Rundschau = Revue suisse de

Band (Jahr): 67 (1988)

PDF erstellt am:

Persistenter Link: http://doi.org/10.5169/seals-175117

Ein Dienst der ETH-Bibliothek

THE COINAGE OF THE RASNA

H. Hencken, Tarquinia, Villanovans and early Etruscans, American Society of Prehistoric

Supra (n. 6), 108.

The Early History of Rome, 5.48.

The monetary tradition

Supra (n. 9), 13-77.

Etruscheria'4, attribution and dating

Supra (n. 6), 135.

A term still in use,

Enciclopedia dell'arte antica (Rome 1960), 504 and Cristofani

(supra n. 4), 99-100.

153 ff. (de re

T. Mommsen, Die Geschichte des rmischen Mnzwesens (Berlin 1860), 260-272.

E. Kovacs, Le systme montaire de

l'Etrurie, RIN 24,

Tipi monetali etruschi (Rome 1926).

W. Giesecke, Italia Numismatica (Leipzig 1928), 20-30.

Academy 1932, 211-266.

of the Contributi introduttivi allo studio della moneta

R. Thomsen, Les dvaluations Rome (Rome 1978), 9-30.

of the classical authors51.

of the traditionalists of the Naples Atti of

1985 Parise vigorously argued the cause

E. Peruzzi, Money in Early Rome (Florence 1985).

ser. (0.225 g.)

The scruple standard of the semilibrai

20 ser. (22.5 g.)

period, ca. 217-215

Bronze ai of 144 scruples

ser. (1.13 g.)

period, after 211

2.5 ser. (2.8 g.)

ser. (0.056 g.)

ser. (0.70 g.)

ser. (0.45 g.)

The Hoard Evidence

Per. Num. Sfrag. 1872, 208; ibid, (supra n. 18), 54-57.

Atti Naples, 87-104, esp. 99-101; (supra n. 50), 239-240.

Gamurrini, Per. Num. Sfrag. 1872, 209.

Studi Etruschi 1932, 552 note 1.

Gorgon running 1., holding a serpent in each hand. Border of dots.

S Archaic cart-wheel with long crossbar supported by two struts.

Same die as no.

Leiden (inv. 16)

London BMC p. 12,

Garrucci pl. 73, 29

Garrucci pl. 73, 30

(Hess purchase 1953)

Exhibition Antikenmuseum Basel

Naples, Museo Nazionale (Fiorelli coll.)

Head and shoulders of cow r., nearly facing. Linear border.

Sea-monster r. with head of horse, fins and tail offish.

London, BMC p. 397, 1 Garrucci pl. 73, 33 Sambon 14

Sphinx seated r. Linear border.

Same die as no.

Garrucci pl. 73, 32

Berlin (inv. 956/1904)