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Emily Whitmore

Sex in the Religion: Sacred prostitutes to


Vestal Virgins

Emily Whitmore

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Emily Whitmore

There are many parallels between the religions of ancient Greece and Rome, the issue of
sexuality being one point of difference. Women were allowed more religious involvement in
Greece; they were allowed to become priestesses and had a large role in ceremonies and other
religious duties. There is some evidence to suggest that sacred prostitution was practiced in
some parts of Greece, mainly in Corinth. Rome took the opposite view, with the Vestal
Virgins being the only priesthood allowed to women. Both the sacred prostitutes and the
Vestal Virgins contributed to their respective aspects of religion in their own ways. Whilst
there are only scraps of evidence that suggest that sacred prostitution held any power over the
people or the gods, the Vestal Virgins on the other hand had immense influence over the
people, society and the gods.

Whether or not sacred prostitution occurred in ancient Greece is a debated subject. Many
historians trying to answer to the question turn to Herodotuss Histories to substantiate their
argument. Herodotus writes that in Babylon, women must go to the temple of Aphrodite with
a bow string around their heads where they will wait until a man throws a silver coin of any
amount into their laps and says I demand thee in the name of the goddess Mylitta1, the
woman cannot refuse and must prostitute herself to this stranger. After this service has been
done in honour of Aphrodite the coin becomes the sacred property of the temple and the
woman shall never again be tempted by any gift to stray from her vows2. It is generally
considered that Aphrodite probably came to Cyprus, near where the Greeks have her being
born from the sea, from the Near East with various sailors and traders, the name Aphrodite is
considered to be the Greek version of Ishtar, Astarte and Mylitta3. Given this connection, the
practice of sacred prostitution may have transferred with her. Herodotus last line on the
subject, and in some parts of Cyprus too there is a custom similar to this4, would appear to
suggest that at Corinth in Cyprus where Aphrodite had a main temple there too this practice
1 Herodotus The history of Herodotus [ebook], trans. G. E. Macaulay, London, 1904, Book 1 line
208.
2 Ibid, line 199-211.
3 Sue Blundell Women in ancient Greece, London, p. 35
4 Herodotus, op.cit., Book 1 line 211.
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was observed. The historian Pompeius Trogus confirms this belief by writing that Cyprians
had a custom to send their virgin daughters to the sea shore to prostitute themselves to gain
dowry money and make their first-fruit offering to Aphrodite5. It has been theorised that
Herodotus documented this most shameful practice to demonstrate the Greeks moral
superiority due to the fact that the Greeks did not participate in this ritual6.

Another source depicting sacred prostitution at Corinth is that of Pindar. Pindars skolion
(fragment 122) leaves no question as to whether prostitutes were given to Aphrodites temple
in Corinth. Kurke, 1996, gives the translation as O mistress of Cyprus here to your grove
Xenophon has led the hundred-limbed herd of grazing women7. Pindars poem is a
commissioned piece to acknowledge Xenophons fulfilment of his vow to dedicate 100
prostitutes to Aphrodites temple in Corinth if he won at the Olympic Games (supposedly an
old Corinthian custom). The main argument here is if Xenophon dedicated 100 girls or 25 as
some historians translate the line as hundred-limbed while others it is hundred bodied.
Pindars skolion begins with Pindar sympathising with the prostitutes, young women and
ends with him turning them into a herd. Pindars turn can be attributed to the want for
male citizens to distance themselves from the special link these women had to the goddess
owing to their sacred status8. The poem also accepts that this practice is a religious one as it is
presided over by Aphrodite Ourania9. It is not known whether Pindar was an aristocrat10, if he
was not then that would also give reason to his sympathy towards the working girls. Pindars

5 Bonnie MacLachlan Sacred prostitution and Aphrodite, Studies in religion/sciences religieuses,


21(2), 1992, p. 154.
6 Bonnie MacLachlan op.cit., 149.
7 Leslie Kurke Pindar and the prostitutes, or reading ancient pornography, Arion, 4, 1996, p. 52.
8 Ibid, p. 62.
9 Bonnie MacLachlan, op.cit., p. 160.
10 Hugh Lloyd-Jones Modern interpretation of Pindar: The second Pythian and seventh Nemean
odes, The journal of Hellenie studies, 93, 1973, p. 112.
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poem is also mentioned in Athenaeus Deipnosophistae11, again asserting the Pindar


upholding his integrity.

Strabo writes And the temple of Aphrodite was so rich that it owned more than a thousand
temple-slaves, courtesans, whom both men and women had dedicated to the goddess.12 Also
in this passage is the line Not for every man is the voyage to Corinth. These lines depict
that not only were there temple prostitutes but that they were also highly expensive to hire,
the wealth garnered from the temple prostitution added to the richness of Corinth. Fees for
services could range from a few obols to 1000 drachmas13. Strabo also writes of a practice by
the Persians where the most illustrious of men consecrate to her their daughters while
maidens; and it is the custom for these first to be prostituted in the temple of the goddess14.
This description echoes an account by Herodotus on the women of Lydia; however the
Lydian girls were not prostituted for a god/goddess but for dowry money. The parallels throw
doubt onto Strabos account, it may have been that what he was told about the afore mention
consecrated maidens held no religious significance. Strabo also writes in the past tense,
owned, was crowded, which suggests that by the time Strabo was writing his
Geographica at the turn of the millennium these practices had already been abolished and his
accounts are second hand. Strabo writes more than a thousand temple-slaves15, but as Beard
and Henderson (1997) discuss, the area around the temple of Aphrodite at Acrocorinth would
not have been large enough to accommodate large quantities of temple-slaves16. If this was
the case then the prostitutes must have been housed in the heart of the city which would
11 Athenaeus, Deipnosphistae (The wise men at dinner) passages 572-574, RELS 388/588
Documents Booklet, doc. 8.1, pp. 102-106.
12 Strabo, Geography 8.6.20, RELS 388/588 Documents Booklet, doc. 8.2, p. 106.
13 Bonnie MacLachlan Women in ancient Greece: A sourcebook, London, 2012, p. 98.
14 Strabo, Geography 11.14.16, RELS 388/588 Documents Booklet, doc. 8.3, p. 106.
15 Strabo, Geography 8.6.20, RELS 388/588 Documents Booklet, doc. 8.2, p. 106.
16 Mary Beard and John Henderson With this body I thee worship: sacred prostitution in antiquity,
Gender and history, 9(3), 1997, p. 196
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reduce the likelihood that they were sacred prostitutes. Budin also argues that Strabos
differing terms throughout his writing with the words pallake, hetaira and hierodulos adds to
the confusion on what terms specifically meant sacred prostitutes17.

Athenaeus writes of the historians Theopompus, Timaeus and the poet Simonides recording
that when the Persians invaded Greece the Corinthian prostitutes took to the temple to pray to
Aphrodite Ourania for the salvation of the Greeks18. This shows the belief that the prostitutes
held a special place in the goddesses esteem. The evidence points to prostitutes as being
patrons of the Aphrodite, goddess of love and beauty, but does not give concrete proof that
these women were sacred prostitutes. There is evidence that prostitutes dedicated to different
gods, for example the courtesan Rhodopis dedicated one tenth of her amassed wealth to the
temple at Delphi in the forms of iron spits19. Figure 1 is an inscription from Delphi that states
Rhod[opis] [dedicat]ed [this], the inscription is on a stone base but no statue has been
recovered, such an item suggests a statue of a god that would have been dedicated by
Rhodopis indicating a wealth above that of the general Greek citizen .

The Ludovisi throne, a block of white marble which has been hollowed out leaving three
sides and a base, depicts Aphrodite rising from the waters being helped by two attendants, the
two side reliefs show opposing ideals. Figure 3 shows a fully clothed, modest woman lighting
incense in reverence to the goddess. In opposition to this is Figure 4, depicting a young naked
girl wearing only a hair cap playing the double pipes whilst sitting on a cushion with her right
leg crossed over her left and her breasts fully exposed. The sensuous curves of her body
which are moulded into the cushion and the exposure of her breasts suggest that this woman
is a prostitute giving thanks to Aphrodite through music. The contrast between the citizen
wife and the prostitute confirm that Aphrodite accepted the patronage of both classes of
17 Stephanie Lynn Budin Pallakai, prostitutes and prophetesses, Classical philology, 98(2), 2003,
pp. 152-153.
18 Athenaeus, op.cit., p. 103.
19 Bonnie MacLachlan Women in ancient Greece: A sourcebook, London, 2012, p. 100; Joel B.
Lidov, Sappho, Herodotus, and the Hetaira, Classical philology, 97(3), 2002, p.210.
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women and supports the theory that prostitutes were dedicated to Aphrodite. It is more
plausible that temples owned brothels in order to increase their wealth. Prostitution in Greece
was regarded as a legitimate business and was taxed accordingly20. Prostitutes also feature
heavily in pornographic art and literature21. As a consequence it is implied that prostitutes
have the same religious standing as an Athenian female citizen. For those working in a temple
run brothel, not only would their prayers and sacrifices be heard like any other, the money
received from their services would also provide benefit to the gods.

There are other instances where prostitution is used for pleasing the gods. The inhabitants of
Locri Epizephyrii in 477/6 vowed to prostitute their virgin daughters at the festival of
Aphrodite if they were given victory over the tyrant of Rhegion, Leophron22. There are also
several accounts of women being shut in a temple at night to be given to a god as a concubine
such as in Lycian Patara to the god Apollo, accounts from Herodotus of the cult Zeus Belbos
in Babylon and in Egypt23. During the Anthestria a woman, usually the magistrates(who was
presiding over the ceremony) wife, was given to the god Dionysos24. Figure 2 depicts a satyr
leading a bride to Dionysos, given the inclusion of vines on the vase we can attribute that
she was prostituted to Dionysos to appease him and also as a fertility ritual to ensure the
vines will continue to grow for the next crop. These giving of women can be seen as a form
of sacred prostitution in this way the god is appeased and the rites observed allowing the god
to fulfil their duties. Not only does the evidence point to the act of sacred prostitution having
occurred in Greece, but it also shows that prostitutes and prostitution did play a role in the
Greek religion.
20 Bonnie MacLachlan Women in Ancient Greece: A sourcebook, London, 2001, p. 98.
21 Amy Richlin (ed.) Pornography and representation in Greece and Rome, New York,

Oxford University Press, 1992.


22 Sourvinou-Inwood, Christiane The votum of 477/6 B.C. and the foundation legend of

Locri Epizephyrii, The classical quarterly, 24(2), 1974, pp. 186-198.


23 Kurt Latte The coming of the Pythia, The Harvard theological review, 33(1), 1940, p.

13.
24 Walter Burkert Greek religion, Maldon MA, 1987, p. 239.
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There is little evidence to suggest that sacred prostitution occurred in Rome. There is one
passage in Ovids Fasti that discussed the cult of Venus Erycina25. Here there are the lines
Girls of the street, worship the power of Venus Erycina; Venus helps business for licenced
working girls26. Whilst vague, these lines would indicate that like Aphrodite Ourania, Venus
Erycina provided protection and special treatment for the working girls in Vinalia.

In Rome the only priesthood open to women was that of the Vestal Virgins. Other women
could have religious duties but only in the role as wives to priests. There is some debate about
the beginnings of the Vestal Virgins, most argue that the priesthood was established by King
Numa in Alba as is told by many ancient historians27. What cannot be ascertained is whether
the Vestals are representations of his wives or his daughters28. The Vestal Virgins were six in
number29; however Dionysius of Halicarnassus states that there were originally four in
number Later their number was increased to six30. The significance of this number is
unknown but Dionysius of Halicarnassus reports that the number was increased due to the
number of sacred duties which they had to perform. The Vestals were installed in the Atrium
Vestae (next to the Temple of Vesta). Figure 5 shows the unusual nature of this temple in that
it was round. Most Roman temples are square in nature to align with various aspects of the
25 Ovid, Festi Book IV, RELS 388/588 Documents Booklet, doc. 18.2, p. 192.
26 Ovid, op.cit., p. 192.
27 Plutarch, Life of Numa Pompilius 10.1-7, RELS 388/588 Documents Booklet, doc. 27.1, p. 289;
Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman antiquities 2.67, RELS 388/588 Documents Booklet, doc. 27.4, p.
292.
28 Mary Beard, The sexual status of Vestal Virgins, The journal of Roman studies, 70, 1980, p. 13;
J. P. V. D. Baldson, Holy women, religious women and divine women, In Roman women: Their
history and their habits, London, p. 235; Holt N. Parker, Why were the Vestals virgins? Or the
chastity of women and the safety of the Roman state, American journal of philology, 125(4), 2004,
p.565.
29 Plutarch, op.cit, p. 289.
30 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, p. 292.

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gods; the Aedes Vesta however being round has caused some debate over if it was such
because it symbolised Rome itself or because it pointed to its origins as a navel and centre of
the earth31. The Atrium Vestae housed the Vestals, the Aedes Vesae housed entrusted wills
such as those of senators, state treasures or cult objects and, most importantly, the sacred
flame. This flame was tied inextricably with the Vestals virginity.

The virginity of the Vestals, like that of the sacred prostitutes with Aphrodite, was tied to their
worship of Vesta. Vestals were required to remain virgins throughout their service as a Vestal,
a term being 30 years with the ability to continue until death. The fire within the temple of
Vesta was an indicator of Vestal purity, if the fire suddenly extinguished it was thought that a
Vestal had broken their vow of chastity. Vestas fire and the virginity of the Vestals were
linked to the wellbeing of Rome32. Vestal Virgins took part in many religious festivals in
Rome such as the Vestalia and the festival of Bona Dea. It was however the suspected
breaking of the vow of chastity that provided Rome with the greatest use for the Vestals.

There were at least eleven cases of Vestal Virgins being accused of being unchaste or crimen
incestum. Whilst the religious stance to this was that if a Vestal lost her virginity she would
anger Vesta which would cause the loss of her protection and cause the potential destruction
of Rome, many historians however argue that there was also a State reason for the charges33.
These historians remark that at the times recorded for many of these trials there was an
upheaval in the Roman social structure and that the trial and death of a Vestal that had links to
the group of people causing the upheaval served as a warning. Parker in his 2004 article
suggests that the Vestal put to death was seen as a sacrifice, neither innocent nor guilty as to
attract no retribution and as a sacred person the Vestal held more power with the gods34.
There are two accounts of the punishment of a Vestals infidelity that are written to suggest
31 Norma Lorre Goodrich, The Vestal Virgins, In Priestesses, New York, 1989, p. 274.
32 Ariadne Staples, From good goddess to Vestal Virgins: Sex and category in Roman Religion, Hoboken,
2002, p. 135; Mary Beard, John North and Simon Price, Religions of Rome: Volume I: A history, Cambridge,
2012, p. 52.

33 Robin Lorsch Wildfang, Romes Vestal Virgins, Hoboken, 2006, pp. 79 87; Ariadne Staples,
op.cit., pp. 135-136; Holt N. Parker, op.cit., pp. 575-578.
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that they are contemporary with the act; these are Plutarch (Life of Numa Pompilius 10.1-7)
and The Younger Pliny (Letters IV.11). Plutarch does not state which Vestal is being buried,
whilst Pliny the Younger states that it is Cornelia being buried, both relay similar details.
When the Vestal is found guilty she is bound to a litter and carried through the Forum similar
to a funerary procession and carried to earthworks near the Colline gate. There a chamber
would have been made with steps or a ladder going down into it. Inside would have been
placed bread, water, milk, oil, a couch and a lit lamp. The Vestal was placed on the steps and
made to descend into the chamber. Whilst she is descending the high priest turns his back,
raises his arms to the sky and conducts a prayer. The stairs are removed and the entrance to
the chamber is filled in35. Thus the Vestals entombment provides one of the greatest
sacrifices to the gods especially Vesta herself. Some Vestals were able to prove their
innocence through acts of Vesta. Dionysius of Halicarnassus reports two such occurrences,
firstly the Vestal Aemeilia after the sacred flame had been extinguished cried out to Vesta
then tore off part of her garment and threw it on the fire where at once there came a great
flame, the second was the Vestal Tuccia who brought water to the Forum from the river Tiber
in a sieve without spilling a drop36. From this it can be seen that the Vestals were held in high
regard in terms of the goddess Vesta.

As it can be seen the sexuality of women in terms of religion varied vastly from Greece to
Rome. Strabos depiction of Corinth37, Pindars skolion38, Athenaeus Deipnosophistae39, and

34 Holt N. Parker, op.cit., pp. 575-582.


35 Plutarch, op.cit., pp. 289-290; The Younger Pliny, Letters IV.11, RELS 388/588 Documents
Booklet, doc. 27.8, p. 295.
36 Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman antiquities 2.68-69,
http://penelope.uchicago.edu/Thayer/E/Roman/Texts/Dionysius_of_Halicarnassus/2C*.html accessed
18 May 2013.
37 Strabo, op.cit., p. 106.
38 Leslie Kurke, op.cit., p. 52.
39 Athenaeus, op.cit., p. 103.
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festivals such as the Anthestria40 as well as dedications such as Rhodopis41 all demonstrate
the Greeks acceptance of prostitutes and prostitution in their religious ceremonies.
Prostitution was not given the same acceptance in Rome, indeed there is virtually no evidence
of prostitutes or prostitution allowed to participate in Roman religion, our main source being
that of Venus Erycina 42. In Rome the belief was that to connect with Vesta and represent the
State as a whole the priestesses must be virgins and not only pure of body but also free from
familiar ties43. Beard (1980) suggests that the Vestals were not only regarded as female but
that they also represented the virgin, the matron and the male44. Both the sacred prostitutes
and the Vestals used their sexuality in order to worship and provide dedication to their
goddess.

How the sacred prostitutes and the Vestal Virgins worshiped their respective goddess also
differed. The Vestals being priestesses had certain duties to Vesta. They were charged with
keeping the hearth fire alight, cleaning and purifying the temple as well as other functions
within religious festivals. Figure 6 depicts a Vestal tending to a flame, the inclusion of the
flame is significant as it confirms the importance of the hearth fire in the Vestals sacred duties
and as part of her worship. Sacred prostitutes however had no duties and were not priestesses,
their form of worship came as an individual albeit an individual special to Aphrodite.
Prostitutes worship came as prayers as demonstrated by the Persian invasion of Greece45 and
through their temple dedications. Though the methods of worship were different, for both sets
of women worshiping their goddess was an important part of their lives.

40 Walter Burkert, op.cit., p. 239.


41 See Figure 1.
42 Ovid, op.cit., p. 192.
43 Robin Lorsch Wildfang, op.cit., pp. 52-55; Ariadne Staples, op.cit., p. 138.
44 Mary Beard, The sexual status of Vestal Virgins, The journal of Roman studies, 70, 1980, pp. 1227.
45 Athenaeus, op.cit., p. 103.
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Both groups of women worshiped their goddesses and were favoured by them but the way
these women presented themselves could not have been more different. Figures 6 and 7
depict a Vestal. The statues show the Vestal wearing a matrons stola, her hair would have
been done in the sex crines, a style worn by women as a bride. The Vestals dress was chaste
and modest. As is seen in Figure 4, prostitutes wore very little clothing and there is nothing to
suggest that when worshiping Aphrodite that they were expected to wear more. Whilst the
Vestals and the prostitutes dress were opposites both would have believed that their worship
and dedications would have been heard by their goddess.

Women in Greece had more freedom than those in Rome particularly when it came to
religion. In Greece there were priestesses of goddesses and some gods, notably of Apollo at
Delphi46, whether a free woman or slave they could be initiated in the Eleusinian Mysteries
and, as has been discussed, prostitutes were allowed not only to partake in religious activities
as any other woman would but also to have a sacred place with Aphrodite. Womens lesser
role in Roman religion can be attributed to the different social attitudes, mainly the control
men had over the women. Men had complete control over women in Rome; this is especially
highlighted in marriage where the woman had no say in the matter47. Given the male
dominance in Rome, Vestals were released from male tutelage and given more control over
their lives. This brings the Vestals closer in line with the freedoms of Greek women, a
poignant point in their abilities to be a priestess and for their dedication to Vesta.

The goddesses worshiped by the Vestals and the sacred prostitutes were quite different. Vesta
was the virgin goddess in Rome of the hearth, home and family. Figure 8 depicts Vesta with
her sacred ass; she is depicted similarly to that of the Vestals, modestly and demure.
Aphrodite was the goddess of love and beauty and certainly was not a virgin. Aphrodite is
usually depicted in a state of undress, Figure 9 shows Aphrodite with only a cloth around the
lower half of her body leaving her breasts bare. Again this is similar to the outfits worn by
sacred prostitutes.
46 Sue Blundell, op.cit., p. 160.
47 Susan Treggiari, Consent to Roman marriage: some aspects of law and reality, Echos du monde
classique = classical views, 26, 1982, pp. 34-44.
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But the goddess worshiped by the sacred prostitutes and the Vestals were not completely
different. Vesta was the patron goddess of Rome and placating her through the dedication to
the sacred flame and other religious rites contributed to the wellbeing of Rome48. The Vestals
were devoted to her for the protection of Rome, the breaking of their vows often being
attributed to the cause of Romes failings in military campaigns or plagues49. Sacred
prostitutes were mainly in Corinth whose patron goddess was Aphrodite Ourania, who was
said to have been depicted in armour, though no depictions have survived. It is not hard to
envisage that Aphrodite on Corinth would have taken a battle-ready role due to the influences
of Near Eastern Cultures, Aphrodites counterparts often being depicted in armour or armed;
Figure 10 is a depiction of Aphrodite that clearly has Near Eastern aspects to it. Aphrodite
Ourania as a protector is also substantiated by the act of the women of Corinth praying to her
to save the Greeks from the Persians50. Both Vesta and Aphrodite Ourania provided the
function of protector of their realms.

It may never be fully understood as to why sacred prostitution was an integrated part of
Greek religion and why women were all but excluded from offices in Roman religion. Sacred
prostitution did exist in Corinth and possibly other parts of Greece, their power limited but
none the less important. Vestal Virgins were the only priestess in Rome but were given more
rights than other Roman women. Both groups of women played an important role in the
worship of their respective goddesses which provided both Corinth and Rome with
protection, from external dangers and internal. The sexual portrayal of these women, one a
pure untouched virgin, the other highly sexually charged, was utilised in a way that best
benefitted the goddess they were serving in order to ensure that the goddess provided for the
city.

48 Robin Lorsch Wildfang, op.cit., pp. 79 87; Ariadne Staples, op.cit., pp. 135-136; Holt N. Parker,
op.cit., pp. 575-578.
49 Robin Lorsch Wildfang, op.cit., pp. 84-85.
50 Athenaeus, op.cit., p. 103.
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Figures

Figure 1

Rhod[opis] [dedicat]ed [this]. Delphi Museum no.7512. Lilian Hamilton Jeffrey, The local scripts of archaic
Greece : a study of the origin of the Greek alphabet and its development from the eighth to the fifth centuries
B.C., Oxford, 1961, p. 445.

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Figure 2 A satyr leads a woman to the bed of Dionysos, Robert Horne, Athenian festivals.

Figure 3 A side relief of the Ludovisi Throne showing a citizen wife fully clothed and demure offering incense
to Aphrodite, RELS 388/588 Iconographies Booklet, icon. 63, p. 37.

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Figure 4 A side relief of the Ludovisi Throne showing a young naked girl sitting on a cushion playing the double
pipes (aulos) her right leg is crossed over the left at the knee and her breasts are exposed to view, RELS 388/588
Iconographies Booklet, icon. 62, p. 37.

Figure 5 Aedes Vestae (Temple of Vesta) in Rome (restored). RELS 388/588 Iconographies Booklet, icon. 153,
p. 83.

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Figure 6 A Vestal Virgin tending a flame, RELS 388/588 Iconographies Booklet, icon. 165, p. 88.

Figure 7 A Vestal Virgin, RELS 388/588 Iconographies Booklet, icon. 164, p. 88.

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Figure 8 Vesta enthroned on a marble base with an ass, her sacred animal, from the time of Claudius, ImperiumRomanum.com: Vesta.

Figure 9 Aphrodite of Capua, National Archeological Museum, Naples, Pierre Devambes, Great sculpture of
ancient Greece, New York, 1978, p. 156.

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Figure 10 Statue of Aphrodite holding winged Eros, late 4th century B.C.; Hellenistic Cypriot; said to be from
the temple at Golgoi, The Cesnola collection, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Statue of Aphrodite holding
winged Eros.

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Lloyd-Jones, Hugh Modern interpretation of Pindar: The second Pythian and seventh
Nemean odes, The journal of Hellenie studies, 93, 1973.

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MacLauchlan, Bonnie Sacred prostitution and Aphrodite, Studies in religion/sciences


religieuses, 21(2), 1992, pp. 145-162.

MacLauchlan, Bonnie Women in ancient Greece: A sourcebook, London, Continuum


International Publishing, 2012.

McGinn, Thomas A. J. Concubinage and the Lex Iulia on adultery, Transactions of the
American philological association, 121, 1991, pp. 335-375.

Metropolitan Museum of Art, The, Statue of Aphrodite holding winged Eros, 2013,
http://www.metmuseum.org/toah/works-of-art/74.51.2464 accessed 19 May 2013.

Miner, Jess Courtesan, concubine, whore: Apollodourus deliberate use of the terms for
prostitute, The American journal of philology, 124(1), 2003, pp. 19-37.

Parker, Holt N. Why were the Vestals virgins? Or the chastity of women and the safety of the
Roman state, American journal of philology, 125(4), 2004, pp. 563-601.

Pembroke, Simon Geoffrey Prostitution, sacred in Simon Hornblower, Anthony Spawforth


and Esther Eidinow (eds), The Oxford classical dictionary [online], 4th ed., accessed
28 April 2013.

Powell, Anton Athens and Sparta: Constructing Greek political and social history from 478
BC, London, Routledge, 2002.

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Richlin, Amy (ed.) Pornography and representation in Greece and Rome, New York, Oxford
University Press, 1992.

Salmon, J. B. Wealthy Corinth: A history of the city to 338 B.C., Oxford, Clarendon Press,
1984.

Sourvinou-Inwood, Christiane The votum of 477/6 B.C. and the foundation legend of Locri
Epizephyrii, The classical quarterly, 24(2), 1974, pp. 186-198.

Staples, Ariadne From good goddess to Vestal Virgins: Sex and category in Roman religion,
Hoboken, Taylor and Francis, 2002.

Treggiari, Susan Consent to Roman marriage: some aspects of law and reality, Echos du
monde classique = classical views, 26, 1982, pp. 34-44.

Wildfang, Robin Lorsch Romes Vestal Virgins, Hoboken, Taylor and Francis, 2006.

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Emily Whitmore

Essay2Stylechecklist:2000(RELS388)or3500word(RELS588)essay
Students are to fill in this checklist and attach it to their assignment (cut &
paste etc). Essays without this checklist will be returned without being marked.
My essay (tick as appropriate):
Has taken into consideration the comments of the marker of Essay 1.
Has discussed several relevant ancient sources from the Documents and Iconographies
Booklets.

Essays that do not use the Documents Booklet and the Iconographies Booklet will not
receive any marks.
Has answered the set question.
Has an introductory paragraph of 6-7 sentences introducing the topic and outlining the
main lines
of argument and some key issues/points. It does not use phrases such as In this
essay I will discuss, Firstly, I will discuss; secondly I will discuss.
Is written in plain, formal English, with grammatically correct sentences.
Does not use the personal pronouns, I, we, and is not written in a conversational style.
Includes a bibliography of at least twelve items from the specific essay bibliography, and
referred to in
the essay references/footnotes.
For a RELS 388 2000 word essay has at least 30-40 Harvard style references or footnotes;
for a RELS 588 2500 word essay has 40-50 Harvard style references or footnotes.
Has taken at least forty (40) hours to complete.

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Emily Whitmore
Is written in clearly defined paragraphs, each with a specific theme.
Is provided with a cover page which clearly sets out unit name and code, my name, my
student number, my UNE email address, my coordinators name, the title of my
essay, and word count.
Has a signed plagiarism form attached if applicable.
Is typed on one side only of A4 sized paper, or if not typed, the writing is easily legible.
Makes correct use of the English language possessive apostrophe.
Is a minimum of 1.5 line spaced.
The typeface for the text is the equivalent of 12 point Times and the typeface in the
footnotes is
at least 10 point. Times, not Times equivalent.
Has page numbers on each and every page; and has a left-hand margin of three (3)
centimetres.
Has been footnoted/referenced and set out in accordance with the School of Humanities
Referencing Guidelines available on the School website.
Does not use informal expressions or contracted words (lots, lots of, wouldve, could of,
would of, heaps of, couldnt, didnt, hadnt, etc, for instance).
Is the stipulated and required word length (there is absolutely NO 10% leeway either way
in this unit)

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